Sirmian Martyrs in Exile Pannonian Case-Studies and a Re-Evaluation Of

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Sirmian Martyrs in Exile Pannonian Case-Studies and a Re-Evaluation Of 1 SIRMIAN MARTYRS IN EXILE 2 PANNONIAN CASE-STUDIES AND A RE-EVALUATION 3 OF THE ST. DEMETRIUS PROBLEM 4 5 PETER TÓTH / BUDAPEST 6 7 The study of the cult of the fourth century martyr, St. Demetrius of 8 Thessalonica, has been a focal point of hagiographical research since the 18th 9 century. It was always the most eminent experts of history and hagiography 10 who dealt with questions of his identity and of the history of his cult, which has 11 had a distinguished role in orthodox Christian religious and cultural tradition, 12 on the one hand, and is closely connected with such historical events like the 13 invasion of the Avars and the Slavs into the Balkans, on the other. Problems of 14 Demetrius cult have been investigated by scholars in academic fields ranging 15 from art history and archaeology to history and philology. The biggest 16 challenge, however, was assigned to scholars of hagiography who were 17 continually expected to provide solution to the puzzling problem of the origin 18 of St. Demetrius and his cult. 19 Therefore, in the course of the last two centuries there have been a lot of 20 different hypotheses put forward to provide suitable solution for this problem: 21 ideas and assumptions based on various art-historical, archaeological and 22 literary observations, or sometimes only on national ideologies or even fantasy. 23 However, there were no attempts made to put the whole problem into the 24 wider context of the Illyrian hagiographic tradition and to make a detailed 25 comparison between the history of St Demetrius cult and the afterlife of other 26 Pannonian and Illyrian martyrs. In the following, then, after a critical analysis 27 of the St Demetrius problem and its proposed solutions, a number of 28 comparative case-studies will be carried out to map the history of other late 29 antique Illyrian martyrs. These presumably will help us to have a better view of 30 the whole problem of the martyrs migration and to provide a fresh solution for 31 the origin and development of St Demetrius cult. 32 33 34 Sirmium or Thessalonica? 35 36 If one would like to condense into one single phrase the whole complexity of 37 the problems concerning the cult of St Demetrius, it would be a “tale of two 38 cities”, Sirmium and Thessalonica, competing for the birthplace of the 39 greatmartyr Demetrius. 40 41 The paper was made by the financial support of the Hungarian Research Fund (OTKA 42 K 75693) and the Magyary Zoltn Fund. DOI 10.1515/BYZS.2010.011 146 Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd. 103/1, 2010: I. Abteilung 1 Originally the situation was quite simple. According to the the earliest 2 version of the martyrs passion,1 the so-called Passio prima after Demetrius 3 death his body was just rapidly buried “with a moud of earth” at the very place 4 he was killed.2 Afterwards, there was a “small structure”3 erected to house the 5 relics. Later, however, because of the “powerful healings and graces that have 6 occurred in this place”,4 Leontios the prefect of Illyricum, founded a 7 “gloriously adorned church” in Thessalonica in his honour. To this information 8 the second recension of the account, the so-called Passio altera considered 9 generally as a later version of the saints history,5 adds that Leontios was 10 afflicted with a mortal illness and he built the church after having been healed 11 by the martyrs intercession, but as a kind of souvenir he brought a little piece 12 of the relics with him to his seat in Sirmium. There he again founded a church 13 in the honour of Demetrius, where he deposited the relics he was given in 14 Thessalonica.6 The series of events, then, is completely clear. Thessalonica, the 15 hometown and burial place of the martyr was the first to have a church 16 dedicated to Demetrius, and then came Sirmium with its smaller and – 17 apparently secondary – church and allegiance to St. Demetrius. 18 The problem became more complicated after the publication of two 19 important early hagiographical sources in 1894, that of the so-called Syriac 20 Breviary and the Martyrologium Hieronymianum. Curiously, these ancient 21 martyrologies, deriving from a Greek Vorlage probably from the second half of 22 1 th 23 The classification of the legends was done by the 18 century Bollandist De Bije, who distinguished three recensions of the passions (see ASS Oct. IV. (1780), 50–52) and his 24 conclusions are ever since accepted. According to his view, the first and presumably 25 earliest version is the so-called Passio prima BHG 496 which was edited by H. Delehaye 26 in his Les lgendes grecques des saints militaires. Paris 1909, 259–263. There exists a 27 ninth-century Latin translation of it by Anastasius Bibliothecarius: BHL 2122. 28 Interestingly this translation was the only source of what was known in the West concerning the martyr and numerous later legends of Demetrius derive of it: e.g. BHL 29 2126 and the legend in the fourteenth-century collection of Petrus de Natalibus (ix, 110), 30 the accounts of the martyrologies, and also the story recorded by the twelfth-century 31 Vincentius Bellovacensis in his Speculum historiale (xii, 149) along with the abbreviated 32 story in the collection of Pierre Calo (cf. A. Poncelet, Le lgendier de Pierre Calo. AB 33 29 (1910), 5–16; 97 and 101). The second recension is the so-called Passio altera (BHG 497 edited in the Acta Sanctorum Octobris IV, Bruxelles, 1780, 90–95), while the third is 34 a later recast by Simeon Metaphrastes (†1000), BHG 498 and edited in ASS Oct. IV 35 (1780), 96–104.). 36 2 Delehaye, Les lgendes (as footnote 1 above), 262: t/rc/r fsom oX|m te Gm 5jquxam. 37 3 Delehaye, ibid. 262: oQj_am 1p· lijqoO p\mu toO sw^lator 4 elehaye 9 _ 1 ` \ Q 38 H. D , ibid.: jt m… mt t|p cemol]mym dum\leym \seym te 5 See e.g. H. Delehaye, Les lgendes (as footnote 1 above), 262, 103–109; P. Lemerle, 39 Les plus anciens recueils des Miracles de Saint Dmtrius, II, Commentaire. Paris 1981, 40 198–203; J. C. Skedros, Saint Demetrios of Thessaloniki: Civic Patron and Divine 41 Protector 4th-7th Centuries. Harrisburg 1999, 60–70. 42 6 ASS Oct. IV (1780) 94E–95A. P. Tth, Sirmian martyrs in exile 147 1 the fourth century,7 do not contain any information concerning St. Demetrius 2 of Thessalonica. Instead, they mention only a certain St. Demetrius of 3 Sirmium,8 who according to the Hieronymian Martyrology was deacon of the 4 Sirmian church.9 5 As the martyrdom of St. Demetrius is to be dated around 30410 and as 6 almost all significant Thessalonican martyrs from around the time of 7 Demetrius are present in the martyrologies, one would expect his name to 8 be present in the martyrologies as well.11 Based on this lack, therefore, some 9 researchers have concluded that the Sirmian and the Thessalonican martyrs are 10 somehow related. 11 12 13 Solutions and Hypotheses 14 15 It was Ernst Lucius who – in light of the martyrologies – first brought attention 16 to the problem of the two St Demetrius martyrs and their possible connection, 17 but he still treated them as two separate martyrs.12 Not much later the famous 18 Jesuit scholar, Hippolyte Delehaye in his book on military saints wrote that in 19 his view, the two martyrs Demetrius are the same. “For” – he concludes in 20 another work – “the inside location of the Thessalonican basilica in the city, the 21 late origins of his cult and the information found in the martyrologies suggest 22 that the saints tomb was originally in Sirmium, and the relic was translated to 23 Thessalonica”.13 “Besides,” – he adds – “there is a kind of abnormal aspect in 24 25 26 7 On the date and importance of these martyrologies, see R. Aigrain, Lhagiographie: Ses 27 sources, ses mthodes, son histoire. Bruxelles 2000, 32–50 and recently K. Schferdiek, 28 Bemerkungen zum “Martyrologium Syriacum”, AnBoll 123 (2005) 5–22. 8 Breviarium Syriacum, Acta Sanctorum Novembris, II/1, Bruxelles 1894, LV. and 29 Martyrologium Hieronymianum, ibid. 41. 30 9 In Syrmia Demetrii diaconi. 31 10 The date in the first line of the Greek Passions, which states that the execution of 32 Demetrius took place “when Maximianus Herculius conquered the Goths and the ¹ b ·: ¼ r 33 Sarmatians” (ASS Oct. IV, 1780, 90E: Laniliam r, ja qjo kior, pot\nar C|hhour, ja· Sauqyl\tar), undoubtedly refers to the military successes of Maximianus in the 34 Balkans in 303 and 304. Compare: Lactantius, De mort. 13.2 (ed. Creed, Oxford 35 Christian Latin Texts. Oxford 1984, 20.). 36 11 Such as the Thessalonican martyrs Agape, Chionia, and Irene (April 2.) or Fronto 37 (March 14.) and other saints whose inclusion was already highlighted by D. Woods, 38 Thessalonicas Patron: Saint Demetrius or Emeterius?, Harvard Theological Review 93 (2000) 221–234, here 222–223. 39 12 E. Lucius, Die Anfnge des Heiligenkults in der christlichen Kirche. Tbingen 1904. 227 40 footnote 3. 41 13 H. Delehaye, Les origines du culte des martyrs. Bruxelles 1912, 263–264: «Lemplace- 42 ment de la basilique de Thessalonique en peine ville, les origines tardives du culte à cet 148 Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd. 103/1, 2010: I. Abteilung 1 the martyrs posthumous glory”.14 According to Delehayes hypothesis, then, 2 the events as related in the Passio altera and tertia happened precisely the 3 opposite way around, for the Thessalonican relics were not taken from there to 4 Sirmium by Leontios, but the relics of the deacon St Demetrius who suffered 5 martyrdom in Sirmium were transported to Thessalonica, and the Thessalo- 6 nican tradition was only established later .
Recommended publications
  • The Century of the Brave Stoljeće Hrabrih
    the century of the brave s tolj eĆe hrabrih e hrabrih e Ć s tolj e roman conquest and indigenous resistance in illyricum during the time of augustus and his heirs proceedings of the international conference held in zagreb 22-26.9.2014. rimsko osvajanje i sveučilište u Zagrebu / university of zagreb otpor starosjedilaca filozofski fakultet / faculty of humanities and social sciences odsjek za arheologiju / department of archaeology u iliriku za vrijeme augusta i njegovih nasljednika radovi meĐunarodno g s k u pa o d r Žanog ISBN 978-953-175-609-9 brave the of century the u zagr e bu 22-26.9.2014. 2018 August - korice radova - dvostr-pozadina.indd 1 14.3.2018. 14:22:02 THE CENTURY OF THE BRAVE ROMAN CONQUEST AND INDIGENOUS RESISTANCE IN ILLYRICUM DURING THE TIME OF AUGUSTUS AND HIS HEIRS StoLJEćE HRABRIH RIMSKO OSVAJANJE I OTPOR STAROSJEDILACA U ILIRIKU ZA VRIJEME AUGUSTA I NJEGOVIH NASLJEDNIKA PROCEEDINGS OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ZAGREB, 22-26. 9. 2014. Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb Zagreb 2018. NAKLADNIK / PUBLISHER Odsjek za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb ZA NAKLADNIKA / REPRESENTING PUBLISHER Vesna Vlahović-Štetić UREDNICI / EDITORS Marina Milićević Bradač, Dino Demicheli RECENZENTI / REVIEWERS Marin Zaninović, Ivan Radman-Livaja PRIJELOM / LAYOUT Ivanka Cokol NASLOVNICA / FRONT COVER Ana Demicheli TISAK / PRESS Tiskara Zelina d.d NAKLADA / PRINT RUN 300 primjeraka / copies Izdavanje knjige financijski su poduprli Ministarstvo znanosti i obrazovanja Republike Hrvatske i Zaklada Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti.
    [Show full text]
  • The First Illyrian War: a Study in Roman Imperialism
    The First Illyrian War: A Study in Roman Imperialism Catherine A. McPherson Department of History and Classical Studies McGill University, Montreal February, 2012 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts ©Catherine A. McPherson, 2012. Table of Contents Abstract ……………………………………………….……………............2 Abrégé……………………………………...………….……………………3 Acknowledgements………………………………….……………………...4 Introduction…………………………………………………………………5 Chapter One Sources and Approaches………………………………….………………...9 Chapter Two Illyria and the Illyrians ……………………………………………………25 Chapter Three North-Western Greece in the Later Third Century………………………..41 Chapter Four Rome and the Outbreak of War…………………………………..……….51 Chapter Five The Conclusion of the First Illyrian War……………….…………………77 Conclusion …………………………………………………...…….……102 Bibliography……………………………………………………………..104 2 Abstract This paper presents a detailed case study in early Roman imperialism in the Greek East: the First Illyrian War (229/8 B.C.), Rome’s first military engagement across the Adriatic. It places Roman decision-making and action within its proper context by emphasizing the role that Greek polities and Illyrian tribes played in both the outbreak and conclusion of the war. It argues that the primary motivation behind the Roman decision to declare war against the Ardiaei in 229 was to secure the very profitable trade routes linking Brundisium to the eastern shore of the Adriatic. It was in fact the failure of the major Greek powers to limit Ardiaean piracy that led directly to Roman intervention. In the earliest phase of trans-Adriatic engagement Rome was essentially uninterested in expansion or establishing a formal hegemony in the Greek East and maintained only very loose ties to the polities of the eastern Adriatic coast.
    [Show full text]
  • Carolyn S. Snively
    Ni{ i Vizantija V 55 Carolyn S. Snively THESSALONIKI VERSUS JUSTINIANA PRIMA: A RARE MENTION OF THE CONFLICT, IN THE LIFE OF OSIOS DAVID OF THESSALONIKI1 The northern half of the Prefecture of Eastern Illyricum, that is, the Diocese of Dacia, was not so densely urbanized as the southern half. In Late Antiquity the city of Naissus, known for its historical connections with Constantine, was the major city within a rather wide region. Serdica (modern Sofi a), the capital of the province of Dacia Mediterranea, lay ca. 150 km to the southeast, Ulpiana ca. 100 km to the southwest Thus, in the third or fourth decade of the 6th century, when a new city began to rise at Caričin Grad only ca. 45 km distant, Naissus was undoubtedly affected, for good or ill. Assuming that the new city at Caričin Grad was in fact Justiniana Prima, built to honor the birthplace of the emperor Justinian, we can interpret the 30-40 years of building as lasting more or less until the death of Justinian in 565 AD. Since very little is known about the origin of the people who worked and lived at Caričin Grad, it is possible that a number of the con- struction workers and other settlers for the new foundation were recruited from the nearest major city, i.e., from Naissus. Although, to the best of our knowledge, Justiniana Prima did not ever become the capital city of the Prefecture of Eastern Illyricum, the presence of civil and military authorities and the establishment of the new archbishopric point to changes in the previous balance of power within the Diocese of Dacia.
    [Show full text]
  • Mozaicul Voivodinean – Fragmente Din Cultura Comunităților Naționale Din Voivodina – Ediția Întâi © Autori: Aleksandr
    Mozaicul voivodinean – fragmente din cultura comunităților naționale din Voivodina – Ediția întâi © Autori: Aleksandra Popović Zoltan Arđelan © Editor: Secretariatul Provincial pentru Educație, Reglementări, Adminstrație și Minorități Naționale -Comunități Naționale © Сoeditor: Institutul de Editură „Forum”, Novi Sad Referent: prof. univ. dr. Žolt Lazar Redactorul ediției: Bojan Gregurić Redactarea grafică și pregătirea pentru tipar: Administrația pentru Afaceri Comune a Organelor Provinciale Coperta și designul: Administrația pentru Afaceri Comune a Organelor Provinciale Traducere în limba română: Mircea Măran Lectorul ediției în limba română: Florina Vinca Ilustrații: Pal Lephaft Fotografiile au fost oferite de arhivele: - Institutului Provincial pentru Protejarea Monumentelor Culturale - Muzeului Voivodinei - Muzeului Municipiului Novi Sad - Muzeului municipiului Subotica - Ivan Kukutov - Nedeljko Marković REPUBLICA SERBIA – PROVINCIA AUTONOMĂ VOIVODINA Secretariatul Provincial pentru Educație, Reglementări, Adminstrație și Minorități Naționale -Comunități Naționale Proiectul AFIRMAREA MULTICULTURALISMULUI ȘI A TOLERANȚEI ÎN VOIVODINA SUBPROIECT „CÂT DE BINE NE CUNOAŞTEM” Tiraj: 150 exemplare Novi Sad 2019 1 PREFAȚĂ AUTORILOR A povesti povestea despre Voivodina nu este ușor. A menționa și a cuprinde tot ceea ce face ca acest spațiu să fie unic, recognoscibil și specific, aproape că este imposibil. În timp ce faceți cunoștință cu specificurile acesteia care i-au inspirat secole în șir pe locuitorii ei și cu operele oamenilor de seamă care provin de aci, vi se deschid și ramifică noi drumuri de investigație, gândire și înțelegere a câmpiei voivodinene. Tocmai din această cauză, nici autorii prezentei cărți n-au fost pretențioși în intenția de a prezenta tot ceea ce Voivodina a fost și este. Mai întâi, aceasta nu este o carte despre istoria Voivodinei, și deci, nu oferă o prezentare detaliată a istoriei furtunoase a acestei părți a Câmpiei Panonice.
    [Show full text]
  • Bullard Eva 2013 MA.Pdf
    Marcomannia in the making. by Eva Bullard BA, University of Victoria, 2008 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Greek and Roman Studies Eva Bullard 2013 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee Marcomannia in the making by Eva Bullard BA, University of Victoria, 2008 Supervisory Committee Dr. John P. Oleson, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Supervisor Dr. Gregory D. Rowe, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee John P. Oleson, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Supervisor Dr. Gregory D. Rowe, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Departmental Member During the last stages of the Marcommani Wars in the late second century A.D., Roman literary sources recorded that the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius was planning to annex the Germanic territory of the Marcomannic and Quadic tribes. This work will propose that Marcus Aurelius was going to create a province called Marcomannia. The thesis will be supported by archaeological data originating from excavations in the Roman installation at Mušov, Moravia, Czech Republic. The investigation will examine the history of the non-Roman region beyond the northern Danubian frontier, the character of Roman occupation and creation of other Roman provinces on the Danube, and consult primary sources and modern research on the topic of Roman expansion and empire building during the principate. iv Table of Contents Supervisory Committee .....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Installation of the Patron Saints of Zadar As a Result of Carolingian Adriatic Politics
    chapter 12 The Installation of the Patron Saints of Zadar as a Result of Carolingian Adriatic Politics Nikola Jakšić The collection of patron-saints in the city of Zadar (Iader) is relatively well known to researchers of medieval history in the Adriatic area. The two most important saints venerated in this Mediterranean port city1 are a man and woman who, according to the legend, during their earthly lives, at the begin- ning of the 4th century, knew each other well. They were both martyred, but in different places. The male saint died first in Aquileia, and the female was mar- tyred later in Sirmium. Those saints, venerated in medieval Jader, and contem- porary Zadar, are St Anastasia and St Chrysogonus. Neither St Chrysogonus nor St Anastasia are local martyrs, and their cult in Zadar is attested only from the 9th century, leaving open the question of when and how their cults were es- tablished in Zadar. There is a relative consensus amongst the scholarship con- cerning these questions that the cult of St Chrysogonus came to Zadar from Aquileia, while the cult of St Anastasia arrived from Constantinople, as local tradition records.2 This paper will re-examine the validity of these widely-held views. St Chrysogonus and St Anastasia are the central figures in the Zadar Chris- tian pantheon, but they are not the only members of the pantheon. The priest Zoilus of Aquileia and three sisters who were martyred in Thessalonica – Agape, Chionia and Irene – are also present among the saints venerated in Zadar. This is not an accident, since both the priest Zoilus and the three Salonika martyrs are also central figures in the passio of St Chrysogonus, as is St Anastasia herself.
    [Show full text]
  • The Romance Population in the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary
    ANALELE BANATULUI, S.N., ARHEOLOGIE ISTORIE, XXII, 2014 http://muzeulbanatului.ro/mbt/istorie/publicatii/ab.htm THE ROMANCE POPULATION IN THE MEDIEVAL KINGDOM OF HUNGARY Peter Bučko* Keywords: Romance population; medieval Hungary; Srem; Spiš; Transylvania, Tokaj; pilgrims; Hospitallers; Templars Cuvinte cheie: populaţie romanică; Ungaria medievală; Srem; Spiš; Transilvania; Tokaj; pelerini; Ospitalieri; Templieri (Abstract) Medieval kingdom of Hungary was since its very begining founded on the basis of multiethnicity and openness to foreigners. Foreigners in Hungary, especially in the 11th and 12th century came from Western Europe. Great immigration waves of the romance population are documented mostly during the reign of king Géza II (1141 – 1162), when they managed to settle in peripheral regions of the country and increase the population and signicance of weakly populated regions. Foreigners in the 12th recieved privileged status as the „guests“. In the 11th and 12th century these guests have settled in Srem, Spiš, Transylvania and Tokaj. Some information about Srem region are provided by crusades chronicles. In Srem there was a village called Francavilla, which belonged to the oldest and most important romanesque settlement in Hungary. e Guests in Transylvania had their own church organization and there were several bishops of Transylvania and Bihar/Oradea of western european origin. Other regions with Romanesque population – Spiš and Tokaj laid on international routes. e collegiate chapter of Spiš even owned vineyards in Tokaj – in Sárospátak, one of the oldest Hungarian cities with privileges. A large number of documented pilgrimage passing through Hungary could also stand behind the increase of new romance population in the country. Additional aspect of the Crusades was the creation of religious orders, the Knights Templar and the Hospitallers, who just few decades after their formation appeared in Hungary and were engaged in the life of Hungarian kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Praetorium and the Emona–Siscia–Sirmium–Tauruno Road in the Ancient Geographical and Epigraphic Sources
    Arheološki vestnik 68, 2017, str. 337–348 337 Praetorium and the Emona–Siscia–Sirmium–Tauruno road in the ancient geographical and epigraphic sources Praetorium in cesta Emona–Siscia–Sirmium–Tauruno v antičnih geografskih in epigrafskih virih Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Izvleček V prispevku avtor navaja nekatere nove ugotovitve o rimski cesti in cestnih postajah ob cesti Siscia–Sirmium vzdolž reke Save, izpričani na Tabuli Peutingeriani in Antoninskem itinerariju. Rezultat primerjave razdalj med naselbinama, omenjenima v obeh itinerarijih, je poskus nove datacije obeh antičnih kartografskih virov. V diskusiji je izpostavljen problem toponima “Incero sed mansio augusti in pretorio est” na Antoninskem itinerariju, primerljiv s cestno postajo Ad Praetorium/Praetorium na Tabuli Peutingeriani. Po mnenju avtorja obstajajo trdni argumenti, da se traso vzdolž reke Save uvrsti med eno najzgodnejših cestnih povezav v Panoniji. Cesta je bila osnovana kot vojaška komunikacija, a je kmalu postala ena najpomembnejših povezav Italije z Balkanom. Brez dvoma je pomenila močno prometnico in cestne postaje vzdolž nje so v poznejšem obdobju ponujale potrebno oskrbo za javni transportni sistem. To se jasno izraža na Antoninovem itinerariju. Ključne besede: rimska doba, Tabula Peutingeriana, Antoninski itinerarij, Praetorium, cesta Emona–Siscia–Sirmium– Tauruno, antična geografija, rimski itinerariji Abstract Our contribution considers some data from the Peutinger map and the Antonine itinerary, regarding the mentioning of the Roman road and the stations along this road between the settlements Siscia and Sirmium, along the River Sava. To obtain new results regarding the dating of these two important ancient cartographic sources, I have compared the values of the distances between the settlements recorded in both these itineraries.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronic Myopia: Foundations of Contemporary
    CHRONIC MYOPIA: FOUNDATIONS OF CONTEMPORARY WESTERN PERSPECTIVES ON THE BALKANS Brittany Kelley, B.A. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS August 2012 APPROVED: Nancy Stockdale, Major Professor Christopher Fuhrmann, Committee Member Richard McCaslin, Committee Member and Chair of the Department of History Mark Wardell, Dean of the Toulouse Graduate School Kelley, Brittany, Chronic Myopia: Foundations of Contemporary Western Perspectives on the Balkans. Master of Arts (History), August 2012, 79 pp., 5 illustrations, bibliography, 44 titles. The construction of Southeastern Europe in Western imagination is the result of assertions of imperial power from some of the first recorded histories onward to modern time. Instead of providing alternative narratives gaping differences in time period, literary genres and geographical origins ballast stereotypical racist tropes and derogatory images of the countries of Southeastern Europe. For example, Roman histories, secondary historical works, twentieth century travel literature, and Central Intelligence Agency estimates all exhibit the same perception. The narrative created by these accounts is limited, remarkably racist and counterfactual. While there has been an abundance of new scholarship aimed at debunking the myths surrounding the area, much of the revisionist histories focus on placing blame, proving ethnogenesis, and serving political purposes. Understanding how the sources continue to influence perception is a pivotal step to understanding Southeastern
    [Show full text]
  • Sirmium in Justinian I's Politics
    Piotrków Historical Annales, 2020, Special Issue, pp. 29-49 www.ihpt.pl/pzh DOI: 10.25951/4216 Stanisław Turlej https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3578-9139 Jagiellonian University e-mail: [email protected] Sirmium in Justinian I’s Politics Sirmium w polityce Justyniana I Abstract In Late Antiquity, Sirmium on the Sava River in Pannonia was undoubt- edly the most important and famous city of the Roman Empire in the Danubi- an territories. An analysis of the Emperor’s novels devoted to Justiniana Prima (XI and CXXXI, 3), the works of Procopius of Caesarea, Cassiodorus and Hi- erocles’ geographical work provides a lot of important information about the functioning of this centre and the situation in the Danubian region, but not about Sirmium’s great significance to Justinian. There is no basis in the sources for crediting the Emperor with plans or actual political and military actions dictated solely by the desire to capture this city. Abstrakt W późnym antyku Sirmium nad Sawą w Panonii było niewątpliwie najważniejszym i najsłynniejszym miastem cesarstwa rzymskiego na obszarach naddunajskich. Analiza nowel cesarza Justyniana poświęconych Justynianie Primie (XI i CXXXI, 3), twórczości Prokopiusza z Cezarei, Kasjodora oraz dzieła geograficznego Hieroklesa dostarcza wielu ważnych informacji o funk- cjonowaniu tego ośrodka i sytuacji w regionie naddunajskim, lecz nie o wielkim 30 Stanisław Turlej znaczeniu Sirmium dla Justyniana. Nie ma podstaw źródłowych, by przypisywać cesarzowi plany bądź realne działania polityczne i militarne podyktowane wyłącznie chęcią zajęcia tego miasta. Keywords: Sirmium, Pannonia, Justiniana Prima, Justinian I, Procopius of Caesarea, Cassiodor, Hierocles Słowa kluczowe: Sirmium, Panonia, Justynian I, Justyniana Prima, Prokopiusz z Cezarei, Kasjodor, Hierokles n the 6th century there were many military conflicts related to a city which Iwas important in late antiquity – Sirmium on the Sava River in Pannonia1.
    [Show full text]
  • Marble Sculptures from the Imperial Palace in Sirmium
    UDC 904:73"652"(497.113) DOI: 10.2298/STA0656153P 153 IVANA POPOVI] Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade MARBLE SCULPTURES FROM THE IMPERIAL PALACE IN SIRMIUM Abstract. – Few fragments of marble sculpture have been found in the course of the archaeological excavations conducted in Sirmium between 2003 and 2005 at site 85 which is believed to be part of the imperial palace complex. The most important are two almost completely preserved heads of deities. The head of a young person made of milky white, fine-grained marble of exceptionally fine texture from Pentelicon was found under the Late Roman floor in room 7 of the residential structure. The sculpture, of exceptional quality, is from the second half of the 1st century and represents a deity, most probably Venus or Apollo. Another head made of Carrara marble, from the 4th century, was found in a secondary position and on the basis of its mural crown is identified as the Tyche of Sirmium. Key words. – Roman sculpture, marble, Sirmium, deities, personifications. ew fragments of marble sculptures have been smooth surface of the face. It is parted in the middle, discovered in the course of systematic archae- framing the face in gentle waves modeled in relief and F ological excavations conducted in Sirmium with locks emphasized by incisions. On the back of the from 2003 to 2005 at site 85 which is almost certainly head the side locks combed over the ears are gathered the imperial palace complex1 (Fig. 1). The most im- portant are certainly two almost completely preserved heads of deities. * The author presented a brief account of these finds at the The head of a young person (C 109/2003) made of International Meeting Les ateliers de sculpture réginoaux: techni- milky white, fine-grained marble of exceptionally fine ques, styles et iconographie, Xe Colloque international sur l’art texture and originating from Pentelicon2 was discove- provincial romain, Arles et Aix-en-Provence, 21–23 mai 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of an Imperial Dynasty. Optatian's 'Carmina Figurata' and The
    Originalveröffentlichung in: Giornale Italiano di Filologia 3, 2012, S. 225-265 THE MAKING OF AN IMPERIAL DYNASTY. OPTATIAN'S CARMINA FIGURATA AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONSTANTINIAN DOMUS DIVINA (317-326 AD) Optatian 's Panegyrical Pattern Poerns and the Constantinian Dynasty: The Problern Emperor Constantine I (AD. 306-337) decided surprisingly late 1 to share power with members of his own family • Not until March 1, 31 7, almost eleven years into his reign, did Constantine elevate his two oldest sons Crispus and Constantinus Iunior to the rank of Caesar. The two younger sons followed, Constantius on November 8, 324, and Constans on December 25, 333. On September 18, 335, Constantine also raised Dalmatius to the rank of Caesar, the oldest son of his half-brother Flavius Dalmatius. Important roles within the Constantinian dornus divina were assigned to further fam­ ily members also quite late. In particular, to his mother. Helena, his half-brothers Flavius Dalmatius and Iulius Constantms, and Hannibalianus, the second son of Flavius Dalmatius. Some of Con­ stantine's family members were able to assume e.minent p~sitions within the apparatus irnperii, even if they cannot, stnctly speakmg, be 2 described as part of the imperial college • Only the female mem- * I am gratdi.tl 1.o the Herzog August Bibliothck Wolfenbuu.el for permission to publish 1he illustration 1aken from CodR-x Augustar1eus 9 Guelferbytanus. Study of the manu­ s<.:i-ipts in Bern and Munich, as we ll as the rcproduc1ion, were made possible through 1he generous fin a1Kial support or 1.he Heidelberger Sonderforschung~bereich 619 (' lfou ~ ld y­ namik') and 933 (' Ma1c1·iale Tex1ku lLUrcn').
    [Show full text]