Qatar Stands Firmly with Palestinian Cause
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QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY of the STATE of QATAR ______TABLE of CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1
CASE CONCERNING MARITIME DELIMITATION AND TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS BETWEEN QATAR AND BAHRAIN (QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY OF THE STATE OF QATAR _____________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1. Qatar's Case and Structure of Qatar's Reply Section 2. Deficiencies in Bahrain's Written Pleadings Section 3. Bahrain's Continuing Violations of the Status Quo PART II - THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND CHAPTER II - THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF QATAR Section 1. The Overall Geographical Context Section 2. The Emergence of the Al-Thani as a Political Force in Qatar Section 3. Relations between the Al-Thani and Nasir bin Mubarak Section 4. The 1913 and 1914 Conventions Section 5. The 1916 Treaty Section 6. Al-Thani Authority throughout the Peninsula of Qatar was consolidated long before the 1930s Section 7. The Map Evidence CHAPTER III - THE EXTENT OF THE TERRITORY OF BAHRAIN Section 1. Bahrain from 1783 to 1868 Section 2. Bahrain after 1868 PART III - THE HAWAR ISLANDS AND OTHER TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS CHAPTER IV - THE HAWAR ISLANDS Section 1. Introduction: The Territorial Integrity of Qatar and Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 2. Proximity and Qatar's Title to the Hawar Islands Section 3. The Extensive Map Evidence supporting Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 4. The Lack of Evidence for Bahrain's Claim to have exercised Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands from the 18th Century to the Present Day Section 5. The Bahrain and Qatar Oil Concession Negotiations between 1925 and 1939 and the Events Leading to the Reversal of British Recognition of Hawar as part of Qatar Section 6. -
Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: the Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean
Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States © 2021 IAI in the Eastern Mediterranean by Adel Abdel Ghafar ABSTRACT The role played by countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Eastern Mediterranean is becoming increasingly ISSN 2610-9603 | ISBN 978-88-9368-177-3 important. This calls for an assessment of their evolving relationship with countries in the region, as well as their involvement in the Libyan conflict. Increased involvement by Gulf actors may inflame existing regional rivalries and geopolitical tensions. The interests of GCC countries in the Eastern Mediterranean are first analysed in the broader context of regional rivalries. Special attention is then devoted to Egypt, Libya, Lebanon, Greece and Cyprus, while considering the role of other key regional actors such as Turkey and Israel. Recommendations on why and how the new US administration should intervene to decrease regional tensions are provided. Gulf countries | Eastern Mediterranean | Turkish foreign policy | Egypt | keywords Libya | Lebanon | Greece | Cyprus | Israel IAI PAPERS 21 | 06 - FEBRUARY 2021 21 | 06 - FEBRUARY IAI PAPERS Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean © 2021 IAI by Adel Abdel Ghafar* Introduction In August 2020, United Arab Emirates (UAE) Minister of State Anwar Gargash tweeted: “the signing of the maritime boundary demarcation agreement between Egypt and Greece is a victory for international law over the law of the jungle”.1 This thinly veiled insult, directed at Turkey, was the latest salvo in the growing competition in the Eastern Mediterranean. -
GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H
II. Analysis Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Abu Dhabi, and King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Saudi Arabia, preside over the ‘Sheikh Zayed Heritage Festival 2016’ in Abu Dhabi, UAE, on 4 December 2016. GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H. Lawson tudies of the foreign policies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries usually ignore import- S ant initiatives that have been undertaken with regard to the Bab al-Mandab region, an area encom- passing the southern end of the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have become actively involved in this pivotal geopolitical space over the past decade, and their relations with one another exhibit a marked shift from mutual complementarity to recip- rocal friction. Escalating rivalry and mistrust among these three governments can usefully be explained by what Glenn Snyder calls “the alliance security dilemma.”1 Shift to sustained intervention Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE have been drawn into Bab al-Mandab by three overlapping develop- ments. First, the rise in world food prices that began in the 2000s incentivized GCC states to ramp up investment in agricultural land—Riyadh, Doha and Abu Dhabi all turned to Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda as prospective breadbaskets.2 Doha pushed matters furthest by proposing to construct a massive canal in central Sudan that would have siphoned off more than one percent of the Nile River’s total annual downstream flow to create additional farmland. -
Automatic Exchange of Information: Status of Commitments
As of 27 September 2021 AUTOMATIC EXCHANGE OF INFORMATION (AEOI): STATUS OF COMMITMENTS1 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES IN 2017 (49) Anguilla, Argentina, Belgium, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Bulgaria, Cayman Islands, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus2, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Guernsey, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Jersey, Korea, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, Montserrat, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Seychelles, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Turks and Caicos Islands, United Kingdom JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2018 (51) Andorra, Antigua and Barbuda, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan3, The Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belize, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, China, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Curacao, Dominica4, Greenland, Grenada, Hong Kong (China), Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Lebanon, Macau (China), Malaysia, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Monaco, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue4, Pakistan3, Panama, Qatar, Russia, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sint Maarten4, Switzerland, Trinidad and Tobago4, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Vanuatu JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2019 (2) Ghana3, Kuwait5 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2020 (3) Nigeria3, Oman5, Peru3 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2021 (3) Albania3, 7, Ecuador3, Kazakhstan6 -
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at the Hague
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at The Hague Case concerning Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions1 Year 2001 16 March General List No. 87 JUDGMENT ON THE MERITS 1 On 8 July 1991 the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar (here- inafter referred to as "Qatar") filed in the Registry of the Court an Application instituting proceedings against the State of Bahrain (hereinafter referred to as "Bahrain") in respect of certain disputes between the two States relating to "sovereignty over the Hawar islands, sovereign rights over the shoals of Dibal and Qit'at Jaradah, and the delimitation of the maritime areas of the two States". In this Application, Qatar contended that the Court had jurisdiction to entertain the dispute by virtue of two "agreements" concluded between the Parties in December 1987 and December 1990 respectively, the subject and scope of the commitment to the Court's jurisdiction being determined, according to the Applicant, by a formula proposed by Bahrain to Qatar on 26 October 1988 and accepted by Qatar in December 1990 (hereinafter referred to as the "Bahraini formula"). 2 Pursuant to Article 40, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the Court, the Application was forthwith communicated by the Registrar of the Court to the Government of Bahrain; in accordance with paragraph 3 of that Article, all other States entitled to appear before the Court were notified by the Registrar of the Application. 3 By letters addressed to the Registrar on 14 July 1991 and 18 August 1991, Bahrain contested the basis of jurisdiction invoked by Qatar. -
The Dark Side of Migration: Spotlight on Qatar's Construction Sector Ahead of the World Cup
THE DARK SIDE OF MIGRATION: SPOTLIGHT ON QATAR'S CONSTRUCTION SECTOR AHEAD OF THE WORLD CUP Amnesty International Publications First published in 2013 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org © Amnesty International Publications 2013 Index: MDE 22/010/2013 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom [ISBN:] [ISSN:] All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo: Doha skyline © Lubaib Gazir Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership -
The Need to Communicate: How to Improve U.S
THE BROOKINGS PROJECT ON U.S. POLICY TOWARDS THE ISLAMIC WORLD ANALYSIS PAPER ANALYSIS Number 6, January 2004 THE NEED TO COMMUNICATE: HOW TO IMPROVE U.S. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY WITH THE ISLAMIC WORLD HADY AMR T HE S ABAN C ENTER FOR M IDDLE E AST P OLICY AT T HE B ROOKINGS I NSTITUTION THE BROOKINGS PROJECT ON U.S. POLICY TOWARDS THE ISLAMIC WORLD ANALYSIS PAPER ANALYSIS Number 6, January 2004 THE NEED TO COMMUNICATE: HOW TO IMPROVE U.S. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY WITH THE ISLAMIC WORLD HADY AMR T HE S ABAN C ENTER FOR M IDDLE E AST P OLICY AT T HE B ROOKINGS I NSTITUTION NOTE FROM THE PROJECT CONVENORS The Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World is designed to respond to some of the most difficult challenges that the United States will face in the coming years, most particularly how to prosecute the continuing war on global terrorism while still promoting positive relations with Muslim states and communities. A key part of the Project is the production of Analysis Papers that investigate critical issues in American policy towards the Islamic world. A special focus of this series is on exploring long-term trends that confront U.S. policy-makers and the possible strategies and options they could adopt. A central challenge that America faces in its relations with the Islamic world is that of public diplomacy. While U.S. power is at its greatest historic heights, global esteem for the United States is at its depths. Polling has found anti- American sentiment to be particularly strong in Muslim countries and communities across the world, while the continuing violence in the Middle East has only further hardened attitudes. -
World Economic Forum on the Middle East and North Africa
World Economic Forum on the Middle East and North Africa World Economic Forum on the Middle East and North Africa Dead Sea, Jordan 24-26 May 2013 List of Participants Mahmoud Abbas President of the Palestinian National Authority; Chairman of the Palestinian Liberation Organization Executive Committee Mohamed Hisham Minister of Tourism of Egypt Abbas Zaazou Ali Abbasov Minister of Communication and Information Technologies of Azerbaijan H.M. King Abdullah II King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Ibn Al Hussein Jordan Reem Abu Hassan Minister of Social Development of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Masood Ahmed Director, Middle East and Central Asia Department, International Monetary Fund (IMF), Washington DC H.R.H. Crown Prince Al Crown Prince of the Hashemite Hussein Bin Abdullah Kingdom of Jordan Thomas Alexander Deputy High Commissioner for Aleinikoff Refugees, UNHCR, Geneva Perihane Allam Staff Member, Human Rights Department, League of Arab States, Cairo H.H. Princess Ameerah Founder and Chief Executive Officer, TimeAgency, Saudi Arabia Hady Amr Deputy Assistant Administrator, Middle East, USAID - US Agency for International Development, USA Jawad Anani Deputy Prime Minister for Development Affairs and Royal Court Chief of Jordan (1997-1998) Inger Andersen Vice-President, Middle East and North Africa, World Bank, Washington DC Samer I. Asfour Director, Economic and Social Affairs Directorate, Royal Hashemite Court, Jordan Dionysia-Theodora Member of Parliament, Greece Avgerinopoulou Khaled Mahmoud Minister of Manpower and Immigration Mohamed -
GIIGNL Annual Report Profile
The LNG industry GIIGNL Annual Report Profile Acknowledgements Profile We wish to thank all member companies for their contribution to the report and the GIIGNL is a non-profit organisation whose objective following international experts for their is to promote the development of activities related to comments and suggestions: LNG: purchasing, importing, processing, transportation, • Cybele Henriquez – Cheniere Energy handling, regasification and its various uses. • Najla Jamoussi – Cheniere Energy • Callum Bennett – Clarksons The Group constitutes a forum for exchange of • Laurent Hamou – Elengy information and experience among its 88 members in • Jacques Rottenberg – Elengy order to enhance the safety, reliability, efficiency and • María Ángeles de Vicente – Enagás sustainability of LNG import activities and in particular • Paul-Emmanuel Decroës – Engie the operation of LNG import terminals. • Oliver Simpson – Excelerate Energy • Andy Flower – Flower LNG • Magnus Koren – Höegh LNG • Mariana Ortiz – Naturgy Energy Group • Birthe van Vliet – Shell • Mika Iseki – Tokyo Gas • Yohei Hukins – Tokyo Gas • Donna DeWick – Total • Emmanuelle Viton – Total • Xinyi Zhang – Total © GIIGNL - International Group of Liquefied Natural Gas Importers All data and maps provided in this publication are for information purposes and shall be treated as indicative only. Under no circumstances shall they be regarded as data or maps intended for commercial use. Reproduction of the contents of this publication in any manner whatsoever is prohibited without prior -
2018 Calculations : عوﺿوﻣﻟا مﺳا Why Does Turkey Resort to Hard
2018 Calculations : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ Why does Turkey Resort to Hard Power in : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Tacking Regional Crises? 24/12/2017 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ϲϟΩΩϳηέϭΧ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ Since its establishment in 1923, Turkey has followed the famous maxim of Ataturk ³peace at home, peace in the world.´It has pursued a policy of closure, steering away from involvement in the conflicts of the Arab and Islamic worlds, but pivoted to the West instead. Over the past decades, until the advent of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002, this orientation has largely defined Ankara¶s foreign policy. However, current observers of Turkish politics will find it is quite different from the above. During the rule of the AKP, it has undergone several shifts and now is pursuing hard power towards the Arab world, exploiting the current developments in the region to cement its role and influence. This will most likely shape the Turkish policy towards the region¶s crises in 2018.Harbingers of Transition It can be argued that the current Turkish foreign policy is based on the ideas of Prof. Ahmet Davuoglu, as illustrated in his book ³Strategic Depth.´The book outlined his vision that perceived Ankara as a dynamic state in its regional and international environment based on economic, political and security factors, and others related to its vital geopolitical location, as well as its historical relations with geographical proximity. Although the ³zero problems´approach put forward by Oglu failed to achieve its primary objective of having ³zero problems with the neighbours,´the -
Qatar Oman Investment Company – Qpsc Doha
QATAR OMAN INVESTMENT COMPANY – Q.P.S.C. DOHA –STATE OF QATAR FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR THE YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31, 2019 TOGETHER WITH INDEPENDENT AUDITOR’S REPORT QATAR OMAN INVESTMENT COMPANY – Q.P.S.C. DOHA –STATE OF QATAR FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR THE YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31, 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages Independent auditor’s report -- Statement of financial position 1 Statement of profit or loss 2 Statement of comprehensive income 3 Statement of changes in equity 4 Statement of cash flows 5 Notes to the financial statements 7-28 INDEPENDENT AUDITOR’S REPORT TO THE SHAREHOLDERS, QATAR OMAN INVESTMENT COMPANY Q.P.S.C DOHA, STATE OF QATAR Report on the Audit of the Financial Statements Opinion We have audited the financial statements of Qatar Oman Investment Company Q.P.S.C. (the “Company”) which comprise the statement of financial position as at 31 December 2019, and the related statement of profit or loss, statement of comprehensive income, statement of changes in equity and statement of cash flows for the year then ended, and notes to the financial statements, including a summary of significant accounting policies. In our opinion, the accompanying financial statements present fairly, in all material respects, the financial position of the Company as at 31 December 2019 and its financial performance and its cash flows for the year then ended in accordance with International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRSs). Basis for Opinion We conducted our audit in accordance with International Standards on Auditing (ISAs). Our responsibilities under those standards are further described in the auditor’s responsibilities for the audit of the financial statements section of our report. -
An Examination of Qatar and Saudi Arabia
MAPPING RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY IN WAHHABI STATES: AN EXAMINATION OF QATAR AND SAUDI ARABIA Courtney Freer, Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science March 2019 © 2019 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Baker Institute. Cover image courtesy of Reuters / Naseem Zeitoon. Courtney Freer, Ph.D. “Mapping Religious Authority in Wahhabi States: An Examination of Qatar and Saudi Arabia” This report is part of a two-year project on religious authority in the Middle East. The study is generously supported by a grant from the Henry Luce Foundation. Mapping Religious Authority in Wahhabi States: An Examination of Qatar and Saudi Arabia Introduction When it comes to understanding Islamic authority in the Middle East, Wahhabi structures in the Gulf, traditionally considered to be the strictest in the world and in some respects the most politicized, perhaps also remain the most opaque. In this report, I assess which religious authorities have the most influence in the world’s only two Wahhabi states, Qatar and Saudi Arabia. In particular, I have three hypotheses. First, Saudi religious figures linked to the state establishment—because they are government employees—will receive broader support among citizen populations than other figures in that country, while state alignment will be less consequential in Qatar.