Volume XVI Number 5 ASOUTHERN RICA $1.25 December 1982

The Mozambique National Resistance: South Africa's errorist

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zi 8 Tanzania 8 shs. Mozambique 35 Meticals. UK 60p. Act In Solidarity With Black South Africal The following entertainers have performed in South Africa. must not let them perform in our communities.

America Francis Grier Tim Reid "Venus Flytrap" Bob Anderson Richard Hatch Richard Roundtree Paul Anka Goldie Hawn Telly Savalas David Baca Isaac Hayes Leo Sayer Josephine Baker Joe Henderson Shirley Scott Cliff Barnes Howard Hesseman George Shearing Shirley Bassey "Dr. Johnny Fever" Sha Na Na George Benson Jimmy Bo Home Brook Benton Susan Howard Percy Sledge C.L. Blast Janis Ian Jimmy Smith Ernest Bourgnine David Jackson Diane Solomon Beach Boys Millie Jackson The Staple Singers Gwen Brisco Willis "Gator Tail" Jackson Edwin Star Shirley Brown Jack Jones Candi Staton Nina Burrell Tom Jones Dakota Staton Glen Campbell Fern Kinney The Supremes Colin Carr Eartha Kitt Brian Tarff Clarence Carter Louis Lane The Temptations Monk Channing Jiame Laredo Rufus Thomas Ray Charles Mary Larkin Timmy Thomas Cher Jerry Loren Bross Townsend Jimmy Cliff Main Ingredient Tina Turner Billy Cobham Peter Mancer Dancers & Reborn Stanley Turrentine Pete & Conte Condoli Ann Margaret Two Tons of Fun Rita Coolidge Johnny Mathis The Variations Chick Corea Mattison Brothers Village People Andrew Crouch Curtis Mayfield Lovelace Watkins Henry "Manolito" Darrow George McCrae Al Wilson Joe Dolan Mighty Clouds of Joy Jimmy Witherspoon Lou Donaldson Stephanie Mills Betty Wright Lamont Dozier Liza Minelli Robert Wright The Drifters Monk Montgomery The Younghearts Jack duPree James Moody Effrem Zimbalist, Jr. Ecstasy Passion & Pain Olivia Newton-John Carla Fontana Linda Oliphant George Forest Osmonds This list is based on a list compiled Midel Fox Charles Pace by two City based organ Buddy de Franco Wilson Pickett izations, the Patrice Lumumba Aretha Franklin The Platters Coalition and AJASS, based on re Gloria Gaynor Barbara Ray search done by Michael C. Beau Terry Gibbs Helen Reddy bien. For further information see Della Reese Nikki Giovanni article in this issue. Boycott Entertainers Who Visit South Africa * SOUTHERN CONTENTS SPECIAL REPORT AFRICA Cultural Boycott List lume XV Number 5 (Inside Front Cover) December 1982 3 US Entertainers; In Step With Apartheid

MOZAMBIQUE 5 South Africa's Terrorist Army CEUTA MELILLA 10 The People's Counteroffensive CULTURE 8 Malibongwe ANC Women: Poetry Is Also Their Weapon SOUTH AFRICA 13 Wage Gap Grows

EDEPARTMENTS AI 2 Update -;7 14 Publications Received 15 News Briefs

A. Front Cover: Woodcut by Reginald Woolery

S*EYCKILL~f I9 . v ,cto, Oil Is ll-. t

Members of the Southern Afica collectIve who contributed to the production Subscrlpton: Individual (domestic)/S10.00 Institutional/$18.00: Individual of this (for Issue: Mark Beittel, Jim Cason, Jennifer Davis, Asma Feyijinmi, Mike eign)/$13.00: Institutional/$21.00; Airmail: Africa. Asia, Europe/$22.50: South and' Fleshman, Mitchell Hinz, Richard Knight, Peter Mark, Andrew Marx, Malik Stan Central America/S19.50. Reaves. Rebecca Reiss, Stephanie Urdang, Steve Vegh, Jim Wfakart. Specild thenks for their esslstance to : Aica News. Uia Blou, Lee Cokonos Southem Africa is available on microfilm through University Microfilm Zerox Cm obin Derby, Tracy Dewart, Karen Jolkovskli, Lor Miller, Beth Minsky, corbin pany, Ann Arbor, Mich 48104, and is listed in the Alternative Press index and the e, Teresa Stem, Reginald Woolery, Dan Zedeck. Public Affairs Information Service. Typesetting by Bridge Publications Distributors: New York, NY: Joe Massey. Washington DC: Uiberation Information Printing by Vanguard Press Distribution Co; Boston, MA: Carrier Pigeon. Third World Distributors: Chicago: Prairie News Agency: Minneapolis, MN: Rainbow Distribution: Atlanta, GA: Guild Southein Africa is published monthly except forJanuary-February and August News Agency, Cabal R.News; Detroit. MI:New Directions Enterprises. September, when bl-monthly by The Southern Africa Crrmitte, 198 Broadway, New York, NY 10038. ISSN 938-3775

DECEMBER 1982/SOUTHERN AFRICA 1 American vice-president that Black UN observer Theo Ben-Gurirab ni Africa did not support the linking of dryly, "Yes, we have finally reached Cuban troops with Namibian indepen agreement over Namibia. We all al dence and appealed to the Reagan ad that the current negotiations are c ministration to "side with Africa" on the pletely, unconditionally and uneq issue of Namibian independence. ocally deadlocked-on all issues." . at press time, nearly all parties to Prisoner Swap talks were pronouncing them sta Bushed over US and South African demandi the withdrawal of Cuban troops f Vice President George After two years and four false starts, a Angola, and the rejection of those brought Bush visited seven African countries complicated prisoner swap has mands by virtually everybody eh Angolan soldiers from last month as part of an administration the release of 94 including some members of the Wee effort to polish Washington's tarnished South African prison camps. The sol "Contact Group" negotiating team. image on the continent. diers, captured over the course of South African leaders are unhappy with the Africa's six-year war of aggression Everybody, that is, except Wash Africa adviser, Dr. Che Reagan administration's policy of "con against Angola, were freed in exchange ton's top a Novembei structive engagement" with South for two American mercenaries captured Crocker. Following with South African official Africa. Despite America's public accom by MPLA forces during the CIA effort to meeting t modation, with Pretoria, they note, overthrow the Angolan government in Pretoria, Crocker denied that the trouble. "The negotiations apartheid is alive and well in South 1975, and a suspected CIA agent cap were in of Africa and, to date, Pretoria has shown tured in Angola in 1981. continuing," he said, "and none that they wii no measurable interest in relinquishing Two Soviet airmen held by South parties have indicated control over Namibia. African-backed UNITA guerrillas, as the effort to halt." Before his trip, which included stops well as a Soviet technician and a Cuban But perhaps he should have a in Cape Verde, Senegal, Nigeria, soldier held by South Africa were also South Africa's defense minister, 1 Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Zaire as well as released. Pretoria's return of the bodies eral Magnus Malan, for a second opir told a gro Kenya, the vice president said his tour of four Soviets killed during its massive In late October, Malan would focus on US economic relations "Operation Protea" invasion of Angola Cape Town businessmen that & any settler with Black Africa. But, except for de in 1981, and the release of the bodies of Africa would not accept fending US backing for the recent $1.1 three South African troops killed in leading to a victory by SWAPO, Namibian liberation movement. R billion International Monetary Fund Angola completed the intricate deal. said, "If t loan to South Africa, economics were Commenting on the US role in the ring to SWAPO, Malan Al way down on the list when Bush gave swap, a State Department source told was a free election in South West what was described as a major address Southern Africa that US officials I am certain which party would v anxietie on US-African relations in Nairobi, seeking the withdrawal of Cuban troops Appealing to Cold War c Kenya, on November 19. from Angola had raised the issue of a Pretoria and Washington, Malan organizat 'he withdrawal of Cuban forces from trade for the Americans, mercenaries SWAPO "a communist raise a "red flag" in Angola in a parallel framework with Gary Acker and Gustavo Grillo, and that would Windhoek. Namibia's "I South Africa's departure from Namibia former Globe Aero pilot Geoffrey Tyler, capital of is the key to the settlement we all de with MPLA officials in August 1981. Malan argued, would doom Botsv sire," said Bush. "My government is not The same source said the US was par and Zimbabwe. South Africa was ashamed to state the US interest in see ticularly active in persuading UNITA to prepared to withdraw from Namibii ing an end to the presence of Cuban participate. concluded, because the "operati ni forces in Angola." He attributed the success of the ex area," which currently includes ern Anj Before he left on his trip, Bush had change, which also involved the Interna Namibia and southern south to Si billed the tour as a chance to "learn tional Red Cross, to "progress" in the would simply move what key African leaders are thinking." intractable Namibia negotiations. He Africa's own borders. to the coi But Bush apparently wasn't interested also noted that the deal offered some Malan's remarks, added in learning. In October, the Angolan thing for everybody, ranging from prop uing American and South Africar government had reaffirmed its rejection aganda value for UNITA, to an oppor stinance over the Cuban presenc views .of the Cuban linkage, noting that with tunity to make points in the Western Angola, tend to corroborate b South African forces openly operating press for both South Africa and Angola. South Africa, with Washington's inside Angola a withdrawal of Cuban *'ing, is stalling until conditions ir enoug troops would be tantamount 'to national Namibia Talks Namibia become favorable suicide. push through an apartheid-spona And at a press conference in Nigeria Deadlock independence. Recently, South A while Bush was visiting, Nigerian Vice conceded the failure of attempts t4 current white-led internal President Alex Ekwuemre also openly When asked in late October to com place the opposed the American policy towards ment on US reports of an imminent con ernment with a Black coalition he the Cubans in Angola. Zi.nbabwean clusion to the drawn out negotiations by South African-appointed Ova Prime Minister Robert Mugabe told the over Namibian independence, SWAPO chief Peter Kalangula.

2 SOUTHERN AFRICA/DECEMBER 1982 SPECIAL REPORT US Entertainers: In Step With Apartheid Defending his presence in South Afri. ca in 1980, Ray Charles told a Cape Tbwn reporter, "I don't live here. I know that every country I have been in has some kind of problem, so what's the big deal?" The same year, when soul singer Millie Jackson was asked if she planned to perform in Soweto, the Johannesburg Black township whose name became an international symbol of resistance to apartheid after bloody street battles be tween unarmed students and the apart heid army, she replied: "Soweto? Where is that place? I've never heard of it... I'm not going to mix my career with poli tics. All I want is the money." Such public demonstrations of insen sitivity have gone a long way toward mobilizing Black opposition inside South Africa. The combined efforts of two national Black political organiza tions, the Azanian People's Organiza tion (AZAPO) and the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), and a cul tural group, MDALI, forced the cancel lation of two Ray Charles concerts including a concert scheduled for Soweto on October 19, 1980, a day of mourning for Black South Africans in memory Over 200 angry demonstrators of a turned out in front of the Beacon Theater In New York to brutal government protest a recent Ray Charles concert. crack-down in 1977. Charles' entourage was later attacked by students Music giant Ray Charles always draws in the Black township of heid promoters are prepared to offer. Welkom. a crowd, but they'ie usually there with The O'Jays also ran afoul of tickets-not pickets. Yet that's what Legitimacy From Tours the happened on October AZAPO boycott. Their April 1981 tour 23 when 200 angry What do South Africa's whites demonstrators get for of South Africa collapsed after political picketed a Ray Charles their money besides relief from Bever concert at New York's pressure prompted low attendance at Beacon Theater to ly Hillbillies reruns on the single state protest the their concerts. Their manager was brief singer's 1980 tour of South run television channel? The answer Africa. Organized ly held by the government until their by two Black com would appear to be legitimacy. As the munity organizations in bills were paid. The O'Jays, under pres New York, the web of international boycotts, condem Patrice Lumumba Coalition sure at home, have apologized for break and the nations and expulsions steadily Black United isolates ing the boycott and pledged never to Front (BUF), the October the regime, the political importance of action is only the latest return (See Southern Africa, October example of the sports and cultural contacts grows international effort to enforce 1982). a boycott apace. Regular tours by popular Ameri of entertainers, athletes and other cul In a formal appeal to foreign artists, can entertainers-particularly Black tural figures who perform AZAPO asked for "total support and in apartheid American entertainers-are used by commitment in our move to have South Africa. South South Africa's apologists to polish its Africa completely isolated in sports, image abroad and As the list on the inside lend credence to culture and foreign investments.. .in front cover South tuggests, a growing number of Ameri Africa's claim to political and cul order to pressurize the racist minority tural membership in the Western camp. can entertainers, both Black and white, regime into implementing fundamental And most performers, ignorant the country." are making the trek to South Africa in of or in changes inside different to the political ramifications of "Artists who come to Pursuit of the lucrative contracts apart- South Africa are their tours, are happy to oblige. insensitive to our feelings and are im- DECEMBER 1982/SOUTHERN AFRICA 3 Special Report hued with capitAlistic greed," AZAPO credit its internal opposition and sell its will, in theory, be no more Black Sc Africans at all, only "foreign work, continued. "Granted, many of them are apartheid policies abroad. Lee Variety, 87 percent of South Africa talented in the field of music and are re head of the Black American singing in the 1960, garded as heros by our people, but must group The Temptations, described served for the whites. Since three million Blacks have been foi they stoop so low by siding with the AZAPO as "opportunists without a from their homes in the white areas enemy of humanity? body," echoing government claims that South African Blacks would be happy dumped in barren resettlement ca Impact on Black Population with the status quo were it not for a few in the bantustans. The apartheid regime has spent disturbing, local organiz isolated "communist agitators." Even more lions of dollars trying to convince point out, is the impact of visiting ers world of the legitimacy of its bantuj Blacks on the Black population. They Bantustans Option policy, but without success. No ol come "to give us a song so that we But with the heat on artists who per country has recognized the bantusl should feel all is well in an obviously ab form in South Africa's urban areas, as truly independent. As recently as normal society," said one MDALI orga more and more entertainers are latch tober, the Reagan administration, cl nizer. AZAPO, in a nationally circu ing onto a new expedient-the bantus to Pretoria than any US governmer lated position paper, denounced foreign tans. South Africa's policy of "separate recent memory, affirmed that the ba performances because "for a while Black development" for these impoverished stans are an integral part of Sc people can feel equal to whites, sitting and overcrowded fragments of land is at Africa. side by side.. .while the law regards the heart of the apartheid system. Cov But Frank Sinatra knows bet them as unequals. After the show, ering only thirteen percent of the land, Sinatra's press agent, Lee Solters, c Blacks are faced by the terrible laws these tribal "homelands" have been des tried to argue that Sinatra's $1.79 that are laid down for them-curfew ignated by the whites as the only place lion gig at the posh, white-owned laws, [and] influx control, to mention a where the 72 percent of South Africa's City gambling and resort casino few." citizens who are Black will ever be in "independent" Bophuthatswana ha MDALI Secretary General Zakes allowed to exercise any political rights. stan, was a positive contributioi Mozokeng singled out Jackson for spe As each of the ten bantustans is forced racial justice. Sinatra's tour, Sol cial criticism: "MDALI once admired to accept a powerless paper "indepen boasted, was "an effort to make kn Millie Jackson as an artist, but now she dence," the people assigned to be its citi to the world, especially those coneei has shrunk to the size of apartheid. We zens by the white minority are auto with civil rights, the importance of no longer care for her.. .and that goes matically stripped of their South Afri independence of Bophuthatswana. for all the other artists who come here to can citizenship, even though many of think the establishment of Bophut enhance the system of apartheid." them have never set foot in their so as an independent country is called "homeland." When the last ban swana Some artists have even enlisted in step for their future developm tustan is declared independent, there right South African government efforts to dis- Solters added that he "couldn't gi shit" about te views of the Africar position. including those of the & African liberation movements and I Organization of African Unity. BOTSWANA I Attracted by the money, and shie ?IAM11IA by Bophuthatswana's fictional inde dence, Liza Minelli and, as of Deces I 2, , are among the toF performers to have appeared at City. Sun City promoters are carefli \ 1" 0 IN integrate the audiences-even if means busing in Blacks to fill the er 7NUT0 seats. Their tickets are free, since price may be double the average B Bophuthatswanan's monthly wage. However, there are indications entertainers are beginning to feel s tive to being tied to South Africa November, Parton's press agent, B ly Magid told Southern Africa Ps "would never go to South Africa. I going to an independent countr southern Africa." When challen Magid insisted that Bophuthatsv was not part of South Africa, and she was unaware of a boycott. M.]

4 SOUTHERN AFRICA/DECEMBER 1982 Terrorist Army

The activities of the so-called Mozam bique NationalResistance have begun to receive considerable attention in the Western press duringthe last year. There are increasingreports of MNR attacks on communal villages, trains, rail lines, power lines, buses, harbor installations and foreign aid projects. There remains, however, a great deal of confusion about what the MNR is and whom, if anyone, it represents. To understand the MNR, one must look at the situation which is now devel oping throughout southern Africa. In the following articles, Sean Gervasi and Barbaraand Allen Isaacman look at the MNR in the context of the larger crisis which now grips that region.

by Sean Gervasi

The internal crisis in the Republic of South Africa today dominates the politics of the whole of southern Africa. Pressures for change in South Africa are becoming irresistible, threatening to sweep away the whole system of apar theid. Awareness of these pressures, and of the successes of the African National Congress in mounting military and diplomatic. opposition to the apartheid Mozambican troops surveying weapons captured after FRELIMO overran a major MNR regime, have badly frightened South base at Garagua in December 1981. Africa's white rulers. Like other minor apartheid. ISo South Africa has turned to seem less dangerous than all-out ag ities seeking desperately to maintain a making war. gression. It is nonetheless all-out war hold on power, they increasingly see the The apartheid state is today engaged aimed at bringing South Africa's adver threat to apartheid as an external one. in a war across the whole of the subcon saries to their knees. Thus the Afrikaner state is now pro tinent, mounting overt and covert at South Africa, encouraged by the sup jecting its own internal crisis outwards. tacks on all its neighbors; from the south port of some Western countries, may Pretoria appears convinced that intern Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, it has actually be hoping to overthrow the al pressure for change depends largely turned to waging a newkind of warfare, governments of certain of its neighbors on external support. The problem, in the which might be -called "permanent lim in order to install more submissive Afrikaner view, is not the oppressive ited war."'This kind of warfare does not regimes in their place. character of apartheid, but rather is necessarily involve the full use of over that "subversive forces" are mounting whelming military power or permanent Origins of the MNR an assault from outside the country occupations of territory. Rather it uses The Western press tends to describe where they have friends, money, and military power "economically"-in lim the MNR as a "guerrilla" organization, secure bases. The best way to preserve ited amounts against important objec an "insurgent" group, and as the leaders apartheid, in this view, is to persuade tives. Often that power is used invisibly. of a "rebellion" against the present gov -or force-South Africa's neighbors to Its main objective is to destroy the eco ernment of Mozambique. These descrip cease their support for the liberation nomic system of an opposing country, tions are misleading for they ignore the struggle.. South Africa recognizes per thereby creating serious internal politi key issue-that the MNR is actually a suasion alone will not end the frontline cal troubles. South African creature, directed, sup |j states' determination to bring an end to This "permanent limited war" may plied, trained and assisted in the field by South Africa's Terrorist Army

DECEMBER 1982/SOUTHERN AFRICA 5 Terrorist Army

South African military intelligence. As be approximately 1,000 men in the Major bridges, were dynamited. H1 a political movement, it is an illusion MNR, and hundreds left for South Afri installations at Beira were blowi created by propaganda. In reality, it is ca in 1980. MNR groups inside Mozam The MNR was also infiltrating nothing more than an extension of the bique were ordered to the south near provinces, includipg Inhambane, e South African army, a "second army" Espungabera, where they built a large of Sofala on the Indian Ocean coast which is being used to attack the gov base at remote Sitatonga mountain. By Tete and Zambezia provinces, to ernment and people of Mozambique. the early spring of 1980, most of the north of Manica and Sofala., Gordon Winter, a former South Afri MNR had left Zimbabwe for South The main area in which the MNR can intelligence agent, makes it clear Africa or had gone to the new base at then operating, in the center ol that the MNR was a foreign creation Sitatonga. country, was a vast and underpopu. from the beginning, although former one. It contained less than 25 perce Rhodesian and South African intelli Confronting the "Second Army" Mozambique's twelve million pa gence agents differ on which agency was In the months which followed Zim But MNR activity was beginniE originally responsible for the idea. In his babwe's independence, the government cause concern. The government t] book, Inside BOSS, Winter says that the of Mozambique, aware that South Africa fore launched a major offensive ag •MNR was created by South African Mil had taken control of the operation, made the MNR during the latter part of 11 itary Intelligence and Rhodesian Intelli a concerted effort to push the MNR out This culminated in an important gence in 1976. Created as a "fake Black of the country. The MNR radio, Voz da tle at Garagua, in Manica provinc liberation movement, in Mozambique," Africa Livre, began broadcasting from the first week of December, wher it was intended, according to Winter, to the, northern Transvaal in June 1980. Mozambican army captured the ol wage war against ZANU's army, South Africa began to re-supply the tional headquarters of the MNR, a I ZANLA, inside Mozambique during the main base at Sitatonga at- the same base more than one mile in dian war for the liberation of Zimbabwe. time. It was clear that the MNR pre with cabins and supplies for more According to Winter, in its early sented a potential threat to Mozam 1,000 men. stages, the MNR "existed in name only" bique's security. and was used by South African propa In June 1980, the Mozambican army, MNR Regroups gandists to mislead international opin FPLM, captured the new MNR base at Despite the Garagua defeat, the b ion and disguise actions carried out by Sitatonga, after considerable fighting. continued to expand it activitie South African "reconnaissance com According to the FPLM, nearly 600 1982. By the beginning of this yei mandos." Twenty or thirty Mozambi MNR men were killed or captured in the was carrying out attacks in Gaza 1 cans were eventually recruited and sent battle there. Large quantities of South ince, to the west of Inhambane aloni into Mozambique to show that the MNR African arms and equipment were Zimbabwe border. Most of these 'really existed." But Pretoria continued seized. Only three or four hundred MNR aimed at sowing fear among peas to ferry large amounts of arms and am cadres were left inside Mozambique and and at reducing road traffic. The i munition into Mozambique, and "white the organization was crippled and with tration of Gaza presented a threat t4 advisers were sent regularly to brief out leaders. railroad from-Zimbabwe to Maputo new recruits," according to Winter. burinK 1981, South Africa made the agricultural production in This account is essentially corrobo another nlajor effort to build up the Limpopo valley. MNR activity in rated by Ken Flower, the former head of MNR. New recruits were found among and Zambezia also began to.increase Rhodesian Intelligence, although the former colonial troops of Portugal In June, MNR ambushes of road Flower claims the MNR was really a and Rhodesia. Young Mozambicans from fic in Tete had become so frequent Rhodesian creation. According to him, the central and rural areas were kid transport companies stopped usingE the South African role, in the early napped and impressed into service. roads. Other MNR actions in I stages, was relatively minor. In a recent "Recruits" who sought to escape were, include attacking trains, raiding i interview he described the formation of shot. The families of those who were kid munal villages and destroying rest the MNR as the Rhodesian reply to Mo napped were threatened and forced to ants and stores. Power lines f zamnbican support for the Zimbabwean provide food and other supplies. Mozambique's hydro-electric po Patriotic Front. Mozambican officials With expanding numbers, the MNR station were also cut. believe that the Flower account is the was able to step up its activities. In MNR attacks are not random. more accurate one. mid-1981, its main areas of operation are calculated to disrupt the econ Flower and Winter agree that, at the were in Manica and Sofala provinces, and. terrorize, the population. time of Zimbabwe's independence, South which lie astride the road and rail links It is clear from these examples" African military intelligence took con from Beira to Malawj and Zimbabwe. the MNR has two objectives: to dis trol of the MNR. According to Flower, Most actions at the'time were small the economy and to terrorize the p after the 1979 Lancaster House agree scale. They involved laying mines on lation. ment ended the Zimbabwean indepen rural roads, minor ambushesi the burn Attacks on the transport system I dence struggle, the British forced Rho ing of country stores and schools, and created serious problems in moving I desia Jo cease its support for the MNR threats against peasants. fic to and from Malawi and Zimbal and ordered that MNR forces be sent out Tbwards the end of 1981, however, landlocked countries which are de of Rhodesia. There were then believed to MNR attacks became more serious. dent on rail and road outlets to

6 SOUTHERN AFRICA/DECEMBER 1982 Terrorist Army

Indian Ocean. They have also affected two rear bases in South Africa. o MNR bases in Mozambique, or at least some of them, are supplied by air from the distribution of food and the availa * One rear base is integrated with' the South-Africa. bility of spare parts in several areas. facilities of the Voz da Africa Livre in Such attacks threaten Mozambique's northern Transvaal. * South African military intelligence earnings of foreign exchange from ex port crops. They inhibit foreign invest * MNR receives, significant aid from supplies technical specialists and merit and aid, and they frighten coop South African military intelligence. combat instructors to the MNR. erantes-foreign aid workers who are There is plenty of other evidence of needed to run important development * A South African brigadier is in charge of the MNR radio. South African involvement in the MNR. projects. Many South African helicopters and The terror practiced against rural supply planes have been sighted in commutitiqs " A South African colonel is the liaison has been particularly ugly. areas of Mozambique where the MNR is MNR forces have cut off lips, ears and to the MNR leadership and may be n breasts to terrorize peasants. They have ,ommand of the rear base. continuedonpagelO killed people indiscriminately. They have stuffed dead bodies in wells to poi son suppies of water. Such actions heighten the fear and anxiety already created by economic disruption. And they sometimes weaken the confidence of the people in the government. The MNR's actions are military rath er than political: They are aimed at creating havoc in the country-not at mobilizing political support. In fact, the MNR has no discernible political pro gram. An oganization which wageswar against a people, disrupting transport, creating shortages and killing at "ran dom, can scarcely hope to gather much popular support. It may force people in some remote areas to provide it with food or intelligence. But it cannot build a politic al movement, much less mount a challenge to FRELIMO, which, after all, led the Mozambican people to -inde pendence. The aim of the MNR is simply terror and destruction. And' this fact clearly points to the South African hand behind it all. When the Mozambicans captured the MNR base at Garagua, evidence there showed clearly that the base was manned by South African instructors, supplied from South Africa and in con stant communication with MNR units in various parts of Mozambique. The large quantities of arms and equipment cOip tured there were primarily South Afri can and Portuguese in origin. The base contained a helicopter pad, with many 200-gallon drums of helicopter fuel. Among the captured documents were the passports of South African combat instructors. Other documents contained extensive information on South African military support for the MNR. Evidence from the documents and other sources indicated that: * The MNR has at least one and possibly

DECEMBER 1982/SOUTHERN AFRICA 7 Malibongwe ANC Women: Poetry Is Also Their Weapon

Ode to aunt Mary For seventeen years she had to live in isolation among her community

For seventeen years she had to stay in the prison that was the Transvaal

For seventeen years she had to wear the heavy shawl of a banned person

A baned woman A banned wife A banned black-mother

Up to her dying day shown no mercy up to her dying day And some claim this is a Christian country and others claim this is a Christian government

But we know it is not and so does Aunt Mary Moodley* and all those restricted and listed persons hundreds and more who wear the claw-marks scratched crimson on their lives by a "Christian law"!

Anonymous • Mary Moodley... on 23rd October, 1979, Aunt Mary Moodley passed away, leaving a rich history of struggle emanating from her deep warmth and love for people and an even deeper hatred of the system, that wrecked, then discarded humans. Grass root organiser, arrests, banning order after another did not stop her. No more words now.

I get your point precise lady, gentleman of the world you say you know apartheid is a crime against humanity and you are part of it

I realise your argument that it is certainly indefensible to give approximately 87% of our country to about 13% of the population that originally came from where you unfortunately are part of I read but scorn your logic though that violence begets violence when you supply guns and money to those who had them, have had them and have them, that two wrongs don't make a right when countless times you veto my freedom at the United Nations that diplomacy works wonders when you fatten on the blood of my people in that part of the world you unfortunately are part of

But my point argument and logic 3• come from piles of dead bodies and the necks struggling under the yoke ask them what they think of me "a nice girl like you" as you put it when I shoulder with pride this AK 4*7 ask what they think of you and your cocktail party wisdom, "a nice person like you"

No more words now till our Nurenberg trials judge the rallies MaLibonWwe andweigh Munich ANC Women: Poetry Is Also Their Weapon LEdited by Sono Molefe LeroKumazlo African National Congress Malibongwe is available for $6.00 from the ANC Mission to the UN: 801 Second Ave. Suite #401 N.Y., N.Y. 10017 Terrorist Army continuedfrom page 7

active. South African helicopters have The People's actually been seen landing near MNR bases in the area near the Zimbabwe border. Counteroffensive A white mercenary was killed at Deroi in the autumn of 1981, just before the demolition of the bridges over the by Barbara and Allen Isaacmin tion were ex-Portuguese secret Pungue. Documents in his possession in agents and Rhodesian intell dicate that he spoke English. Maputo--"We are in a decisive battle officers. Initial MNR recruiting g The d'emolitions carried out at the in which the real enemy is South Af were primarily among the Pungue bridges and in Beira harbor at rica." This tihow Mozambique Foreign agents and African members ofi the end of last year were the work of Minister Joaquim Chissano explained Portuguese special forces who" highly trained specialists. The men who the current situation in a recent inter to Rhodesia after Mozambican i carried out the Beira demolition appear view. Evidence of the extent of this un dence. to have landed from the sea rather than declared war is growing daily, and the from the harbor. Western diplomats in Mozambicans believe worse is yet to White Controlled Maputo believe that these demolitions -come, pointing to therecent warning by From 1976, the Rhodesian ga were carried out by South Africans. South African Defense Minister Magnus ment provided the MNR with Ic Malan that his country might find it support, arms and bases alon The Western media has been pressing necessary to initiate a "Lebanese-type Mozambican border. MNR bands the view that Mozambique is going invasion" of Mozambique. sent marauding into Mozambiq through some kind of internal'upheaval, At the moment, Pretoria's main wea retaliation for Mozambique's imp and that the MNR is leading some kind pon in this war is the Mozambique of sanctions against Rhodesia w of "rebellion' against FRELIMO's pol National Resistance. Over the past year, support to ZANU forces. icies and against socialism. This notion the MNR has intensified its military 16 return for its assistante, Rhod ignores all evidence of South Africa's activity in the southern half of Mozam security got MNR subservience role in maintaining the MNR. In fact, bique, attacking bridges, railroad lines, clear from documents we saw i reporting has been bad and systemati communal villages and development were stuffed down a latrine whe cally biased. There is evidence that projects. But paralyzing key sectors of Mozambican army captured the in some reports the press have come the rural economy and destabilizing Garagua base at the end of 1981. ] from South African military sources Mozambique are not its only objectives. words of Alfonso Dhlakama, comm; without editors or reporters questioning It also seeks to sabotage SADCC (the of the MNR, "Ve were oppressed b their accuracy, and it is difficult to avoid Southern Africa Development Coordin Rhodesians and the leaders of our i the conclusion that much of what is re ation Conference), the integrated re ment were not allowed to make a ported about Mozambique is the result gional alliance of Zimbabwe, Angola, the decisions... We worked fo: of a deliberate effort to deceive Western Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana, Malawi, English [Rhodesians], neither I nxc public opinion. Zambia, Tanzania, and Mozambique deceased Andre could plan any mi' forged in 1980 to break South Africa's operations. It was the English wk MNR "activity" in Mozambique today economic dominance. Assistance to the termined the areas to attack and N is nothing less than South African mil MNR cannot be separated from South to recruit... " itary aggression. South Africa is waging Africa's heightened economic and mili The' achievement of Zimbabwes a covert war against Mozambique,, and tary pressure against Zimbabwe, its dependence did not end MNR actiN the MNR is the instrument it is using to increased attacks on Angola, and its it simply shifted the operation's i wage it. Without South Africa, there efforts to seduce Swaziland with the backer to South Africa. would be no "insurgency" at all. This is Kangwane bantustan and the Ingwa Today, with the wisdom of hindu not to say that the country would be free vuma strip. it seems true that although the M( of problems or that there would not be bican government continued to co some discontent with the policies of the MNR Orgn the MNR, it seriously underestin government. But there would be no South Africa's ties to the MNR date the vigor with which South Africa'N widespread military action of the kind back to its formation in 1976, although promote the continuation of MNR which is now taking place. fJ the most active agents in its initial crea version. Thus Mozambique begi turn its energy toward national r struction. SADCC programs were Sean Gervasi is presently working for Allen and BarbaraIsaacman are long tallized, and several important the Southern Africa Development Coor time observers and former residents of nomic agreements were signed. dinationConference. Mozambique. They have just returned popular militias were disbandE from theirmost recentvisit. many frontier regions.

10 SOUTHERN AFRICA/DECEMBER 1982 Terrorist Army

-- oabqercny-mobilized over, 1500 former freedom fighters and beefed up local milites to help in the fight against South Africa's terrorist forcesin Mozambique. The South Africans, on their side, had Sara Muchalima, a 2.6-year-old woman Maputo estimate the MNR numbers no intention of winding down the MNR. who had&been kidnapped by the MNR, about 5000-appreciably lower than They saw the roving bands as instri,- said, she saw ten European advisors Dhlakama's claim of 17,000 armed ments of havoc. We were shown cap- who, along with Dhlakama, were evac- soldiers. Many MNR recruits appear to tured documents of an October 1980 uated by helicopter shortly before the have been coerced into joining. John meeting between Dhlakama and a base at Garagua fell. " Burleson, a British ecologist held prig South African colonel, Van Nierok, at a While South African soldiers do par- oner by the MNR for several months, Transvaal military base. Van Nierok ticipate in.attacks, South Africa directs reported seeing hundreds of forced -rep. ordered the MNR to extend its opera- most of its energy .to training MNR cruits who were kept under armed tions from central to southern Mozam- forces at military bases in the Transvaal guard. Once in, especially after they bique-to "interdict rail traffic from and providing supplies and logistical have been, involved in an attack of some Malvernie-Gwelo, to establish bases in- assistance to the insurgents inside Mo- .kind, many recruits are afraid to leave side Mozambique adjacent to'the South zambique. Mozambican field command- because MNR commanders tell them African border,, [and] open a new mili- ers in Tete and Manica provinces told us tlhey will be killed by FRELIMO if they tary front in Maputo province." that MNR forces are regularly resup- are caught. Thus South Africa wanted to discour- plied at night. FRELIMO forces lack the age Zimbabwe and Botswana from ex- communication and air support to pre- "Program' of Terror porting their commodities through, vent these airdrops. Mozambique' s long Mozambique's serious economic prob Maputo, which was drawing substantial coastline is also ideally suited for naval lems make MNR recruitment that much traffic, away from South African ports, landings, which are becoming more fre- easier. Droughts, which the MNR at-t TO achieve this; the documents reveal, quent. Captured MNRt documents sug- tributes to alienated ancestors, the South African officials promised rockets, gest that this is the preferred route-it Mozambican government's failure to, mortars, small arms and advisers "who is much cheaper for South Africa, and provide sufficient support for the family will not only teach, but also participate, Mozambique's fledgling navy cannot frming sector, and the lack of consumer in attacks." patrol effectively. Key to South Africa's goods in parts of Manica, Sofala and Mozambican field commanders told us war is the sophisticated communica- Inhambane provide fertile ground for that "Boers" (white Afrikaners) regu- tions equipment given the MNR, equip- MNR overtures. Further the MNR has larly accompanied MNR bands in the ment which is far more sophisticated resorted to the manipulation of tribal central part of the country. A young of- than that' available to Mozambican divisions, appeals to Shona chiefs, spirit ficer who had fought in*Manica province forces. Thus MNR bands can maintain miediums and "traditional" Shona described several dead white soliders his contact with South Africa, whose recon- values to gain support. battalion had discovered when it over-, naissance planes flying inside Mozam-, Whatever the initial attraction of these ran an MNR base at Chidogo. South Af- bique provide valuable information on appeals, widespread plundering 'and rican-passports and other documents Mozambican troop movements, ' - increasing terrorism quickly evaporate have been captured at other MNR bases., Western diplomats we talked 'to in support for the MNIR and alienate the

DECEMBER 1982/SOUTHERN AFRICA 14 Terrorist Army

rural population which, above all else, through Beira, a mere fraction of pre subjected to attacks by Rhod wants to be left alone. Stories of MNR sanctions trade. then MNR forces against i atrocities are now legion, with many FPLM (the Mozambican army reports of rape, beatings and worse. Fighting Back protect them. Commenting oz Peasants from Gaza described one such Early this year close advisor to President M encounter: "At Madura, they came and the Mozambican leadership moved to initiate us, "FRELIMO used up a lot demanded money and food. They ac a new mili tary and political strategy cal capital during the Zimba, cused some people of being informers for to combat the MNR. Admitting by assuring peasants that peA government forces and cut off the nose, that the replacement of guerrillas babwe would bring prosperi lips and ears of a number of people. with a conventional army and the disbanding of many rural zambique. The peasants have. Then, they told them to go and report mili to tia units had grievances which the governs FRELIMO." left the country unpre pared for the MNR's resurgence now address. Armando Gabu, Reports filtering in from the bush in late 1980, in May 1982, FRELIMO ing member of FRELIMO' make it clear that these are not isolated reacti vated more than 1500 Committee, and Resident M acts by a few disaffected MNR members, former guerrillas. Many of these war-torn Sofala, stressed this but rather reflect are organized in counter the underlying strate told us, 'e cannot stand gy of an organization committed to ban insurgency forces, whose job is to harass id] must attack the economic a ditry, marauding and terrorism with the the MNR deep in the bush. The rural militia problems, especially the lacko ultimate aim of discrediting the govern has also been strengthened, a move goods." ment. A high-ranking Western diplomat aimed at regaining the support There is evidence that this in Maputo told us that although he was and confidence of the peasants. As of taking place. A knowledgeabli initially skeptical, he now finds "reports August 1982, about 40 percent of the adult journalist based in Maputo toli of widespread MNR barbarism cred rural populatiqn in Sofala was armed, and army is helping to rebuild vil ible." In one of its bloodiest actions, in the capital, the newly formed wells, and so on, as it did intl terrorists stopped a packed train 50 militia boasted upwards of tion war." In agriculture, miles north of Beira and raked it with 30,000 men and women. FREI begun to provide state suppo machine gun fire, killing fourteen and FRELIMO's task is not an easy one. family sector-which it had i wounding fifty others. For more than five years, many peas its campaign to promote com These tactics, together with ants in the affected areas have been the lages and state farms. This ye MNR's reliance on narrow tribal first time, agricultural im appeals directed exclusively at Shona seeds and basic consumer goo( speaking peoples, only one of a dozen available to peasants living ii einic and cultural groups in the coun My, belie its claim that it is a nationalist .id zones. Nevertheless, Mozambicar movement of freedom fighters disillu i'I ities realize that combating sioned with the FRELIMO th Party's just the first skirmish in a lonj Marxist strategy. Apart from its anti with South Africa. That regi communist rhetoric, it lacks any politi vital interest in ensuring the o cal program and has made no effort to economic dependency of the S) ,rganize the peasants in the areas in tions. But above all else is I which it operates. need to prevent the consolid Nevertheless, it has played a signifi- non-racial socialist society in cant role in Pretoria's undeclared eco bique. Such a state could se nomic, political and psychological war beacon of hope and a tower of against Mozambique and its SADCC al for South Africa's oppressed Ji s. One of the highest SADCC prior -Pretoria will risk much to dei liies is strengthening transportation and communicaiton links, so that land locked Swaziland, Botswana, Zim babwe, Malawi and Zambia can divert their traffic from South African ports. South Africa is determined to block this shift. Thus the railroad lines from Zim b bwe to Maputo and to Beira have been , eatedly sabotaged by the MNR. The July 1982 attack on the Maputo-Zim babwe line cut service for fifty days. And the strategy works. Beira, historically Zimbabwe's major international outlet, has suffered the most. Last year Zim babwe exported only 59,000 tons

12 SOUTHERN AFRICA/DECEMBER 1982 SOUTH AFRICA Wage Gap Grows

Since 1977 the turning of the leaves them, Black wage 'gains do sound im $26, over the old $216 monthly wage. and the harvest moon, have been joined pressive. According to data supplied by White miners also received a twelve per by a new indicator that winter's on the Sullivan's researchers, Black wages in cent increase, but with white wages way-the annual upbeat report on US creased an average of 214 percent be averaging $1080 per month already, the corporate activity in South Africa issued tween 1979 and 1982, while white actual monthly increases totaled $130. by General Motors board member Rev. workers' pay rose by only 175 percent. At least ten Black miners died during Leon Sullivan. As expected, this year's And between 1970 and 1980 Black the labor action, and thousands more report, issued November 1, argues that wages increased an average of 400 were fired. US corporations in South Africa act as a percent, while white workers' pay in Nor do wage figures alone tell the force for progressive change. creased 250 percent. whole story. While Black wages in The Sullivan reports are based on But measured almost any other way, creased 400 percent during the 1970s, data collected from US companies in the comparison does not look so favor prices did too, in just the last four years. South Africa who have signed on to able. Indeed, the South African reports According to Sowetan, one of the couwV Sullivan's corporate code of conduct. reveal that between 1970 and 1980, the try's few remaining Black-oriented And the code itself is based on the argu gap in actual wages between Black and newspapers, the sharpest cost-of-living ment that US corporations, by continu white workers more than doubled increases came in housing and con ing to invest in South Africa and insti -from $321 in 1970 to $698 in 1980. By sumer goods, items that traditionally tuting progressive labor practices, can 1982, the average monthly wage for absorb nearly all Black workers' 4help dismantle apartheid. But Sulli whites stood at $1044, while Black income. van's logic, and his recent cheery find wages averaged only $271, leaving a "It is not surprising that there have ings, stand. in stark contrast to the con $773 gap between average Black and lately been so many strikes in Black fac clusions reached by two independent white wages. tories," the Sowetan commented. "The surveys of Black and white wage levels But how can the gap between white people cannot manage with the kind of recently conducted inside South Africa. and Black wages be widening when wage they are earning." American They found that over a period in which Black wages are being increased at a owned factories, particularly in the the value of US direct investment in the faster rate than those- of whites? The automotive industry, have been among apartheid state more than tripled, the answer to this seeming contradiction those hardest hit by Black workers gap between wages paid Black and lies in an understanaing of the funda striking for higher wages. white workers has grown dramatically. mental ineuqality between Blacks and Perhaps the most revealing percent The two studies, one by the South whites, socially, politically and age contained in any of the three studies African Institute of Race Relations and economically, in South Africa. was published by the Race Relations the other by a Port Elizabeth- consulting This reality was, graphically illus Institute. They reported that the bare group, examined wage rates between trated by the strikes which hit South minimum Household Subsistence Level, 1970 and 1982. Both studies show that African mines last July (see "Black the minimum amount of money needed although Black monthly wages have in Mineworkers Strike," Southern Africa, for a family of six to simply eat and pay creased substantially in percentage September 1982). Black mineworkers rent, was surpassed by only about thir terms, the cash difference between walked out after receiving a twelve per teen percent of Black South African wages paid to Black workers and those cent pay increase, worth an additional families. J.C. El paid to whites has actually grown. The Sullivan report, in contrast, notes only that pay increases for Blacks aver aged 23 percent in 1982, while average If we take a mythical example of Black and white wages over a two pay increases for whites were 19 per year period, with increases of 100 percent for Blacks and 50 percent cent-without providing any figures for for whites, the wage gap increase is clearly shown. actual wages paid. When Sullivan, a Black minister and First year Second year civil rights activist during the 1960s, White wage $100 increases 50 percent to $150 introduced his six-point code of corpor Black wage 10 increases 100 percent to 20 ate conduct, it was billed as a measuring Wage Gap 130 stick for private sector behavior in South Africa. Since the first report in 1977, however, it has been used by cor Because Black workers start off with a much lower wage than whites, porations to justify 'their continuing a 100 percent increase for a Black worker means only a $10 increase investments in apartheid. in real pay for the Black worker, while the white worker, with a 50 The way the Sullivan report presents percent increases gets an increase in pay of $50.

DECEMBER 1982/SOUTHERN AFRICA 13 David HAUCK, Black Trade Unions in 07521), 1982. 254 pp. $26.50 h( Africa. Washington: Investor South William SUTHERLAND, Qua Research Center (1319 F Responsibility Answers on South Africa. Phi DC L UI' I LI(, ;4 St. NW, Suite 900, Washington American Friends Service C $25.00 pb. 20004), 1982.73 pp. (1501 Cherry St., Philadel Gail HOVEY, Namibia's Stolen Wealth: 19102), 1982. 15 pp. Pamphlel Publications Received: North American Investment and.South listed. York: Africa African Occupation. New UNITED NATIONS, Plunder AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS Fund (198 Broadway, New York, NY bian Uranium, Major Findir $2.50 pb. Mother of a Spear, Liberation poems by 10038), 1982.53 pp. Hearingson Namibian Uraniu South Africa students of the ANC IDOC International Bulletin, '1982, No. the UN Council for Namib school. Holland: Published by the local 7. South Africa's Churches Speak Up. 1980. New York: Publication solidarity group, Southern Africa Gron Via S. Maria Dell'Anima 30, 00186 ment (United Nations, N ingen (WZA), in cooperation with the Rome, Italy. Monthly. $15.00 annually. 10017), 1982. 33 pp. Includes Dutch Anti-Apartheid Group (WZA, Write for single issues. out maps, pb. Visserstaat 8, 9712 CV Groningen, Hol land), 1982. 32 pp. pb. No price listed. THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE UNITED NATIONS, The I Proceeds from the sale of this collec FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES, The Mili Sanctions Against South Af tion go to the Solomon Mahlangu tary Balance. London: International York: Publications Departmer Freedom College. Institute for Strategic Studies (23 Nations, New York 10Q17), 1! Tavistock St., London WC2E 7NQ), No price listed, pb. Compi Alan COOPER, U.S. Economic Power 1982. 142 pp. $14.00 pb. Objective Justice. and Political Influence in Namibia, 1700-1982. Boulder: Westview Press Z.K. MATTHEWS, Freedom For My (5500 Central Ave., Boulder, Colorado People. New Jersey: Rowman and Lit 80301), 1982. 222 pp., $22.00 pb. tlefield (81 Adams Drive, Totowa NJ Closing Date: 10/1

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14SOUTHERN AFRICA/DECEMBER 1982 Zimbabwe Trade Armscor Expelled From Greek Weapons Fair According to recently released gov ernment trade figures, South Africa re to pressure from anti Responding mains Zimbabwe's principal trading activists at home and abroad, apartheid partner. Nineteen percent of Zim the Greek government decided in mid babwe's total exports, valued at nearly October to expel South, Africa's state $64 million, went to South Africa during owned armaments company, Armscor, the first four months of 1982. A third of from an international arms exhibition Zimbabwe's imports came from its in Athens, Greece. The socialist govern white-ruled neighbor during the same which says it was unaware of the Coca-Cola ment, period, leaving Zimbabwe with a trade South African presence at the week-long deficit with South Africa of about $48 Faces Boycott exhibit until the second-to-last day, has million. Total exports dropped eight appointed a general to investigate the' More than a year after its South Afri percent from the same period last year matter. can franchise operator dismissed 250 while imports rose slightly. At the same time, the British anti workers, the Coca-Cola company is fac The figures underscore efforts by the movement and the Nor ing continuing pressure on two fronts. apartheid Zimbabwean government to reduce its wegian-based World Campaign against Since May 1, the General Workers economic dependence on its apartheid Military and Nuclear Collaboration Union of South Africa (GWUSA) has At independence in 1940, over with South Africa are claiming, credit neighbor. been organizing a boycott of all Coca ninety percent of Zimbabwe's trade the eastern Cape re for getting South Africa expelled from Cola products in went to, with, or through South Africa. Abdul Minty, chairman of gion of South Africa where the firings the exhibit. Reflecting .the general expansion of the campaign, contacted the Greek gov took place. And at an international lev economic activity since independence, ernment on Tuesday, October 12, and on el, the International Union of Food fuel and petroleum products topped the Wednesday the government decided to workers (IUF) has endorsed the action list of Zimbabwe's imports, accounting close down the South African display. and promised to bring pressure to bear for eighteen percent of the total, According to a Greek government on the US-based multinational. Zimbabwe's single statement, the South Africans gained bbacco remained The South Africa Bottling Company, largest export commodity, followed by entry to the arms show because a Greek a Coca-Cola- franchise holder in Port alloys, asbestos, nickel, agent for Armscor failed to report the ferrochrome Elizabeth, fired the workers in October sugar, and coal. 1981 after they went on strike demand proper country of origin for the Armscor ing better working conditions and recog display. Observers at the arms fair, how nition of GWUSA as their.bargaining ever, said the identity of the South Afri agent. During the months that followed, cans was evident, with South African South Africa Bottling stubbornly re flags flying at their stands. The invita fused to negotiate with GWUSA or to re tion to the South Africans reportedly instate the fired workers. So GWUSA was made by the exhibit's sponsor, a help';l You can heMll) Southern launched its boycott (an increasingly private firm with ties to the Greek De common and successful tactic in South fense Ministry. readrshi (anId buil l lh Africa in recent years) and appealed to The South Africans were apparently the IUF for support. pleased by their showing, terming it a At a meeting in Geneva, the IUF significant break in the international voted to support the South African arms embargo imposed by the UN five Union and announced plans to take the years ago. Armscor chief Piet Maris solaity movement) by issue up with the parent company. In a claimed the show "a major break previous case, after several union lead through." For four days Armscor repre ers at a Guatemalan Coca-Cola fran sentatives met with delegates of the or communiity ogrialltni chise had been killed or forced into exile, more than forty nations attending the ,Js wite us.i Well sen th IUF pressure eventually helped win a show and reportedly did a substantial, but undisclosed, amount of busines. union contract. lfmyou lie Ne Yrkan South Africa Bottling's first response "The biggest interest was shown by to the "UF was to state that the fired the Americans," said one Armscor ex strikers had all been replaced by non ecutive. "They couldn't believe the union-workers and would only be re amount of equipment we had opera instated when vacancies appeared. 7b tional in two years." The Americans ap cinumetItollll theliberatio date, only twelve have been rehired... parently also lauded the long-range G6 hardly enough to convince GWUSA to field gun which coincidentally was de call off its boycott or the lUF to drop its veloped with illegally obtained Ameri backing of the union. can technology.

DECEMBER 1982/SOUTHERN AFRICA 15 AFL-CIO Purposefu Tour To South Africa in Preto

A higA-level delegation of AFL-CIO Asia." Brown heatedly denied the Any notions that aparthei officials concluded a two-week "fact accusations. reformed to eventually acc( finding" visit to South Africa in mid At the end of the trip, tour member Black demands were laid to n September by predicting a "growing re Sol Chaikin denied that the CIA charges ly, by a senior South Africa lationship" between the American labor had hampered the delegation's ability to official. J. Chris Heunis, the n federation and the emerging union work with local unions. He conceded, charge of implementing corn movement in South Africa. Two months however, that the idea of an AFL-CIO proposals to give South later, however, the shape of that "grow training presence met with "some sus "colored" and Indian populatli ing relationship" remains undefined. Its picion" from local unions. Two unions, ordinate role in the cabinet prospects still somewhat clouded by the South African Allied Workers Union affirmed that Blacks will at suspicions among South African union (SAAWU), and the Motor Assemblers cluded from the political pro ists and press reports linking the and Component Workers Union the reforms go into effect. He c AFL-CIO's African American Labor (MACWUSA), flatly refused to meet the gestions to the contrary "p * Center with the CIA. delegation. And Chaikin did not dispute lies" during an address to a According to Nana Mahomo at the press reports that the delegation had gathering near Pretoria an AALC office in Washington, specific pro been received "coolly" by those unions that the ruling National Pai grams await the return of the center's and union federations that did meet not deviate from its policy of r executive director, Patrick O'Farrell, with them, including F6SATU, CUSA, Black political rights to th who is currently Ii out of the country. and TUCSA. developed bantustans. mid-December, he is to submit a report Heunis went on to rational on the September trip to the AFL-CIO's Nevertheless, Chaikin reported that exclusion in clearly racist teri executive board. Until then, Mahomo most unions in South Africa had voiced would remain of the principle told Southern Africa he could only interest in a follow-up visit by AFL-CIO taining civilized standards? speculate that the AFL-CIO would most education officers and in.receiving asked, explaining that Blac likely provide professional training audio-visual and other training mate outnumber whites eighteen services for South African unions. rial. And Mahomo stated that the dele brought into the parliament Early in the trip, press reports indi gation had returned from the September said that Blacks were not beinj cated there might be a permanent, "in trip more determined than ever to assist because of race, but because t country" training center.., provided, of South African unions and oppose people with their own traditioi course, that local unions and the South apartheid. and economic values. African government approved. Appar ently, the government did but the unions didn't. Mahomo told Southern Africa that "nobody has requested a training center." Instead, he indicated, the American federation will probably send training missions in response to requests from specific unions. He declined to mention any possible unions by name, just as he and the delegates themselves refrained from stating which unions had invited the AFL-CIO to make the trip. SOUTH AFRI CHALLENGE AND H(

A story alleging CIA links to the 'W AALC and its former director Irving Brown hit the front page of the Sunday Tribune the weekend after Brown and Jerry Hen the rest of the delegation arrived in 1501 Cherry St South Africa. Noting that 90 percent of Philadelphia, PA 19 the AALC's budget comes from the US (215) 241-7 government, the report cited "persistent allegations of a CIA link" and of a CIA 1-9 copies $, "tunion manipulation program in other 10 or more $ African countries, Latin America, and

16 SOUTHERN AFRICA/DECEMBER 1982 PERSPECTIVES ON SOUTHERN AFRICA A publishing program based on the premise that one of the most vexed and explosive regions of the world can be examined dispassionately-and that there is merit in doing so. Announcing four new volumes in this monumental series. Afrikaner Political Thought Analysis and Documents Volume I:1780-1850 by Andre du Tolt and Hermann Gilliomee This is the first volume in a major effort to gather and present in English the essential documents of Afrikaner political thought. The editors here assemble and analyze politically significant discussions and disputes among early Afrikaner settlers, and between them and colonial authorities over slavery, labor, trade, frontier conflicts, law and order, and independence from colonial rule. Volume 22. $35.00 The White Tribe of Africa South Africa in Perspective by David Harrison With its origin in the BBC series, this is a compendium of essential information about the attitudes, politics, and history of the Afrikaner people who comprise South Africa's ruling elite and the political base from which it is drawn. "A concise and readable primer on the Afrikaners' last 80 years ....straightforward, well researched and enlivened by anecdotes and evocative photographs."--Washington Post Volume 31. $16.95 The House of Phalo A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence by J. B. Peires In this first modern history of the Xhosa, Peires relates the story of one of the most numerous and important indigenous peoples in contemporary South Africa. He covers their consolidation, an interlude of cooperation and conflict with whites, and the frontier wars that led to their subordination inthe modern South African state. Volume 32. $27.50 Education, Race, and Social Change in South Africa Edited by John A. Marcum This book provides a concise overview of South African higher education and its politics and concludes with suggestions for actions the United States government, corporations, foundations, and universities might take to further higher educa tion of South African blacks. The book is based partly on interviews conducted by a team of American educators sponsored by the U.S./South Africa Leadership Exchange program. Volume 34. $25.00 Available at bookstores or order from UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley 94720

iik,,rotios byFe,,, D,,,ile

DECEMBER 1982/SOUTHERN AFRICA 17 ()

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