US Economic Policies and the End of the Cold
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George Bush and the End of the Cold War. Christopher Alan Maynard Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 2001 From the Shadow of Reagan: George Bush and the End of the Cold War. Christopher Alan Maynard Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Maynard, Christopher Alan, "From the Shadow of Reagan: George Bush and the End of the Cold War." (2001). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 297. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/297 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI fiims the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. -
Commercial Attaché, Embassy of Mexico the Embassy of Ireland In
Commercial Attaché, Embassy of Mexico The Embassy of Ireland in Mexico is recruiting a Commercial Attaché who will report to the Deputy Head of Mission responsible for trade and economic promotion. This is a new role and the successful candidate will be offered a one year contract, renewable for a maximum of two additional years. The key objective for the role of the Commercial attaché will be to promote Ireland’s economic interests in Mexico and to facilitate and support Irish companies wishing to enter or expand in the Mexican market, principally in the areas of agribusiness (particularly dairy), ICT (particularly software services for the telecoms industry and digital media), financial services and education. Role Profile Specifically, the new Commercial Attaché will: Cooperate with strategic partners in Mexico to identify and capture economic opportunities for Irish companies, including drafting market opportunity assessments; Expand the Embassy contact network in the agribusiness, ICT, financial services and education sectors and in other sectors as identified by the Embassy as priorities; Consolidate and expand the embassy’s information on Irish companies operating in the Mexican market or seeking to enter the market, as well as maintaining a comprehensive contacts database and networking with key Irish business people; Liaise with and support the development of the recently established Irish-Mexican Chamber of Commerce and work with the Chamber, ProMéxico, COMCE and other Mexican business organisations, as well as Irish state -
The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
184 Centralized Leadership, in Contrast to Lithuania, Was Not
184 Book Reviews centralized leadership, in contrast to Lithuania, was not established. There were regional organizations: the National Kurzeme Organiza tion of Latvian Partisans (1945), the National Vidzeme Movement of Latvian Partisans (1944-1948), the Latvian Union of Fatherland Guards (Partisans) (LTS(p)A) in Latgale (1945). The latter organization imi tated the structure of the Latvian army, its four divisions; it also made unsuccessful attempts to unify the partisan movement. Nevertheless, the leaders of these organizations (K.Rusovs, A. Cirulis (Varpa), pas tor A. Juhnevics, K. Blumbergs, V Mundure (Marta Skuja)) as well as the leaders of partisan detachments (such as P. Cevers) contributed greatly to the survival of the resistance movement. On February 1, 1954 there were still 105 partisans in Latvia. However, in 1956 they either surrendered or perished. On the basis of thoroughly collected and profoundly analyzed documentary material the author presents a comprehensive panorama of the partisan movement, the activities of separate organizations and the chronological stages of the struggle for freedom. To our knowl edge this is the only detailed history of the Latvian partisan warfare there is. In its turn, it will enable historians of Lithuanian 'resistance to draw generalized conclusions on the basis of more than their own country's experience, and, at the same time, develop new research as pects. Arvydas Anusauskas Lithuanian Institute of History Anatol Lieven. Pabaltijo revoliucija. Estija, Latvija, Lietuva - kelias i nepriklausomyb~. Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 1995, 475 pp. (Translated by Rasa AsminaviCiiite and Ausra Cizikiene from: Anatol Lieven. The Baltic Revolution. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Path to Independence. -
Responsible Business Conduct and Economic Diplomacy Tools
Responsible business conduct and economic diplomacy tools June 2017 mneguidelines.oecd.org This concept note was prepared for the session on promoting responsible business conduct (RBC) through economic diplomacy tools at the Roundtable for Policy Makers that took place on 28 June 2017 within the framework of the OECD Global Forum on Responsible Business Conduct. It sets a basis for reflection and discussion on how RBC standards can be embedded in economic diplomacy. Economic diplomacy refers to government services and support provided to business in foreign markets. This can take the form of financial support such as export credits, investment guarantees and direct lending, but can also include other public services such as trade missions, capacity building activities and access to information and networks through embassies. These tools are not only instrumental to promote foreign trade and investment, but they can also be powerful levers for governments to guide corporate behaviour and support best practice on responsible business conduct (RBC). Although far from mainstream, some governments have recognised this potential and are using economic diplomacy to create incentives for business to behave responsibly. There are several reasons for this. First, governments as economic actors should not contribute to adverse impacts of business operations. Second, although trade and investment promotion is a competitive field among countries, it is in governments' interests to create a level playing field and ensure that companies are subject to fair competition and do not profit from public services with irresponsible practices. Third, insufficient attention to corporate conduct by national companies in foreign markets can negatively affect the country's image abroad. -
SFU Thesis Template Files
From Militant to Military: The Ambivalent Politics of Liberal Feminism in the American War on Terror by Amanda Liao B.A., McGill University, 2013 Extended Essay Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the School of Communication (Dual Degree Program in Global Communication) Faculty of Communication, Art and Technology Amanda Liao 2015 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2015 Approval Name: Amanda Liao Degree: Master of Arts (Communication) Title: From Militant to Military: The Ambivalent Politics of Liberal Feminism in the American War on Terror Supervisory Committee: Program Director: Yuezhi Zhao Professor Zoë Druick Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Jie Gu Senior Supervisor Associate Professor The Institute of Communication Studies Communication University of China Date Approved: August 07, 2015 ii Abstract The widespread use of feminist, human rights, and international development discourse for justifying military intervention is part of a long and storied tradition of imperial feminism – a tradition which is deeply embedded into the normative Western ideologies of neoliberalism and modernization. However, the narrative of feminism that has been appropriated by the US military in order to justify the war on terror is that of liberal feminism; it is a discourse of feminism that privileges a white, middle-class, Western audience. In other words, it is blind to the historically disproportionate experience of oppression faced by women of colour. On a global scale, liberal feminism undermines the agency of women’s movements in the global south by assuming the universality – as well as the superiority – of Western human rights discourse. This paper will examine how the liberal feminist discourse became a dominant narrative in the war on terror. -
What Is Counterintelligence? and How Lessons on Counterintelligence Might Enrich Their Courses
Association of Former Intelligence Officers From AFIO's The Intelligencer 7700 Leesburg Pike, Suite 324 Journal of U.S. Intelligence Studies Falls Church, Virginia 22043 Web: www.afio.com , E-mail: [email protected] Volume 20 • Number 2 • $15 single copy price Fall/Winter 2013 ©2013, AFIO measure what an adversary knows about us? How do we determine whether or not we are successful in keeping our secrets and projecting the image we wish Guide to the Study of Intelligence to project? How do we know what and whom to trust?3 This article is a short cut to some basic concepts about counterintelligence: what it is and is not. Educa- tors in history, government, political science, ethics, law and cognitive psychology should consider whether What is Counterintelligence? and how lessons on counterintelligence might enrich their courses. Recommended additional readings are suggested in the footnotes. A Guide to Thinking A general introductory course on U.S. counter- and Teaching about CI intelligence should have five key learning objectives: Understanding the meaning of counterintelli- gence, its place within intelligence studies, and by Michelle K. Van Cleave its role in international relations as an instrument of statecraft.4 Understanding the difference between tactical WHY STUDY COUNTERINTELLIGENCE? and strategic CI,5 the difference between CI and security,6 and the range of foreign intelligence he study of “counterintelligence” is rare in aca- 3. Consider for example the deception paradox: “Alertness to demia. While modern courses on international deception presumably prompts a more careful and systematic relations often include intelligence, they usually review of the evidence. -
Economic Intelligence As National Security Issue
Economic Intelligence as National Security Issue A Brief Study Lorenzo Bonucci Introduction The fall of Berlin Wall marks the end of the Cold War system. That system, where the world was divided in two “blocks”. The USA and the USSR was the major powerful nations, and they fought for pursue, most of all, the military, technologic and economic supremacy. With the end of this contrast, it ends also the “scenario characterized by elegants simplicity” as emeritus president Francesco Cossiga said. Today everything changes, war, or better, conflicts, fights in more fronts: the financial-economic is acquiring great importance, because the actors, that attacks, are not just States; there are sovereign wealth funds, multinationals, NGOs, banks and corporations. The effects of attacks is amplified if combined with the manipulation of information, made possible by the globalization.1 In this new world order, where Intelligence has a fundamental role (as it used to have in the old order). Alongside the traditional Intelligence discipline, is developping another one: the Economic Intelligence. In the contemporary version, the economic Intelligence has attention on business intelligence or environmental scanning or competitive intelligence. Briefly, it is the theory of 1 Cfr. Giuseppe Griscioli, “Competizione Economico-finanziaria, ruolo dell’Intelligence e Sicurezza Nazionale”. Aracne Editrice, 2013. p. 10 1 strategic choices for achieve competitive advantages over competitors.2 In fact, a lot of States have created some institutions for strategical research in financial and economic field. First of all, France. In France has been founded a School of Economic Warfare (Ecole de Guerre Economique) with teachings that are based on strategical military logicals. -
Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law, 6 IND
DATE DOWNLOADED: Sat Sep 25 03:27:50 2021 SOURCE: Content Downloaded from HeinOnline Citations: Bluebook 21st ed. Edward McWhinney, The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law, 6 IND. L. REV. 202 (1972). ALWD 6th ed. McWhinney, E. ., The moscow summit meeting and the post detente international law, 6(2) Ind. L. Rev. 202 (1972). APA 7th ed. McWhinney, E. (1972). The moscow summit meeting and the post detente international law. Indiana Law Review, 6(2), 202-219. Chicago 17th ed. Edward McWhinney, "The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law," Indiana Law Review 6, no. 2 (December 1972): 202-219 McGill Guide 9th ed. Edward McWhinney, "The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law" (1972) 6:2 Ind L Rev 202. AGLC 4th ed. Edward McWhinney, 'The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law' (1972) 6(2) Indiana Law Review 202. MLA 8th ed. McWhinney, Edward. "The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law." Indiana Law Review, vol. 6, no. 2, December 1972, p. 202-219. HeinOnline. OSCOLA 4th ed. Edward McWhinney, 'The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law' (1972) 6 Ind L Rev 202 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at https://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your license, please use: Copyright Information THE MOSCOW SUMMIT MEETING AND THE POST-DETENTE INTERNATIONAL LAW EDWARD MCWHINNEY* I. -
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75
A Personal Affair : Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 Michael V. Paulauskas A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2006 Approved by Advisor: Donald J. Raleigh Reader: David Griffiths Reader: Chad Bryant ABSTRACT MICHAEL V. PAULAUSKAS: A Personal Affair: Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 (Under the direction of Donald J. Raleigh) This thesis explores how diplomatic relations between the US and the USSR changed during détente , specifically concentrating on the period between the 1972 Moscow Summit and the enactment of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the 1974 Trade Bill . I employ transcripts of diplomatic negotiations to investigate the ways that Soviet and American leaders used new personal relationships with their adversaries to achieve thei r foreign policy goals. In order to gain further understanding of the Soviet leadership’s attitudes toward détente, I also examine how the Soviet government, through Pravda, communicated this new, increasingly complex diplomatic relationship to the Soviet public in a nuanced fashion, with multilayered presentations of American foreign policy that included portrayals of individual actors and not simply impersonal groups . ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction………………………………………..…………………………………………. 1 A Cautious Beginning: Soviet -American Relations before the Moscow Summit ..…………...9 The Lifting of the Veil: The 1972 Moscow Summit …………………………..…………….16 The High -Water Mark of Détente: The 1973 US Summit …..………………………….……30 “Nixon’s Last Friend”: The Watergate Scandal …………………………………………..…37 Détente in Crisis: The Jackson-Vanik Amendment ……………..…………………………..45 Conclusion…………………………………………………..……………………………….53 Appendices ……………………………………………..……………………………………57 Bibliography …………………………………………..……………………………………..65 iii Introduction Soviet Ambassador to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin greeted the news of Richard M. -
Russia, Georgia and the Eu in Abkhazia and South Ossetia
PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION: RUSSIA, GEORGIA AND THE EU IN ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA Iskra Kirova August 2012 Figueroa Press Los Angeles The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and cannot be interpreted to reflect the positions of organizations that the author is affiliated with. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION: RUSSIA, GEORGIA AND THE EU IN ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA Iskra Kirova Published by FIGUEROA PRESS 840 Childs Way, 3rd Floor Los Angeles, CA 90089 Phone: (213) 743-4800 Fax: (213) 743-4804 www.figueroapress.com Figueroa Press is a division of the USC Bookstore Copyright © 2012 all rights reserved Notice of Rights All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmit- ted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without prior written permission from the author, care of Figueroa Press. Notice of Liability The information in this book is distributed on an “As is” basis, without warranty. While every precaution has been taken in the preparation of this book, neither the author nor Figueroa nor the USC Bookstore shall have any liability to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused or alleged to be caused directly or indirectly by any text contained in this book. Figueroa Press and the USC Bookstore are trademarks of the University of Southern California ISBN 13: 978-0-18-214016-9 ISBN 10: 0-18-214016-4 For general inquiries or to request additional copies of this paper please contact: USC Center on Public Diplomacy at the Annenberg School University of Southern California 3502 Watt Way, G4 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0281 Tel: (213) 821-2078; Fax: (213) 821-0774 [email protected] www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org CPD Perspectives on Public Diplomacy CPD Perspectives is a periodic publication by the USC Center on Public Diplomacy, and highlights scholarship intended to stimulate critical thinking about the study and practice of public diplomacy.