Chapter 1 Introduction Evaton is one of the oldest remaining freehold locations in South Africa yet its history is less well-known compared to locations and townships that were established after it. The history of Evaton can be better understood within the broader context of economic and rural transformation that took place from the late nineteenth to the mid- twentieth century. This was a period that witnessed crucial developments that included industrialisation, the growth of urbanisation, the influx of Africans1 who serviced the towns and manufacturing industries, as well as the movement of sharecroppers and labour tenants from white farms. For the Union government, all these historical dynamics created a new problem of control. This crisis was addressed by creating new policies that aimed at controlling African people in urban areas, isolating them by consigning them to urban locations. These locations were designed to be labour reserves that secured a supply of cheap labour for white businesses. In these residential spaces opportunities for personal advancement and financial independence through trade were limited. Local white authorities in many cases denied Africans property rights and tightly monitored the access of Africans people to these locations. Evaton was distinct from most other African settlements. One aspect that made it distinctive was its status as a freehold township. Of course, this status makes it a rarity like the freehold areas of Johannesburg such as Sophiatown and Alexandra. However, the other areas mentioned were really part of the greater Johannesburg urban area. Despite the formal status of both Alexandra and Sophiatown as being outside the municipal boundary, these freehold settlements were labour reserves with a high 1 The labels used to describe indigenous people of South Africa have undergone significant changes in the past years. In recent times, two labels have been used most often to describe indigenous people as ‘black’ and ‘African’ but it is not generally clear what the preferred term is from the perspective of the indigenous themselves. For this study the author will refer to them as Africans. 1 population of wage labourers by the 1930s. Evaton, some miles distant from Johannesburg, was not. Officially some of these freehold localities were labelled as slums. The chief justification for labeling them as such was based on their over- crowdedness, poverty, and a blighted physical appearance. Unlike Evaton, which was sparsely populated, Sophiatown suffered from an ‘insalubrious environment [that] was marked by gutters, uncollected garbage …inadequate filthy lavatories, and stench.’2 What distinguished Evaton from these areas was its economic history, self- sufficiency, demography, and geographical location. ‘Evaton is one of the most orderly places I know of in the Transvaal,’ said Sol Plaatjie, testifying to the Native Economic Commission.3 Physically, the area had big yards which enabled residents to be relatively successful subsistence farmers for the first three decades of its development in the twentieth century. Subsistence farming allowed local residents to refrain from working for white industrialists. Another important aspect that made Evaton stand out was the presence of Wilberforce Institute, the only African controlled school in Transvaal. The main purpose of the Institute was to produce self- reliant citizens. In its motto ‘African advancement,’ Wilberforce stressed the importance of providing students with industrial training as well as academic skills. The school was under the control of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, which African Americans established in the United States and attracted a group of educated Africans to settle in the area. Even after the collapse of subsistence farming, the area provided opportunities for entrepreneurial growth and opportunities for Africans. These opportunities included enterprises such as grave digging and ambulance operations. In the freehold areas of Johannesburg, these services were under the control of the Johannesburg City Council. Because of its relative autonomy and opportunities, Evaton attracted Africans with means to buy properties and set up homes there. These Africans saw Evaton as an area where they could advance their social and economic life in an urban environment. Depending on individual interest, Evaton’s freehold status and autonomy provided room for Africans who aspired to advance themselves in different spheres of life such 2 D. Hart and G. Pirie, ‘The Sight and Soul of Sophiatown,’ Geographical Review, Vol 74, 1984, p. 40 3 Report of Native Economic Commission 1930-1932 UG, 22, Pretoria Government S. Plaatjie’s testimony in the Printers , 1932 2 as religion, the economy and education. The area also provided a refuge to Africans who sought to evade municipal control. Evaton was established in 1905 and is situated thirteen miles from Vereeniging and twenty eight miles from Johannesburg. As a thinly populated semi-agricultural centre in the Vaal, Evaton attracted displaced sharecroppers that were squeezed off the land around the Highveld4 as well as educated Africans mostly from the Reef. There were also a few independent farmers from Natal and some Oorlams families who came from the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek and Orange Free State. Similar social, political, and economic forces caused these groups to move to Evaton. The urban educated group was deprived of the right to land ownership elsewhere where they could build schools and churches. They also suffered under pass laws that restricted their movements. Sharecroppers and a small number of Oorlams were displaced after the Anglo-Boer War, which together with technological developments forced them to seek land where they could continue with their farming enterprises. Independent farmers that enjoyed the privilege of owning land in colonial Natal were attracted by the freehold status of the area and the large stands that were available. For these groups, access to land and the right to landownership contributed to their economic prosperity and educational and spiritual advancement as well as the right to use both physical and social resources. Some liquidated their livestock and assets and invested in entrepreneurial activities. Evaton was therefore salient and central to African economic independence and advancement. Considering their rural entrepreneurial exposure, both former sharecroppers and independent farmers moved to Evaton with the hope of re-establishing themselves as commercial farmers. However, the subdivision of land which reduced their size of land into small agricultural holdings did not allow local residents to farm for commercial gain, but for subsistence purposes. The early phase of local development was characterized by the flourishing of the subsistence economy. During this period, the local economy was based on pre- colonial reciprocity that relied on a strong sense of sharing among local families. Monetary ties were minimal and the local economy was characterized by a range of 4 T. Keegan, ‘Crisis and Catharsis in the Development of Capitalism in South African Agriculture,’ African Affairs, 84, July 1985, p. 372 3 small-scale economic activities along with bartering that was integrated with social interactions. Under this economic system, there was a greater degree of local community participation in all local activities ranging from public works to home building. Evaton was then a small settlement, but its social and economic life was to be disturbed by the development of secondary industries in nearby Vereeniging. The development of secondary industries in the late 1930s and 1940s triggered African employment in manufacturing to grow rapidly. Many workers that were drawn into the labour market were newly urbanised while others came from the farms where they had worked as farm workers. In urban municipalities, access was tightly controlled under the 1923 Urban Areas Act and there was a serious shortage of housing. This made it difficult for many Africans to settle freely in these areas without being subject to regulations. Life in urban municipal areas became difficult for African men and women who were restricted from settling in urban centres which were the only places where employment was available. African people were not permitted to settle without the necessary paperwork. These conditions pushed many African migrant workers to unregulated areas like Evaton which enjoyed freehold status. In Evaton, these workers rented rooms from local stand-holders and turned the locale into their urban home. Economically, this transformation led to the local shift from subsistence farming to an open market monetary economy that depended on the growth of secondary industry. This new economic system gave birth to the emergence of local enterprises. These developments in Evaton happened at the same time as the coming to power of the National Party. They drew the attention of the Nationalist government that implemented new measures of control which impacted negatively on the local autonomy of black people. Study aims The primary aim of this study is to explore the origins and historical evolution of African entrepreneurship in Evaton. In order to understand the rise of entrepreneurship it is necessary to focus first on the origins of Evaton, the life stories of its pioneers as well as the processes and structures which generated local entrepreneurship. The study will discuss the internal and external forces that led to the emergence of local enterprises