Sirmian Martyrs in Exile Pannonian Case-Studies and a Re-Evaluation Of
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1 SIRMIAN MARTYRS IN EXILE 2 PANNONIAN CASE-STUDIES AND A RE-EVALUATION 3 OF THE ST. DEMETRIUS PROBLEM 4 5 PETER TÓTH / BUDAPEST 6 7 The study of the cult of the fourth century martyr, St. Demetrius of 8 Thessalonica, has been a focal point of hagiographical research since the 18th 9 century. It was always the most eminent experts of history and hagiography 10 who dealt with questions of his identity and of the history of his cult, which has 11 had a distinguished role in orthodox Christian religious and cultural tradition, 12 on the one hand, and is closely connected with such historical events like the 13 invasion of the Avars and the Slavs into the Balkans, on the other. Problems of 14 Demetrius cult have been investigated by scholars in academic fields ranging 15 from art history and archaeology to history and philology. The biggest 16 challenge, however, was assigned to scholars of hagiography who were 17 continually expected to provide solution to the puzzling problem of the origin 18 of St. Demetrius and his cult. 19 Therefore, in the course of the last two centuries there have been a lot of 20 different hypotheses put forward to provide suitable solution for this problem: 21 ideas and assumptions based on various art-historical, archaeological and 22 literary observations, or sometimes only on national ideologies or even fantasy. 23 However, there were no attempts made to put the whole problem into the 24 wider context of the Illyrian hagiographic tradition and to make a detailed 25 comparison between the history of St Demetrius cult and the afterlife of other 26 Pannonian and Illyrian martyrs. In the following, then, after a critical analysis 27 of the St Demetrius problem and its proposed solutions, a number of 28 comparative case-studies will be carried out to map the history of other late 29 antique Illyrian martyrs. These presumably will help us to have a better view of 30 the whole problem of the martyrs migration and to provide a fresh solution for 31 the origin and development of St Demetrius cult. 32 33 34 Sirmium or Thessalonica? 35 36 If one would like to condense into one single phrase the whole complexity of 37 the problems concerning the cult of St Demetrius, it would be a “tale of two 38 cities”, Sirmium and Thessalonica, competing for the birthplace of the 39 greatmartyr Demetrius. 40 41 The paper was made by the financial support of the Hungarian Research Fund (OTKA 42 K 75693) and the Magyary Zoltn Fund. DOI 10.1515/BYZS.2010.011 146 Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd. 103/1, 2010: I. Abteilung 1 Originally the situation was quite simple. According to the the earliest 2 version of the martyrs passion,1 the so-called Passio prima after Demetrius 3 death his body was just rapidly buried “with a moud of earth” at the very place 4 he was killed.2 Afterwards, there was a “small structure”3 erected to house the 5 relics. Later, however, because of the “powerful healings and graces that have 6 occurred in this place”,4 Leontios the prefect of Illyricum, founded a 7 “gloriously adorned church” in Thessalonica in his honour. To this information 8 the second recension of the account, the so-called Passio altera considered 9 generally as a later version of the saints history,5 adds that Leontios was 10 afflicted with a mortal illness and he built the church after having been healed 11 by the martyrs intercession, but as a kind of souvenir he brought a little piece 12 of the relics with him to his seat in Sirmium. There he again founded a church 13 in the honour of Demetrius, where he deposited the relics he was given in 14 Thessalonica.6 The series of events, then, is completely clear. Thessalonica, the 15 hometown and burial place of the martyr was the first to have a church 16 dedicated to Demetrius, and then came Sirmium with its smaller and – 17 apparently secondary – church and allegiance to St. Demetrius. 18 The problem became more complicated after the publication of two 19 important early hagiographical sources in 1894, that of the so-called Syriac 20 Breviary and the Martyrologium Hieronymianum. Curiously, these ancient 21 martyrologies, deriving from a Greek Vorlage probably from the second half of 22 1 th 23 The classification of the legends was done by the 18 century Bollandist De Bije, who distinguished three recensions of the passions (see ASS Oct. IV. (1780), 50–52) and his 24 conclusions are ever since accepted. According to his view, the first and presumably 25 earliest version is the so-called Passio prima BHG 496 which was edited by H. Delehaye 26 in his Les lgendes grecques des saints militaires. Paris 1909, 259–263. There exists a 27 ninth-century Latin translation of it by Anastasius Bibliothecarius: BHL 2122. 28 Interestingly this translation was the only source of what was known in the West concerning the martyr and numerous later legends of Demetrius derive of it: e.g. BHL 29 2126 and the legend in the fourteenth-century collection of Petrus de Natalibus (ix, 110), 30 the accounts of the martyrologies, and also the story recorded by the twelfth-century 31 Vincentius Bellovacensis in his Speculum historiale (xii, 149) along with the abbreviated 32 story in the collection of Pierre Calo (cf. A. Poncelet, Le lgendier de Pierre Calo. AB 33 29 (1910), 5–16; 97 and 101). The second recension is the so-called Passio altera (BHG 497 edited in the Acta Sanctorum Octobris IV, Bruxelles, 1780, 90–95), while the third is 34 a later recast by Simeon Metaphrastes (†1000), BHG 498 and edited in ASS Oct. IV 35 (1780), 96–104.). 36 2 Delehaye, Les lgendes (as footnote 1 above), 262: t/rc/r fsom oX|m te Gm 5jquxam. 37 3 Delehaye, ibid. 262: oQj_am 1p· lijqoO p\mu toO sw^lator 4 elehaye 9 _ 1 ` \ Q 38 H. D , ibid.: jt m… mt t|p cemol]mym dum\leym \seym te 5 See e.g. H. Delehaye, Les lgendes (as footnote 1 above), 262, 103–109; P. Lemerle, 39 Les plus anciens recueils des Miracles de Saint Dmtrius, II, Commentaire. Paris 1981, 40 198–203; J. C. Skedros, Saint Demetrios of Thessaloniki: Civic Patron and Divine 41 Protector 4th-7th Centuries. Harrisburg 1999, 60–70. 42 6 ASS Oct. IV (1780) 94E–95A. P. Tth, Sirmian martyrs in exile 147 1 the fourth century,7 do not contain any information concerning St. Demetrius 2 of Thessalonica. Instead, they mention only a certain St. Demetrius of 3 Sirmium,8 who according to the Hieronymian Martyrology was deacon of the 4 Sirmian church.9 5 As the martyrdom of St. Demetrius is to be dated around 30410 and as 6 almost all significant Thessalonican martyrs from around the time of 7 Demetrius are present in the martyrologies, one would expect his name to 8 be present in the martyrologies as well.11 Based on this lack, therefore, some 9 researchers have concluded that the Sirmian and the Thessalonican martyrs are 10 somehow related. 11 12 13 Solutions and Hypotheses 14 15 It was Ernst Lucius who – in light of the martyrologies – first brought attention 16 to the problem of the two St Demetrius martyrs and their possible connection, 17 but he still treated them as two separate martyrs.12 Not much later the famous 18 Jesuit scholar, Hippolyte Delehaye in his book on military saints wrote that in 19 his view, the two martyrs Demetrius are the same. “For” – he concludes in 20 another work – “the inside location of the Thessalonican basilica in the city, the 21 late origins of his cult and the information found in the martyrologies suggest 22 that the saints tomb was originally in Sirmium, and the relic was translated to 23 Thessalonica”.13 “Besides,” – he adds – “there is a kind of abnormal aspect in 24 25 26 7 On the date and importance of these martyrologies, see R. Aigrain, Lhagiographie: Ses 27 sources, ses mthodes, son histoire. Bruxelles 2000, 32–50 and recently K. Schferdiek, 28 Bemerkungen zum “Martyrologium Syriacum”, AnBoll 123 (2005) 5–22. 8 Breviarium Syriacum, Acta Sanctorum Novembris, II/1, Bruxelles 1894, LV. and 29 Martyrologium Hieronymianum, ibid. 41. 30 9 In Syrmia Demetrii diaconi. 31 10 The date in the first line of the Greek Passions, which states that the execution of 32 Demetrius took place “when Maximianus Herculius conquered the Goths and the ¹ b ·: ¼ r 33 Sarmatians” (ASS Oct. IV, 1780, 90E: Laniliam r, ja qjo kior, pot\nar C|hhour, ja· Sauqyl\tar), undoubtedly refers to the military successes of Maximianus in the 34 Balkans in 303 and 304. Compare: Lactantius, De mort. 13.2 (ed. Creed, Oxford 35 Christian Latin Texts. Oxford 1984, 20.). 36 11 Such as the Thessalonican martyrs Agape, Chionia, and Irene (April 2.) or Fronto 37 (March 14.) and other saints whose inclusion was already highlighted by D. Woods, 38 Thessalonicas Patron: Saint Demetrius or Emeterius?, Harvard Theological Review 93 (2000) 221–234, here 222–223. 39 12 E. Lucius, Die Anfnge des Heiligenkults in der christlichen Kirche. Tbingen 1904. 227 40 footnote 3. 41 13 H. Delehaye, Les origines du culte des martyrs. Bruxelles 1912, 263–264: «Lemplace- 42 ment de la basilique de Thessalonique en peine ville, les origines tardives du culte à cet 148 Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd. 103/1, 2010: I. Abteilung 1 the martyrs posthumous glory”.14 According to Delehayes hypothesis, then, 2 the events as related in the Passio altera and tertia happened precisely the 3 opposite way around, for the Thessalonican relics were not taken from there to 4 Sirmium by Leontios, but the relics of the deacon St Demetrius who suffered 5 martyrdom in Sirmium were transported to Thessalonica, and the Thessalo- 6 nican tradition was only established later .