Library and Archives Bibliotheque et Canada Archives Canada

Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition

395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-91473-1

Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-91473-1

NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distrbute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non­ support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats.

The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author's permission.

In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privee, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de thesis. cette these.

While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis. Canada

EXAMINING THE USEFULNESS OF A GAY-STRAIGHT ALLIANCE

IN AN ONTARIO RURAL SECONDARY SCHOOL

by

Audrey Morrison

Honours B.A. Child and Youth Care, Ryerson University, 2008

THESIS

Submitted to the Faculty of Social Work

in partial fulfilment of the requirements for

Master of Social Work

Wilfrid Laurier University

© Audrey Morrison 2012 ABSTRACT

This study was carried out to determine if a Gay-Straight Alliance (GSA) was useful to sexually diverse students in a rural Ontario secondary school. GSAs began in schools in 1988, yet despite their longevity, there is a paucity of investigative research exploring the efficacy of such clubs from the perspective of past members. Rural sexually diverse youth (youth who are not heterosexual) often face challenges that their urban counterparts do not: a lack of diversity, transportation and resources. The study was qualitative in design and participants were recruited to provide a retrospective account of their experience in high school. Participants were eager to share their stories in an attempt to improve the quality of high school life for students coming into grade nine. Each interview was unique and many poignant reflections were captured. The findings illustrate that the Gay-Straight Alliance was indeed useful for these participants in a number of ways. The implications for the social work field, particularly school-based practice, are that Gay-Straight Alliances are vital. They need to be promoted and supported in schools. Social workers who are situated in school settings can be important champions for GSAs' sexually diverse youth and their straight allies. Social workers need to be well educated in sexual and gender diversity and be willing to embrace an anti- oppressive lens to foster positive youth development and empowerment. II

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I feel truly blessed to have had the support of many good people during this process. As a part-time student, doing a thesis has been a challenge and I have relied on my team to get me to this point.

I offer my heartfelt thanks to the participants for making themselves vulnerable and sharing their narratives with me. Their courage was truly stirring. It was vital to me that this research was conducted with integrity to ensure that their voices were heard, loud and clear.

I would like to thank Dr. Nick Coady for providing me with the inspiration to embark on this journey.

Sincere thanks go to committee member, Professor Laura Mastronardi for her wise and gentle guidance throughout this long and, at times, arduous process.

I am eternally grateful for the direction, patience and support of my thesis chair,

Dr. Ginette Lafreniere. She has spent countless hours responding to emails, making suggestions, providing questions and affirmations, and has been a source of strength for me throughout the process.

My gratitude goes to my colleague, Kim McEachern for her cheerleading, proof­ reading and affirmations.

I also offer thanks to my colleague, Julie Bartlett for all of her encouragement: showing confidence in me when I felt none.

Last, but certainly not least, I would like to thank my husband and soul mate,

Andy for his faith in my abilities throughout my entire program. I could not have done any of this without him. II!

TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i Acknowledgements ii Table of Contents iii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 Preamble: Growing up gay in a straight world 1 Issue Being Addressed 3 Theoretical Lens 5 Topic Selection 6

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 9 Literature Review 9 Adolescence 9 Resilience 11 Risk Factors 12 Rural Youth 14 Gay-Straight Alliances (GSAs) 15 Legislation 17 The Catholic School Board Stance on GSAs 24 Summary 28 The Historical Context of the GSA at CDHS 28

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY 32 Epistemology 32 Purpose and Type of Study 34 Participants 34 Procedure 35 Data Analysis 39 Conceptual Framework 40 IV

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS 43 Creating Identity 43 Family Values 53 School Environment 60 Socio-Cultural Influences 64 Gay-Straight Alliance 66

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION 74 Discussion of Findings 74 Reflections on the Research Process 81 Lessons Learned 85 Limitations 88 Recommendations for Future Research 89 Conclusion 91

APPENDIX A: Definitions 95

APPENDIX B: Email Invitation to Participate 98

APPENDIX C: Interview Questions 99

APPENDIX D: Informed Consent 100

Bibliography 103 1

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

Growing up gay in a straight world

In July of 1998, Dave1 spent the day writing letters. He meticulously wrote a special letter for each of his family members and his friends. He sealed each one in an envelope and wrote the name of the recipient on the front. That evening, he took the envelopes and set them neatly on his dresser. Closing his bedroom door behind him, he announced to his parents that he was going out. His next stop was the local gas station for a small jerry can of gasoline. He ventured onto the Mark Street Bridge in Rosewood, put duct tape over his mouth and then doused himself with the gasoline. His final actions included lighting himself on fire and jumping from the bridge to his death. He was seventeen years old.

His close friends said that he had been questioning his sexual identity. Although he had not shared this information with his family, he had been tormented mercilessly all through high school. At the time, there was no Gay-Straight Alliance (GSA) at the school and neither teachers nor guidance counsellors identified themselves as having a positive or safe space for youth to talk about sexual orientation. While some were concerned about youth who were sexually diverse, the political climate at the school at that time was one of "don't ask, don't tell".

Dave was an acquaintance of my daughter. His dramatic suicide shook our family to its core. The emotional and psychological burden on my daughter was profound. The uncertainty about a connection between his sexual orientation and his

1 Names of people and communities have been changed to protect identities. 2 suicide compounded the torment she experienced. This uncertainty left her and her friends questioning if they could have done or said something that would have prevented

Dave's untimely death.

Lesbian, Gay, Bi-sexual, Transgender, Trans-sexual, Two-Spirit, Intersex, Queer and Questioning (LGBTIQ) youth aged fourteen to twenty-one are identified by a British

Columbia Report (Rajabali,F., Pike, I., Kinney, J. & Joshi, P., 2005) as being at high risk of suicide. According to the same report, a disturbing seventy-five percent of LGBTIQ youth who had attempted suicide stated that sexual orientation was the most significant factor in their decision to take their lives.

Durkheim (1997) described three types of suicidal behaviour: altruistic, egoistic and anomic. When an individual is not properly integrated into society, has feelings of isolation, loneliness and confusion, those conditions are described as anomic. This condition is further exacerbated by a major disruption in a person's life such as the loss of a relationship. In Dave's case, the combination of adolescent identity formation and questioning of his sexual orientation would have created conditions rife for an anomic suicide.

Markus and Jacob were my daughter's closest friends in high school. They are both gay and both had harrowing experiences in school. Jacob and Markus both recount numerous incidents of being physically assaulted and were the recipients of homophobic slurs and taunts. Neither Jacob nor Markus publicly identified their orientation in high school; their tormentors acted on stereotyped assumptions. We have had many 3 discussions in our home about the very real dangers of homophobia and the gaps that exist within school culture to support youth.

Ironically, this transpired in the same high school where I am now employed. It was Dave's dramatic suicide and the experiences of my daughter's friends which sparked my interest in founding and maintaining a GSA at Countryside District High School.

Issue Being Addressed

Gay-Straight Alliances are a growing phenomena in Canada and the United States and have been since 1988 (Equality for Gays and Lesbians Everywhere [EGALE], 2010,

Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network [GLSEN], 2010, and Gay-Straight

Alliance Network [GSAN], 2010). Recently in Ontario, Canada these alliances have been heralded as a means of stemming the tide of homophobic acts of aggression and violence in publicly funded schools (Ontario Ministry of Education [MOE], 2009). In spite of longevity of GSAs, there is little data available on the efficacy of such alliances.

At issue is the notion of the Gay-Straight Alliance being a useful medium for youth who do not identify with a heterosexual orientation. This study illuminates the efficacy of such a group from the perspective of the study participants who were former members of the Countryside District High School GSA.

It is important to note that Policy/Program Memorandum 119, a directive released by the Ontario Ministry of Education (MOE) on April 6,2009, gave school boards clear instruction to form Gay-Straight Alliances when students request them. Recognizing the ongoing oppression of Lesbian, Gay, Bi-sexual, Transgender, Trans-sexual, Two-Spirit,

Intersex, Queer and Questioning (LGBTIQ) youth that still exists in spite of that 4 directive, the MOE found it necessary to bring forth yet another amendment to the

Education Act (Bill 13, June 2012) that reiterates interventions and supports for sexually diverse youth, including the right to call clubs Gay-Straight Alliances if the member students choose to do so. This will be discussed further in the literature review.

It is both timely and pertinent to determine if youth find GSAs useful. In particular, this study specifically examined the experience of rural youth. Rural youth face unique challenges in addition to the developmental tasks of adolescence. Youth who do not identify as heterosexual experience marginalization and oppression by systemic homophobia.

Over the course of reviewing related literature, I found few studies about rural adolescents and a definite dearth of information about the lived experience of rural

LGBTIQ youth. This could be because researchers have tended to focus on youth who are in close proximity to urban centres where a great deal of research is conducted or because of reluctance on the part of rural LGBTIQ youth to self-identify for the purpose of various studies. Another plausible explanation is that when studies of rural youth are conducted, their sexual orientation and lived experiences have not been fully explored.

The findings of this study should provide social work practitioners with some insight about whether a Gay-Straight Alliance serves as a support for rural LGBTIQ youth or if efforts need to be focused in another, more supportive fashion. In addition, it may inform government policy relative to establishing or offering GSAs within rural

Ontario schools. 5

Theoretical Lens

Historically, people who do not identify as heterosexual or fit within the gender

binary of male/female have been subjected to oppressive practices (Bunzl, 2004).

Examples of oppression include barriers to basic human rights and freedoms, and may

include internalized as well as externalized oppression (Baines, 2007). An example of internal oppression in this context would be internalized homophobia while an example of external oppression would be social isolation. A Gay-Straight Alliance embodies all of the tenets of anti-oppressive practice. It is working from within a system to identify and

break down the forces that serve to perpetuate oppression. Additionally, it provides a space where youth are safe and can be supported in their development of identity.

An evolving theory, anti-oppressive practice is defined by Baines (2007), as

"an umbrella term which borrows from feminism, Marxist, post-modernist, Indigenous, post-structuralist, critical constructionist, anti-colonial and anti- racist" (pg. 4)

The GSA serves as a social movement to illuminate and eradicate the systemic oppression experienced by sexually diverse youth in the school. The GSA plays a multitude of functions (which are discussed in the findings), all of which help to create a more socially just school climate: education, activism, challenge stereotypes and break down barriers to inclusion.

There is an undeniable tension between anti-oppressive practice and the demand for institutionalized conformity, particularly when the institution is seeing life through a heterosexual lens. The public school system purports to want students to be critical thinkers and value social justice, yet the phallocratic structures and policies demand 6 adherence to rules. Dissenters are discouraged. Since its inception, the GSA members have pushed the envelope by refusing to go along with the status quo. Members have actively sought and gained important positions on the school student council as well as the anti-bullying committee. One of our GSA leaders also sat on the school board's equity committee. While at times it has felt like pushing an elephant up a hill, I do believe we are progressing in the right direction.

Topic Selection

In this period of time when news headlines are dominated by tragic stories of bullycides (suicide following unrelenting bullying), suicides of sexually diverse youth and government directives to utilize GSAs as a means to prevent these tragedies, it seemed germane to examine the usefulness of having a GSA in a rural high school.

Countryside District High School2 is a public secondary school, geographically situated in Thistletown, Ontario. Thistletown is a quaint village, nestled along the banks of the Winding River. The community is comprised predominately of white, working class people. It is characterized by its European heritage and surrounding farming community.

The high school catchment area includes the population north and east of Mantle, south of William, Mala, Rosewood and outlying areas. In total, about fifteen hundred students are registered at the high school.

There is a long standing rivalry between Rosewood and Thistletown. Rosewood residents describe themselves as predominately professional or artists. They pride

2 Names of the schools and communities have been changed to protect identities. 7 themselves on the downtown boutiques and the breathtaking Rosewood Gorge. The elections signs in Rosewood tend to be orange or red (suggesting liberal affiliations) while Thistletown is a sea of blue (identifying with more conservative ideals). The contrast between the liberal and conservative ideologies plays out daily at the high school.

Some of the students are very open minded while others are quite entrenched in rigid, moralistic, judgemental thinking.

Statistics Canada (2006) paints a picture of the Township of Countryside District as a fairly homogenous group. Ninety-nine percent of the residents are not in a visible minority category. The median age is forty. The split between male and female is about

50/50. Unfortunately, Statistics Canada does not make data available about same sex relationships, sexual orientation or gender identification in their community profile reports. A majority are legally married and the bulk live in single dwelling residences. A large number have attained education beyond secondary school and the median family wage is just over ninety-five thousand dollars a year. The communities within

Countryside District themselves are quite diverse and the snapshot does not reflect the significance of this. Of the fifteen communities, two are trailer parks with many low income families; one is a retirement village; two are ethnically defined communities; four are largely high income communities; five are farming communities and one is a blend.

Referring to Statistics Canada (2006) again, for Willow Township (which includes the Mala residents), the picture is quite different. Willow has a large Mennonite population where English is a second language and there are many seasonal farm workers from Mexico and Jamaica. Once more, Statistics Canada indicates that a majority of the population as not a visible minority. In contrast to Countryside District High School 8 where most speak only English, Willow has twenty-one percent of the population whose first language is neither French nor English. Almost half have no certificate, diploma or degree. A resounding number are legally married and the median family wage for this group is just over seventy thousand dollars a year. The median age is thirty and again, the male to female ratio is about even.

The total population of these two areas for youth aged fifteen to nineteen (the bulk of the range for high school students), is two thousand, eight hundred and twenty. About half of these youth attend Countryside District High School.

Given the dissimilar nature of the communities, values and belief systems, it seemed important to understand how useful a GSA is in terms of supporting youth who identify as sexually diverse. 9

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

Literature Review

This review was conducted in order to examine literature about rural LGBTIQ

(Lesbian, Gay, Bi-sexual, Transgender, Trans-sexual, Two-Spirit, Intersex, Queer and

Questioning) adolescents in comparison to both their urban counterparts and their heterosexual peers. I was particularly interested in looking at the availability of data for outcomes for LGBTIQ youth at a rural high school with a Gay-Straight Alliance (GSA).

While there is a plethora of studies highlighting the risk factors that LGBTIQ youth face in relation to their heterosexual peers, there is little information available about the experience of the rural LGBTIQ adolescent. It should also be noted that research with negative outcomes for youth outside the heterosexual male-female binary far outweighs studies which showcase positive outcomes. This review will also look at the origin and purpose of Gay-Straight Alliances and current legislation as set forth by the Ministry of

Education (MOE) in Ontario, Canada as it pertains to LGBTIQ youth and GSAs.

Adolescence

One of the primary developmental goals of adolescence is for the teen to develop a sense of identity (Erickson, 1968). Adolescents are very sensitive about how they appear to others and how they are perceived. Transitioning from childhood to adulthood can bring about confusion. Erickson (1968) felt strongly that it is at this particular crossroad that an identity crisis can occur, especially if the youth is not supported through their transition. 10

Additional developmental tasks to be achieved during adolescence are for teens to adjust to their changing bodies and psyche, negotiate their way to form social connections, determine a career path and become independent from their caregivers.

They need to develop a secure sense of self in order to fully define their identity.

(Koenig, 2008)

Adolescence can be a particularly trying time for youth in a sexual binary culture if they don't conform to a heterosexual female or male identification or societal expectations. Teens who are discovering their orientation to be other than heterosexual face social/emotional developmental challenges due to actual and feared reactions and rejection from their peers, families, social networks and social supports (Tharinger &

Wells, 2000).

Sexually diverse youth have a strong need for continuity of familiar places which offer the constancy of non-judgemental love and support (Pollack, 1998). A homophobic ecology, that is an environment where heterosexuality is valued and homosexuality is feared, can resvilt in internal and external high risk situations if sexual- minority youth are actively denied this support.

It has only been within the past three decades that it was even acknowledged by the adult world that youth could legitimately identify as gay, lesbian or transgender

(D'Augelli, 1996). Prior to this, it was believed that sexual orientation did not form until late adolescence (Rofes, 1995). We now know that youth are first aware of their same- sex attraction between ten and twelve years of age (Galliher, Rostosky & Hughes, 2004) and will typically disclose around age sixteen (D'Augelli & Dark, 1995). Between the 11 ages of twelve to nineteen, teens undergo significant biological, psychological, cognitive and relational changes. They are striving to be an individual and be connected; to achieve autonomy while maintaining a sense of belonging, balancing support and independence.

If youth are supported during this time of change, they will be able to master the developmental tasks of adolescence. Without support, they are at risk of dropping out of school, engaging in high risk behaviour, experiencing significant mental health challenges and in some cases, completing suicide (Tharinger & Wells, 2000).

Resilience

Several factors are identified as protective for youth. Tharinger & Wells (2000) argue that an adolescent's repertoire of adaptation skills developed prior to puberty is an important determinant of their ability to cope. Sexually diverse youth fair much better

when they experience support from their key caregivers and educators. Cicchetti & Toth

(1998) identify the following as protective factors: secure attachment; good intellectual functioning; an appealing, sociable, easygoing disposition; self-efficacy; self confidence; high self-esteem; talents (e.g. athletic skills, musicality); and faith (i.e. religion, spirituality). Also noted by Masten (1994) were temperament, gender, level of interpersonal awareness, empathy, activity level, sociability and verbal abilities.

Family relationships are identified as a central protective factor. A close relationship to a caring parent figure, authoritative parenting, and connections to extended supportive family networks are important factors in resilience for youth. Positive school climate and supportive adults and friends are also key (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). 12

The data from the National Longitudinal Study on Adolescent Health (Resnick et al., 1997) illustrate quite clearly that parent/family connectedness and perceived school connectedness are protective against every health risk behaviour measured, with the exception of pregnancy. All of the preceding statements also apply to LGBTIQ youth, but the single most important protective factor for sexually diverse adolescents appears to be a supportive connection with their families in general and their parents in particular.

Risk Factors

Sexually diverse youth often lack parental, sibling and extended family support once they have disclosed their orientation. Tharinger & Wells' (2000) research indicates that parents go through a grieving process and may mistakenly believe that they are responsible for their child's sexual orientation. This is particularly troubling for parents whose value and belief systems include a degree of homophobia stemming from religious or cultural roots. If parents feel they have done something to have a child who is outside the standard binary sexual orientation or gender identification, the resulting pressure frequently manifests in intra-familial conflict. Youth often report being physically assaulted by their parents or are banished from the home. For youth who do not have strong home supports, or who are ostracized from their family, school becomes a vital harbour of acceptance. Schools, however, may not be warm and welcoming places either.

Students who self-identify or are perceived as being outside of the traditional binary heterosexual system, experience a hostile school climate (bullying, harassment, sexual harassment, teasing, discrimination) far more often than their straight peers

(Williams, Connolly, Pepler & Craig, 2005; Harris Interactive and the Gay, Lesbian, and 13

Straight Education Network, 2005.). In a report by Human Rights Watch (2001),

American LGBTIQ youth were found to be three times as likely as their straight peers to have been involved in a physical fight and to be threatened or injured with a weapon.

They were four times as likely to be truant from school because they felt unsafe, were twice as likely to consider suicide, and four times as likely to attempt suicide.

Canadian findings are similar. In the 2009 climate survey done by EGALE, seventy-five percent of students who identify as LGBTIQ claimed to have felt unsafe at school. Transgender students feel even more afraid and more victimized than their

LGBIQ peers. Three-quarters of LGBIQ students and ninety-five percent of transgender students felt unsafe at school, compared to one-fifth of straight students. Over a quarter of LGBIQ students and almost half of transgender students had skipped school because they felt unsafe, compared to less than a tenth of non-LGBTIQ. Transgender students

(over a third) were twice as likely as LGBIQ students, and four times as likely as straight students to strongly agree that they sometimes feel very depressed about their school and that they do not belong. A sense of fear is evidenced by youth of sexual minorities who report that teachers fail to respond to or to intervene in violence and harassment

(Tharinger & Wells, 2000).

There are five strategies identified to advocate for LGBTIQ youth in schools

(Graybill, Vaijas, Meyers & Watson, 2009): inclusion of LGBTIQ issues in the curriculum, staff development, support for Gay-Straight Alliances, inclusion of sexual orientation in existing antidiscrimination policies, and increasing the visibility of

LBGTIQ populations through display of supportive posters, resource fliers around the schools, and LGBTIQ media in the school libraries. In spite of this, Mudrey and Medina- 14

Adams (2006, as cited in Graybill, Varjas, Meyers & Watson, 2009) found that seventy- four percent of pre-service teachers in the United States surveyed on a measure of homophobia scored in the homophobic range. This is troubling because of the influence that teachers have on the student populous - both tacit and overt - as well as the lack of advocacy for LGBTIQ youth. School administrators can play a role in providing staff development, supporting the purchase of library resources and displaying posters, but ultimately, if teachers are homophobic, they will not be advocating for LGBTIQ youth and will be more likely to turn a blind eye or fuel homophobic slurs and aggression in the school environment.

Rural Youth

Youth in rural communities face challenges different from their urban counterparts. Access to resources, mental health care, sexual health care, and opportunities for social interaction is limited. A lack of transportation compounds the issue. This can be quite problematic for any adolescent and particularly troubling for the

LGBTIQ youth. Galliher, Rostosky & Hughes (2004) note that prejudice toward sexually diverse youth is particularly strong in rural areas. If youth have the courage to disclose their orientation, they can be socially isolated because their opportunities to identify with an LGBTIQ peer group may be limited or non-existent. Rural communities tend to be small and people are very familiar with each other and their life situations. Opportunity for anonymity is severely restricted. While there is a dearth of research on rural

LGBTIQ youth, a study conducted by Poon and Saewyc (2009) found that basic family need worries and suicidality were more prevalent with rural LGBTIQ adolescent males than their urban counterparts. Rural female sexually diverse adolescents were much more 15 likely than their urban counterparts to have engaged in sex before the age of fourteen and were also more likely to report substance use.

It is difficult to tease out if a higher percentage of rural adolescents are heterosexual than urban youth or if rural youth make a conscious decision not to disclose due to the isolation and lack of supports (Poon & Saewyc, 2009).

Gav-Straieht Alliances (GSAs-)

The concept of a GSA is a simple, yet important one. It aims to provide a safe place for youth of any sexual orientation and gender identity and their supporters. Youth have the option of declaring their orientation and identity but are not asked or required to do so. The groups are quite varied, with some being purely social while others serve to educate and advocate (EGALE, 2010).

It is interesting to note that when the first GSA was formed in 1988, the name was meant to be inclusive. Now it seems limiting. The name Gay-Straight Alliance itself seems binary in that a person is either gay or straight with no room for sexual identity beyond gay or straight.

The first GSA of record was formed in 1988 at a Massachusetts private school by a straight student who approached a gay teacher and proposed starting a GSA (Schindel,

2008, GLSEN, 2010). The purpose of the group was to advocate for social justice and respond to the need for safe places. While many such groups formed in schools across the United States, it was the GSA Network, founded in San Francisco in 1998 that gave

GSAs in schools a helping hand. The Network provides networking and resources for students and advisers. Another instrumental group in the United States is the New York based GLSEN (Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Educators Network) with over 4000 American

GSAs registered (GLSEN, 2010).

In Canada, EGALE has been the frontrunner for LGBTIQ advocacy since its founding in 1986. Their statement of purpose includes advocacy, political action, intervention in legal cases and increasing public education and awareness. EGALE most recently published The First National Climate Survey on Homophobia in Canadian

Schools (EGALE, March 2009) which detailed the types of harassment and frequency of violence in schools toward LGBTIQ youth. It also asked questions about how supportive school staff was and if the respondents were aware of any equity policies in their school.

EGALE's involvement with GSAs began following the climate survey and they are listed as an important resource for educators across Canada.

Chesir-Teran and Hughes (2008) report that students are more aware of inclusive policies and staff training in schools where a GSA exists. This suggests that the level of advocacy and social activism may be greater in schools with a GSA.

GSAs are not a viable sole solution to address high levels of LGBTIQ victimization in a school. Findings from a recent study done by Toomey, Ryan, Diaz &

Russell (2011) indicate that a combination of GSA and clear policies that address bullying and harassment are most effective. The study also supported the notion that

GSAs have a positive influence on positive development and greater educational attainment. Interesting, but not surprising, was the finding that students need not be members of a GSA in order to reap the benefits of one at their school. Legislation

In this section, I will review portions of Ontario's Bill 157 (Keeping Our Kids

Safe at School), specifically Policy/Program Memoranda (PPM) 145: Progressive

Discipline and Promoting Positive Student Behaviour, as well as PPM 119: Developing and implementing equity and inclusive education policies in Ontario schools.

Historical Context

The year was 2004; Ontario had barely survived the Conservative "Common

Sense Revolution" of Mike Harris (Jun. 26,1995 to Apr. 14,2002) and the subsequent ineffective Conservative Government of Ernie Eves (Apr. 15, 2002 to Oct. 22,2003).

During this time frame, Ontario had seen the implementation of the Ontario Works Act in

1997 (a drastic change in the way people could apply for and receive Social Welfare funds) as well as a substantial reduction in funding to Children's Services, a muzzling of the Children's Advocate in Ontario and significant cuts to support services in Ontario schools.

In that same year, 2004, an unrelenting wave of school violence broke out in schools in Toronto, Ontario with massive media coverage and public outrage. This sparked the impetus and provided fertile ground for a policy window (Kingdon, 1984) as

Ontario had a fairly new Liberal Government with a different direction than their

Conservative predecessors, a media crisis, pressure from parents, school staff and police.

In response, then Education Minister, Gerard Kennedy announced that a special Safe

Schools Action team had been appointed with the sole purpose of studying and advising the Government on the current state of safety in schools and providing policy 18 recommendations. Following the delivery of the Shaping Safer Schools Report (Sandals,

2005) came a plethora of changes with new legislation (Bill 157) and numerous

Policy/Program Memoranda from the Ministry of Education (MOE).

At issue was the inclusion and equity for youth whose sexual orientation is not defined as heterosexual in the context of bullying and being safe at school. The Safe

Schools Action Team (Sandals, p.7) identified some of the possible outcomes of bullying as;

"social anxiety and loneliness, withdrawal, physical ailments, low self esteem, absenteeism, diminished academic performance, phobias, depression, and even aggressive behaviour. In the most extreme cases, the result is suicide."

These outcomes are congruent with the findings of EGALE (2008) but the impact for Lesbian, Gay, Bi-sexual, Transgender, Trans-sexual, Two-Spirit, Intersex, Queer and

Questioning Youth (LGBTIQ) seem to have a much more far reaching effect. They reported that they could not be themselves at school, they often felt unsafe in many places in a school and did not feel comfortable talking to teachers, principals or coaches about

LGBTIQ issues. The findings confirmed that:

"a great deal of homophobic and transphobic verbal and physical harassment goes on in Canadian schools, that LGBTQ students are more likely to be aware of it than are other students who are not its main targets, and that the institutional response to harassment has more often than not been inadequate." (EGALE p. 17)

LGBTIQ youth have clearly been marginalized by the heteronormative and oppressive practices in both the institutions and curriculum of public education in this province. Evidence of such practices is illuminated by the data from EGALE (2008), the 19

Ontario school curriculum and Ontario policy statements. The contents of the Ontario

Human Rights Code (R.S.0.1990, Chapter H19) and pressure by special interest groups have challenged the heterosexual social order of the institution of education in Ontario.

According to Barrows (1989), the media plays a key role in amplifying issues and this was certainly evidenced in the period directly preceding the appointment of the Safe

Schools Action Team by the MOE.

Policy/Program Memoranda No. 119

This PPM is also known as Realizing the Promise of Diversity: Ontario's Equity and Inclusive Education Strategy. It was issued on April 6,2009 and replaced PPM 119 issued July 13, 1993. This strategy sought to promote a respect for diversity, promote inclusive education, identify and eliminate discriminatory biases, system barriers, and power dynamics. These barriers and biases (as are asserted in the document), whether overt or subtle, intentional or unintentional, need to be identified and addressed. The

MOE publicly recognizes that intersecting factors such as race, sexual orientation, physical or mental disability, gender, and class may provide barriers to student success.

Within PPM 119, a formal definition of inclusive education is offered:

"Education that is based on the principles of acceptance and inclusion of all students. Students see themselves reflected in their curriculum, their physical surroundings, and the broader environment, in which diversity is honoured and all individuals are respected."

The PPM goes on to state that school board policies must cover the prohibited grounds of discrimination set out in the Ontario Human Rights Code which includes sexual orientation. It also mentions that the board and school's workforce should reflect 20 the diversity of the community. This again harkens back to the tokenism of the non- dominant grouping of LGBTIQ youth and staff. In order to identify discrimination and reflect diversity, the onus is on the youth and staff to essentially "out" themselves whether they choose to or not in order to claim their rights.

Further into the PPM, there is mention of the need for inclusive curriculum:

"Schools must provide students and staff with authentic and relevant opportunities to learn about diverse histories, cultures, and perspectives. Students should be able to see themselves represented in the curriculum, programs, and culture of the school."

Essentially, this speaks to queering the curriculum which, as announced by

Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty (April 23,2010) will not happen even partially until the grade eight health curriculum when sexual orientation will be briefly discussed. Plans to teach children about gender identity and orientation starting in grade three were vetoed by dominant heterosexual parents and religious groups.

Policy/Program Memoranda No. 145

This particular PPM was issued by the Ministry of Education (MOE) in Ontario on October 19,2009, replacing PPM 145 issued October 4,2007. This PPM is also known as Progressive Discipline and Promoting Positive Student Behaviour.

Under the sub-heading of "Promoting and Supporting Positive Student

Behaviour", the MOE identifies homophobia as an issue.

In the section titled "Progressive Discipline", it is noted that consequences for students who engage in homophobic slurs or actions may be a short term suspension from school, a long term suspension or expulsion. The MOE further states that these students 21 will have access to programs to continue their education but makes no mention at all of any restorative practices or access to counselling during their period of banishment. It is conceivable that the only real learning that will take place as a result of removal of the offending student (temporarily or permanently) is that they need to take care not to get caught perpetrating such deeds in the future. In order for a student to be subject to progressive discipline, a report of the undesirable behaviour must first be made. This puts the vulnerable sexually diverse student in the position of having to report homophobic slurs or actions. The student either has to find the courage to make someone in a position of authority aware of the incident and risk not being believed or stay quiet, have no voice and continue to experience the oppression and harassment that is so pervasive in the school ecology.

In the policy component section, school boards are mandated to include in their policies, the statement,

"Homophobia, gender-based violence, sexual harassment, and inappropriate sexual behaviour must be addressed. "

Superficially the statement appears to have merit but lacks directive substance.

The subheading of Prevention and Awareness Raising includes two areas of contention. The first passage of contention is,

"Boards must also help school staff to give support to students who wish to participate in gay-straight alliances and in other student-led activities that promote understanding and development of healthy relationships. " The wording in this passage is vague. It does not mandate that every school should have a gay-straight alliance (GSA). It does not acknowledge that the staff may be homophobic and have the effect of sabotaging the GSA, making it a very unsafe place for 22

LGBTIQ youth and their supporters. It does seem to put the onus for establishing or requesting the establishment of a GSA squarely on the shoulders of the very youth who would benefit from such an alliance. To place this responsibility with youth who very likely have been ostracized, marginalized, bullied and harassed is preposterous. There is no mention in the passage about which schools and which age levels might have a GSA although historically, they have been absent both at the elementary level and in Catholic schools in Ontario (EGALE, 2008).

The second passage of contention is;

"Boards must require schools to conduct anonymous school climate surveys of their students every two years. Schools should also survey school staff and parents to assess their perception of safety in the school in order to inform prevention and intervention planning. These surveys must include questions on bullying/ harassment related to homophobia, gender-based violence, and sexual harassment."

My own experience with the climate surveys is that they are done in computer labs with an entire class. The student screens are visible to neighbouring students and each teacher is able to monitor what is happening on every screen. If a child or youth is experiencing bullying or harassment as a result of their sexual orientation or gender identity, they may have grave reservations about identifying it in front of their peers and teacher and they may also feel that they risk outing themselves.

PPM 145 provides a directive for everyone who works directly with students to respond to homophobic slurs and bullying behaviour. A direct quote from the PPM further illustrates the ignorance of the dominant heterosexual social order:

"Responding may include asking a student to stop the inappropriate behaviour; naming the type of behaviour and explaining why it is inappropriate and/or 23

disrespectful; and asking the student to correct the behaviour (e.g., to apologize for a hurtful comment and/or to rephrase a comment) and to promise not to do it again. "

Identifying a homophobic slur and asking a child or youth to promise not to do it again is naive at best and reinforcing at worst. If a child or youth feels that the consequence is meaningless, it may serve to strengthen the undesirable behaviour.

Under the subheading of Training Strategy for Administrators, Teacher, and Non- teaching Staff, the Ministry states:

"Boards must put in place a training strategy on the board's progressive discipline policy for all administrators, teachers, and non-teaching staff (including staff in social work, child and youth work, psychology, and related areas, and educational assistants). The training strategy must include ways of responding to gender-based violence, homophobia, sexual harassment, and inappropriate sexual behaviour."

This excerpt speaks to the need for training (for which the MOE provided a handout called "How to handle harassment in the hallways in three minutes") on how to respond but does not mention any education or assessment for staff around their own homophobia or ways that they may purposefully or unwittingly reinforce it.

In order to provide a full and comprehensive policy to bring about real change, systemic practices need to be transformed to ones which are socially just.

Paulo Freire (2001) states that "teaching that does not emerge from the experience of learning cannot be learned by anyone". There is an assumption made by the MOE that school boards and staff themselves are not homophobic and do not perpetuate or condone homophobic, bi-phobic and trans-phobic language and actions. 24

The Catholic School Board stance on GSAs

The aforementioned policy memoranda apply to any publicly funded school board in Ontario which includes both the public and Catholic school boards. This directive from the Ministry has caused a great deal of angst for the Catholic Church and schools as is evidenced by the amount of media coverage. A quick search on the internet search engine Google (search terms: Ontario Catholic School GSA) provides a wealth of examples about the hot debate surrounding this subject.

Essentially, the Vatican is quite clear that any kind of discrimination directed at sexually diverse youth is deplorable; however, the youth are expected to live a life of chastity and avoid any affiliation or involvement with gay culture (Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops, 2011).

In response to the competing pressures from the Ontario Ministry of Education and the Vatican, the Ontario Catholic School Trustees Association released a resource document in January, 2012 which was intended to appease the government while respecting the teachings of the church. In this document, GSAs are dismissed as being externally developed programs which do not align with the teachings of the church. The use of the term, "Gay-Straight Alliance", was particularly objectionable. The Catholic

School Trustees were instead promoting clubs which they called "Respecting

Differences". These clubs were to have a very broad membership including sexually diverse youth, racial-minority youth, youth with disabilities and other marginalized groups. The Catholic school board trustees espouse supporting the dignity of sexually diverse youth while not allowing them to advocate or display anything related to their sexuality. It is ironic that the rhetoric contained in the document emphasizes that the

Catholic faith rejects injustice yet blatantly denies youth the right to embrace who they

are by erasing their sexuality. There is little said of what can be done in such clubs but it

is very clear what cannot be done: the rules are very strict and prohibit youth from discussing anything related to their sexuality in the group.

The approach taken by the Catholic boards in Ontario would likely not result in

any systemic change for sexual minority youth. They continue to be an oppressed group and all of the supports and positive outcomes that are shown to result from GSAs coupled

with a supportive school environment will be denied to students in the Catholic school

system. The implicit message delivered to LGBTIQ youth by the Catholic Board is that

their soul is salvageable but their thoughts and desires related to their sexual orientation or gender identity are sinful and must be denied. One can only imagine the impact of

such attitudes on positive youth development.

In response to the stance taken by the Catholic Church, the MOE included very

clear language in their recent amendment to the Education Act. Bill 13, otherwise known

as "Accepting Schools Act", was passed after second reading on June 5,2012. The bill

caused a great deal of controversy. At issue was a clause in section 303.1 that states very

clearly:

"The section prohibits board and principals from refusing the name Gay-Straight Alliance..."

The main and most vocal opponents were the Catholic school boards and in the

spring of 2012, it was difficult to find a media source that was not giving a spotlight to

the topic. 26

Bill 13 addresses matters pertaining to both bullying and gender equality. While being more directive than preceding legislation, it still puts the onus onto the shoulders of the oppressed:

"Nothing in this section shall be interpreted to require a board to support the establishment of an activity or an organization in a school unless there is at least one pupil who wants to establish and lead it. " (Section 303.3)

When there is such a daunting power imbalance as there is between the Catholic

Church in Ontario versus a sexually diverse student, one would expect more directive language embedded in legislation.

Mandating Gay-Straight Alliances will not magically change the attitude and opinions of those in positions of power within Catholic schools in Ontario. The change will likely come as a result of grassroots activism by the champions within the Catholic schools and boards. Many teachers within the Catholic school system identify as other than heterosexual, the voices of some Catholic school board trustees are clear about needing to be progressive and embrace GSAs, and students have voiced their desire to call their clubs Gay-Straight Alliances. Additionally, many heterosexual teachers and students are strong allies and are adding to the groundswell of supportive activism. There are individual schools which operate from a position of dissent with regard to the official stance of the Catholic school system on GSAs. It is important to note that Bill 13 and the right of students to call their clubs Gay-Straight Alliances is fully supported by the

Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA). Support of teachers associations has been important in the past for the acceptance of GSAs in schools (British

Columbia Teachers' Federation, 2000). Just as the Catholic Church has relaxed its stance on other issues, perhaps the time is ripe for GSAs in their schools. 27

Legislation Conclusion

The Ontario Ministry of Education has recognized that many of our youth are subject to bullying, harassment and violence because of their actual or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity. In response to a task force report, the McGuinty Liberals brought in laws and policies aimed at school boards to make schools more equitable and accepting of sexual diversity. Additional legislation has been introduced to force school boards to allow students to have GSAs and label them as such. The policies are a good start but can't create the climate the government envisions just by wanting it to be so.

The Ontario government and data from EGALE (2008) strongly suggest that there is an oppressive heterosexual dominant culture within our schools. In order to effect real change, policy must be systemic and bring forth a shift in societal values. The ultimate goal of any government and society purporting to aspire to inclusivity should be to not need policies which direct boards, staff and students to be inclusive rather it should become a part of the lifestyle and culture of society. Minority groups are by their very definition being labelled as "other". Unfortunately, as citizens of this province, we are subject to the whim and fancy of the government of the day and progress is not always imminent.

The government mandated approach to initiating GSAs is in line with community development theory in that the government is mandating that GSAs be initiated when a student asks for them. While this is good in theory, it must be acknowledged that there is a substantial power imbalance between a sexually diverse student and a principal who may be homophobic. It would level the playing field significantly if a champion on staff could be identified in each school. They could then put out an invitation to students to be 28 part of creating a GSA within their school. This still creates space for the student voice and leadership yet does not put the onus on a student who may be questioning or closeted to ask for a GSA.

Summary

Research demonstrates that the risks to LGBTIQ youth are numerous and varied.

Rural youth face a unique set of challenges. Resilience is important and there are key protective factors which will assist sexually diverse youth through the labyrinth of self- discovery and identity formation. There is also mounting evidence to suggest governmental support for the existence of GSAs in schools as a support of and advocate for LGBTIQ youth in spite of opposition from various contingents.

The Historical Context of the GSA at Countryside District High School

In the fall of 2004,1 approached the administration of Countryside District High

School to inquire if a GSA could be formed. The request was declined at that time, citing an anticipated backlash from the community which was perceived to be unwelcoming of the school supporting LGBTIQ youth. I provided data to the administration about and arguments for the implementation of a GSA; largely the information available on the

EGALE and GLSEN websites. In November of 2005, the administration relented and the

GSA was formed albeit with conditions. I had to include a teacher as a co-staff advisor.

We were to be discreet (not broadcast the day and meeting place) and above all, be vigilant for evidence of student or parent objections. The GSA was launched. As part of the required discretion, I made announcements over the school's broadcasting system about the GSA and invited interested students to come see me. Those who came to 29 express a desire to be involved were informed of the meeting time and place. We had three enthusiastic student members at that time. Fears of backlash turned out to be unrealized. No posters were defaced; no students were targeted because of their involvement with the GSA, and no parents or community members called to complain.

The fact that the GSA at Countryside District High School was started in 2005 could have had some bearing on the lack of backlash. Herriot (2011) found in an analysis of newspaper coverage of GSAs that in 2000, Canadian opposition to GSAs was harsh and vociferous. After 2003, there seemed to be a shift in public opinion and GSAs were starting to be seen by the Canadian public as a means of education and activism.

After beginning in relative secrecy, the GSA became visible. During the first year, there was a bold newspaper interview and a lot of publicizing around the school. In the spirit of social justice, the club set about to cause a shift in the climate of the school.

In the very beginning, I struggled with my own homophobia. I wondered if people might think I was lesbian because I was associated with the GSA. Once I recognized those thoughts as homophobic, I worked through it by examining my own sexuality and I can say with confidence that now, I do not experience any level of homophobic thinking.

Over the course of the next six years, the club gained momentum. Every

September, there is a "Launch at Lunch" where the school community is invited to drop in for snacks, juice and information. Membership hit a peak at sixty-four. There was never an expectation for anyone to declare their orientation or gender identity. Activities were varied: field trips to the Wellesley and Church area of Toronto (an area known as 30

the 'Rainbow District' in Toronto with many queer friendly resources and shops), movie

nights with other GSAs in our school board, social activities and social activism. During

the third year of the GSA, there was a week long celebration dubbed "Acceptance Week".

It started on the Monday morning with a Rainbow March, beginning on the third floor of

the school, gathering supporters along the way and ending in the cafeteria where a short

speech was given by the student leader. That first year, the March attracted about two

hundred staff and students. It was a good start but the term 'acceptance' seemed to feel

like tolerance. Our thoughts were that the school may accept the fact that there is a GSA,

but they don't have to like it. In response to the connotations of the word 'acceptance',

the week is now called "Celebration Week" (to celebrate sexual diversity), and this year

we saw about eight hundred supporters join the March. During the remainder of the

week, there are school-wide activities each day and guest speakers.

Two years ago, the group took on the enormous task of organizing a province-

wide Youth Rainbow Summit where youth from all school boards in Ontario were invited

to attend. It is interesting to note that students and staff came from as far as Windsor and

Peterborough but only two students from the Winding River District School Board (in

addition to the Countryside District High School youth) came, and they did so of their own accord.

One GSA activity at District Countryside High School seems to stand out in the minds of staff and students and that was one that has come to be known as 865. Students in the GSA spent a week keeping a tally of the homophobic slurs they heard in the hallways and change rooms. At the end of the week, there were 865 black triangles posted on the wall of the cafeteria to symbolize the number of slurs. During lunch, one member went up on the stage and beat a drum. That was the signal for members of the

GSA to also come up on stage. They each had a duct tape triangle over their mouths. The drum was beat again and they all pointed to the black triangles on the wall. At the next beat of the drum, they lifted a large banner that simply stated, "We were listening". With that, they left the stage. When students were settled into classes after lunch, the student leader made an announcement to explain what the activity meant. That happened two years ago, yet students and staff still talk about it. This activity was interesting on a number of levels: it brought attention to the pervasiveness of homophobic slurs; it reinforced the message that they were unacceptable, yet at the same time it signalled a decrease in the use of such slurs. In years previous, members were reporting anecdotally that they were hearing at least ten homophobic slurs a day. This represents a decline from close to 3000 utterances a week to 865. While zero instances are the goal, this seemed to be movement in the right direction.

Last year, club members recognized how limiting it was to call the club GSA.

They decided to call the club Kaleidoscope to be more inclusive of the vast diversity of sexual orientations and gender identifications. 32

CHAPTER FOUR: METHODOLOGY

Epistemoloev

What I feel is relevant in terms of examining my social location is the fact that I am a White, middle class, heterosexual, female in a monogamous relationship. My lived experience is in sharp contrast to that of the participants' experience. As a heterosexual female, I have enjoyed a life free of homophobic taunts and aggression. I would describe myself as a spiritual person; not religious despite the fact that I attended a Protestant church when I was younger. This was a personal choice for me. I have never been ostracized by a church community because of my sexual orientation.

I have a fundamental belief that human rights must apply to everyone (Yogyakarta

Principles, 2007) and that has resulted in my advocacy and anti-oppressive practice at the school where I work. While I have been very involved with the creation and maintenance of the GSA, I still had a desire to understand if it was useful to the members or if there was another vehicle which would help them navigate their secondary school experience.

When conducting research, it is vital to be transparent about one's understanding of reality and identify an epistemological lens. Just as there is no one definitive theory with which to approach research, the same can be said of the research paradigm. In the context of this study, a heuristic paradigmatic lens seemed to be a good fit. The heuristic paradigm suggests a fixed reality within historical and social context. It brings together the positivist (reality is fixed, knowable and objective) and constructivist (reality can only be understood in part because our understanding is influenced by history and culture) paradigms. The research logic is deductive and inductive with quantitative or qualitative 33 data. The goal of research from a heuristic paradigm is that of understanding, description, or prediction (Westhues, Cadell, Karabanow, Maxwell & Sanchez, 1999, pp. 132-133).

There is an interactive relationship between researcher and researched but the researcher determines when and how much sharing is done in defining the research process. Ezzy

(2002) describes the iterative nature of hermeneutic analysis as "a dance in which the interpretations of the observer and the observed are repeatedly interwoven until a sophisticated understanding is developed" (p.25). It is through such a dance that interpretations and theories are developed, refined and redeveloped. Utilization of a heuristic paradigmatic lens causes the researcher to be aware of biases and pre­ conceptions while being open to new interpretations and ideas. There is recognition that knowledge gathered through research must be considered in context and may not be generalized to other situations (Westhues, Cadell, Karabanow, Maxwell & Sanchez, 1999 p. 140). The lived experiences of the youth in this particular GSA may be quite different from the experiences of youth in other rural GSAs just as the experience of each of the participants in this particular GSA are different from each other.

Within the heuristic paradigm, it is acknowledged that research is value bound but the researcher must attempt to minimize values during the inquiry process. While it is possible to be cognizant of values, it is impossible to eliminate all bias from research

(Westhues, et al., 1999). I am aware that my own values impacted my topic selection from both a personal and professional perspective. I hold the concept of social justice and human rights in very high regard and attempt to practice from an anti-oppressive stance. I recognize that I hold a very strong bias about organized religion and the role it plays in oppression. I acknowledge that my values and my work with the GSA were both very 34 strong determinants in my topic selection. I attempted to minimize the effects of my values during the research process by framing the research questions to reflect the experience of the participants.

Purpose and Type of Study

Qualitative in nature, this study seeks to answer the research question, "Are

GSAs a useful means of assisting sexual minority students mitigating the rural adolescent high school experience?"

A qualitative methodology was chosen because of a desire to capture the essence of the stories of the participants. Qualitative study is important, according to Guba &

Lincoln (1994), to provide an insider or "emic" view of an experience. Qualitative research is inductive in that it seeks discovery of theories (Padgett, 1998). It is dynamic and uses thick description which fits well with the desire to understand the life experience of the participants. In order to respond to the research question, it was important to find out from previous members what role the GSA played in their high school career.

The objectives of the study are to 1) create space for the voice of sexually diverse youth who have participated in the GSA, 2) to discover the impact the GSA has had on them, and 3) to learn the participant's viewpoint of the perceived benefit/disadvantage of being a youth who is sexually diverse, residing in a rural community.

Participants

Potential participants were identified as being over the age of eighteen (thus they could sign their own consent and anonymity was protected), no longer a student at

Countryside District High School, and past members of the GSA. This limited the 35 number of potential participants to those who were members from 2005 through 2008.

Beyond that time-frame, youth had not yet graduated and could not be included. It was further complicated by the fact that many former members had moved away from the area and could not be contacted.

Participants included seven former GSA members, ages ranging from eighteen to twenty-three. Four identified as male, two as female, and one identified as "person, not gender". One participant is transgender. Two participants identified as straight, one as queer, two as gay, one as someone (male) who is attracted to men and the seventh participant identified as bisexual.

Language was very important to the participants with respect to how they identified both their gender and their sexual orientation. This discourse will be more closely scrutinized in the discussion section.

Procedure

As one of the founding members of the GSA, I had the privilege of maintaining contact with some of the graduates. Two key potential participants were contacted by informal email and they were invited to participate. They received information in the email about the purpose and type of study, the research question and what I intended to do with the findings (see Appendix B). This email served as an open invitation and they were also encouraged to inform their contacts about the study and to share my contact information. The GSA currently has a social networking page (Facebook) which offered another option for recruitment in that these two key participants posted information about the study on the GSA Facebook page. This type of recruitment is 36 known as a snowball method. Snowball technique uses well informed people to connect with a chain of contacts which the researcher then follows to identify and accumulate additional cases or participants (Cohen, 2006). The limitations to recruiting participants in this fashion is that the sampling may not be as diverse as it could be if each past member of the Gay-Straight Alliance was personally contacted by the researcher.

However, a personal contact to each past member was not possible. Due to the need to protect the anonymity of the participants and to be sensitive to the possibility that they might not be "out" to their families, it was not considered prudent to call their childhood home to ask parents for their contact information.

Once the participants had made contact and had agreed to participate in the study, a time and location was agreed upon. In all but one instance, we had decided that the office I have at the high school would be a safe place and interviews would be done after school hours. This provided participants with a setting where their anonymity would be protected.

Transportation was provided for two interviews by myself, taking care not to discuss the interview content while en-route.

The seventh interview was conducted via Skype (internet based video teleconferencing) due to the physical distance between us. In that case, we were both in our places of residence when the interview took place.

Prior to beginning the interviews, the participants were given two copies of the informed consent (see Appendix D) to review and sign. One copy was retained by the participants for their records. The other copy has been stored in a locked cabinet for my 37 purposes. Participants were each given an opportunity to ask any questions about the study.

As a staff advisor of this GSA since its inception, I held some preconceived ideas about the data I might see in this study. What I expected to find was that the GSA would prove to have been useful to youth who had been heavily involved (attending weekly, taking on leadership) with it but not as much for those who were peripherally

(dropping in sporadically) involved. I also expected to find that some of the youth saw the GSA as a social networking opportunity as well as a platform for advocacy.

In addition to finding the GSA to be useful overall to most participants, I anticipated that living in a rural area as sexually diverse youth would be a barrier to acceptance, access to services and social networking. In a rural area, there tends to be a lack of diversity, lack of transportation and a lack of services. I expected that this would result in obstacles for youth in the sexual minority to feel comfortable embracing their orientation, coming out to others, finding community and accessing any required supports.

The perception of this particular community has been that it is conservative, with deeply entrenched, religious ideologies that did not support homosexuality or a range of gender identification. I expected to find that this might have served as an additional barrier for the sexual minority youth in the GSA.

My preconceptions were what formed the basis of questions for my interviews.

As suggested by Ryan & Bernard (2003), a priori themes began to appear with the selection of interview questions. Questions were a mix of closed and open ended format 38 but generally were addressing themes such as school experience as a sexual minority youth, decision to become involved with the GSA, the level of involvement, impact of the GSA on their high school experience and how it continues to impact them. I also asked the participants to elaborate on what made their experience easier or more difficult.

I had considered using computer software to assist in the transcription process but determined that the process of manual transcription would give me a more intimate relationship to the data.

As I prepared for and completed each interview, I completed journal entries to capture my expectations and impressions.

Each participant was unique and my expectations and impressions were different for each of them.

Following completion of the interviews, participants were informed that they would each be provided with a copy of the findings and would be given an opportunity to provide feedback within a three week period.

All interviews were audio recorded and transcribed literally following the interview. All identifying information was removed from the transcripts for the purpose of maintaining anonymity. 39

Data Analysis

Analysis of the data was done using grounded theory strategies. A grounded approach suggests that theories should be generated or "grounded" in data that come directly from the participants (Cresswell,2007). Initial proponents of grounded theory followed a positivist approach that was very rigid and structured (Glaser, 1992 as cited in

Cresswell, 2007). Dismissing the need for such rigidity, Charmaz (2006, p.9) invites the researcher to use a constructivist approach in a flexible manner. The data analysis of this study was done using constructivist grounded theory strategies.

I transcribed all of the interviews which allowed me an intimate relationship with the data. As the audio recorded interviews were played for the purpose of transcription, I was able to extract nuggets of data which I had not given much thought to at the time of the interview. Transcripts were then analyzed using a line by line analysis. In a line by line analysis, data is scrutinized and each line is given a code which means naming each line of data. Constant comparative methods (Glaser & Straus, 1967, as cited in Charmaz,

2006, p. 54) were employed to compare and contrast data. The constant comparative method facilitates a search for important details in each interview and a comparison with other interviews for the same or contrasting details. It was through grounded theory coding and constant comparative methods that details gave way to themes. In this study, all codes represented specific words or concepts from the interviews. Given the specific population studied, it was also important to examine in vivo (special) terms identified by

Charmaz (2006, p. 55) to "serve as symbolic markers of participants' speech and meanings". Language in general, and in vivo codes in particular were critical in the analysis. The participants themselves pointed out in the interviews how important the use 40 of language was to them in terms of how they defined themselves as well as how others defined them. I contacted participants to gain additional data, to clarify meaning behind statements and to get feedback on the selection of themes.

Conceptual Framework

This entire study has focussed on the usefulness of a GSA in a rural high school.

All of the data collected in one way or another pointed back to the GSA and the role it played for the participants. Thus, the overarching theme was the Gay-Straight Alliance.

Within the data, sub-themes began to surface. Once codes were examined, they were grouped according to commonalities into one theme and four sub-themes. A conceptual framework was developed to visually illustrate these themes. Each theme within the

framework influenced the others; there was not an evident hierarchy or directionality to the themes, but rather a more fluid spill over from one theme to another. As is illustrated in the framework, the data is presented within the following theme, Gay-Straight Alliance and subsequent sub-themes Creating Identity, Family Values, School Environment and

Socio-cultural influences.

The Gay-Straight Alliance theme explored the multi-faceted functions of the GSA for the participants and the wider school community. While the focus of the study was to determine if the GSA was useful, it was surprising to learn in how many different ways it had been useful. These different functions make up the mosaic of the usefulness of the

GSA.

Creating identity captured not only the positive development required in adolescence but also the unique challenges faced by sexually diverse youth in identifying 41 and embracing their sexual orientation and gender identity. The process of synthesizing this information into their identity was not always an easy task. The GSA was helpful in providing a safe place and a sense of community where participants could explore their identity.

The coding of family values gathered reflections on how parental beliefs, values and upbringing influenced the ease or difficulty of embracing a healthy identity as a queer youth. Family values seemed to set the stage for acceptance or rejection of youth when they disclosed their sexual orientation or gender identity to their families. Values were identified as religious and philosophical beliefs as well as familial power structures. The

GSA allowed the participants to compare their experiences of family with others and provided the opportunity to discuss difficulties or to normalize their experience.

School environment encapsulated the dynamic essence of the climate at the school. Perceptions about the hostile and homophobic school ecology were sharply contrasted with an accepting and supportive environment. The participants put the GSA in context with the climate of the school.

The sub-theme of socio-cultural influences examined the external systems affecting the youth. These include things such as the community, economic factors, education, government and religious systems. There was overlap with many of the sub- themes, for example: how governmental bureaucracy influenced identity formation. 42

Creating Identity

Gay Socio Family Cultural Straight Values Influences Alliance

School Environment 43

CHAPTER FOUR; RESULTS

Results

The current study was designed to answer the research question "Are GSAs a useful means of assisting sexually diverse students mitigate the rural adolescent high school experience?" The objectives were defined as 1) create space for the voice of sexually-diverse youth who have participated in the GSA, 2) to discover the impact the

GSA has had on them, and 3) to learn the participant's viewpoint of the perceived benefit and/or disadvantage of being a sexually diverse youth in a rural community. Analysis of the data reveals that the Gay-Straight Alliance played a very important role for the participants during their high school careers.

As mentioned in the preceding chapter, one over-arching theme and four sub- themes emerged from the data. Each of these shall be discussed and elaborated upon in this chapter.

Creating Identity

Adolescents are faced with the developmental task of identity formation. This can be a tumultuous time for any youth. Along with identify formation, sexually diverse youth are also grappling with their sexual identity. We are presumed by society to be heterosexual at birth. When youth begin to question why they are attracted to someone of the same sex, or why they feel that their gender identity is not a good fit for them, it can throw them into emotional turmoil, exacerbating the task of identity formation. The sub- theme of creating identity covers a diverse range of experiences: adolescence, resilience, fear, coming out to friends and impact on mental health. 44

Part of the struggle for sexual minority youth is trying to sort out who they are, including who they are as a sexual being. Some of the participants indicated that they were aware at an early age (elementary school) that they knew that they did not identify with the gender or sexual label they had been given because of their anatomy at birth, yet none of them felt comfortable or confident enough to give voice to their questioning. At a time when adolescents are tasked with gaining confidence and independence, sexually diverse youth often find their self-esteem plummeting: "I see myself as lesser than a lot of times. " Participant 5

"Why?" I felt like shouting. "Why do you see yourself as lesser any of the time?

You are not lesser!" Yet, I understood to a certain degree why his self-esteem had taken a beating. As a young child, he knew that the label "female" that society had given him because of his uterus did not feel right. He was attracted to women, yet didn't feel he was lesbian.

A lowered self-esteem coupled with internalized homophobia can be disastrous for an adolescent. Internalized homophobia is homophobia which is often experienced by someone who identifies as other than heterosexual and can range from shame and self- loathing to outright hatred of anyone who is not heterosexual. Internalized homophobia is often the result of the same forces responsible for homophobia that heterosexual persons may feel: religious beliefs, upbringing, societal values and misinformation. Internalized homophobia must first be recognized then be addressed before being able to fully accept one's orientation. 45

In the case of one particular participant, not only did he have to address his own internalized homophobia, he also had to contend with the gay communities' transphobia:

" 'Oh, so you couldn't handle just being a lesbian?' and I'm like, 'No, I'm not. It's not that I couldn't handle it, it's that I'm not.' And, oh, my God, there's some angry lesbians about trans people. Really angry, angry gay and lesbian people. " Participant 5

Forging identity, especially in this participant's case was extremely difficult because he had to navigate the adolescent world, the sexually diverse world and the world of the gay community. The messages he got from the gay community were very disturbing: "You 're just wanting male privilege', 'You couldn't handle being a woman in society" Participant 5

I felt like he was in a world that I could not even presume to understand. He articulated the feelings of isolation not only from the heterosexual world but from the gay community as well very eloquently in ten simple words: "You know you don't outcast the others on outcast island" Participant 5

For this participant, the GSA levelled the playing field because it was not an exclusively gay/lesbian/bi-sexual community. The club embraced everyone and celebrated diversity. Members could attend without fear of being ostracized for who they were.

Up until 1973, homosexuality was listed in the American Psychiatric Association

Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) as a mental disorder. The moniker

'homosexual' has become a derogatory term today which is reflective of a changing society. Transgender, however, continues to be listed in the DSM today as a gender 46 identity disorder, and as such, people who are transitioning must go through a number of hoops in order to satisfy legal requirements. They are subjected to psychological assessment, counselling, a waiting period and then, if they choose, hormone therapy and surgery.

"Yah and the thing is, is there criteria after they finally believe you or whatever? It's a year to get hormones and two for top surgery and they'll only take six months off if you can prove you've been living as who you are but like I been doing it like almost two years and so I still have to wait, which, whatever, I've waited this long. But it's like, you know, it's like, okay, can I move on? Participant 5

Social workers contributed to the oppression of queer sexualities by their complacency when sexual orientations other than heterosexual were pathologized and listed in the DSM. Social workers who have a social justice orientation are encouraged to be skeptical of labels and try to use them in a strategic way. This can present a real conundrum. The fact that transgender does remain in the DSM (American Psychiatric

Association, 2000 p.535) as a psychiatric disorder in, and of itself is oppressive, and serves only to marginalize transgender individuals. To have it removed would have negative outcomes for funding of hormone therapy and surgery. The challenge for social workers then becomes one to create a shift in policy so that the funding can occur without the pre-requisite of a psychiatric diagnosis.

"Yah, and you've obviously heard the battles to try to get it off the mental health list means we'd lose our funding. You know, um. Good times." Participant 5

A number of the participants reflected on how they navigated their own identity creation. There were some commonalities in struggling with identities that did not feel 47 quite right, the impact on emotional affect, and the importance of having a good support network. While many struggled with sadness or depression, it can be argued that it was a direct result of the oppressive ecology and subsequent social alienation.

"At the very start when I wasn't at this school, I was at a different school, um, it was not the most positive experience. I was not happy. And then, going through high school, I slowly started to like it more when I got to know what I wanted to do and like, made friends where I wanted to have friends, you know, sort of came into my own (pause), more toward the end when I was in high school." Participant 6

Youth who experience a supportive environment (school, home, faith community, friends) can have a much smoother process during their identity formation and are better able to integrate their sexual orientation. These are often referred to as protective factors or resilience. Many of the participants enjoyed supportive friends and families (while some were not accepting at first, most have come to terms with their child's orientation).

Resilience also comes from being grounded and having a strong sense of self.

Participants spoke of the importance of the sense of kinship of friends in the GSA and of how that sense of belonging increased their confidence. Making a connection with someone who was out and was active in the GSA not only encouraged participants to join the GSA but also provided them with a lessened sense of isolation and provided the basis for a support network. When asked about her experience with the GSA and high school, one participant shared an uplifting response:

"I'd say it was definitely positive. Mostly because of the friend group that I had and the things I was involved in. I mean I had a really good group of friends who were supportive of me..." Participant 7 48

Acceptance of sexual orientation and sorting out identity in some cases led to a passion for social activism. Experiential activism makes space for affirming social identities and causing a shift within the institutional landscape.

"I think the group helped me translate my identity as a sexual-minority into concrete social action which would have impacts beyond myself sort of To make that link between my own identity and the community and how that fits in. " Participant 1

One thing that all of the participants voiced was their disdain for research that highlighted all of the negative outcomes for LGBTIQ youth. They had a very strong desire to shine a positive light and give hope to youth who were struggling with their identity. I wanted very much to be able to tell a happy story and for the most part, I could. However, I found it tragic that most of the participants experienced some degree of fear before and during their coming out process. The GSA played a supportive role in this time yet fear was still deep in their psyche. The fear of the unknown seemed to be inextricably intertwined with their mental health. Many of their fears were not realized but created a great deal of angst for them. They seemed to be anticipating the worst: waiting for the other shoe to drop, waiting for their world to come crumbling down around them.

"..she's (Mother) like uh, huh, and I'm crying, she's not, and she's like, "Why the hell are you crying? " and I'm like, "I don't know I think at the time, I was almost, like not mad but like something bigger didn 't happen because you 're preparedfor it, you 're like, "Why didn't the worldfucking fall? " Participant 5 49

Their recollection of their fear was vivid and seemed to have a profound impact on them. "Uh, um that fear was there. Um, I think the fact that that didn't happen. That I didn't have anybody come up to me, um and criticize or ask " Participant 1

Most of the participants came out to their friends first. It seemed to them to be a safe way of testing the waters. Their fear was pervasive. They were afraid initially when they realized their sexual orientation or gender identification to be other than what had been presumed. That fear seemed to be grounded in a belief that they were alone and would never find anyone to share their life with in an intimate way. They were fearful that their friends would reject them. Getting over the hurdle of coming out to friends first was helpful. They then felt comfortable being out in the GSA and then mustering up the courage to come out to their parents. Hearing the coming out narratives of others seemed to be helpful. We set aside a specific day during Acceptance Week in a room at lunch where people are invited to share their coming out stories. This serves as a normalizing process and allows opportunities for questions.

" ...when I was in grade ten, I just didn 7 care, I'm just like this is now, it's time and I don't care, I'm going to get through this - because ifI don't, I'm just going to be afraid forever. Participant 4

This statement had a profound impact on me because the intensity of the participant's fear shot right through me. I also felt some guilt that he had been suffering in silence. I was not aware of how fearful he was. "You fear all kinds of things that you don't know whether or not it's going to happen." Participant 4 50

Fear is also an indicator of an oppressive society. To be 'other' can feel like being

held hostage in hostile territory. Messages that youth receive from the day they are born

all centre around our expectations and assumptions about gender. Typically, the first

question asked of new parents is "Is it a girl or a boy"? That is a loaded question. To be

a boy often means that you are expected to be tough, don't show vulnerability and be

dominant. Girls are expected to be nurturers and be 'feminine'. To realize that you don't

fit that mould can have far reaching implications. It can mean rejection, physical harm,

verbal abuse, homelessness and in extreme cases such as the Matthew Shepard3 case,

death.

At one point, one of the participants realized that he needed to come out in order

to create change for his own mental health and again, his comments seared right through

me. It wounded me to think that he had struggled so intensely.

"...but you know, I'm growing up and um, I don't know if it was confidence, something, I don't know if it was just as much just giving up or not caring. I don't think I had confidence but I just stopped caring. It's like, well, I 'm just as tall as they are so what harm could they do to me, and people are generally harmless so that's just how I came to the decision to kind of open up about who I was... " Participant 4

As frightening as it could be to contemplate coming out, all of the participants felt that they could be more authentic once they had made that disclosure. Another participant reflected back on how she felt before and after her coming out experience:

3 Matthew Shepard was the victim of a fatal beating by two homophobic young men in Laramie, Wyoming in October of 1998. It has become one of the most famous anti-gay hate crimes in American history. 51

"...and um, making it early, making it earlier was definitely a choice that we had to make and then it being positive on the opposite side of that choice was definitely a good thing. 'Tarticipant 6

Most experienced some relief after joining the GSA and after coming out but for one participant, the struggles with mental health continued through high school. He was so confused during his high school career about his orientation; trying to decide if he was lesbian or transgender took its toll mentally. I was just so, like conflicted in my head and stuff." Participants

His discussion about his unique set of challenges was heart wrenching and reinforced for me the need to look holistically at inclusion and teacher education. His teacher had assumed that he was not participating in field trips because of monetary constraints. To never use a bathroom at school is an outrageous situation that no student should ever have to experience.

"I didn't go on field trips the last two years of school. I didn't want to go because like because bathroom facilities are like such a big concern... Jesus, I can't say why. I had trained myself to like, never have to go to the bathroom at school. " Participant 5

Denial of meeting basic needs (toileting in this example) is a glaring example of oppression in our society. Genderless washrooms are a rarity in a rural landscape where it is either presumed that no one is transgender or the concept of anyone being transgender has not occurred to people who create policy and build schools. When this concept was raised at a Rainbow Summit that the GSA hosted, the response from one of 52 the teachers was to declare that such washrooms would be used for having sex and doing drugs.

Gender discourse and use of language had a particular significance for the participants. This was evident when I asked them demographic questions about their gender and their self-identified sexual orientation. This underscored for me the importance of assuming nothing.

A label is limiting and oppressive. It serves only to categorize people and attach assumptions about their beliefs and behaviours.

"Um, sometimes I feel that saying that I'm gay means that there's connotation attached to that based on stereotypes but I mean when I think about pigeon holes and stuff like that, yah, I'm gay, whatever, I'm attracted to men, but I don't know, it's, it's, it just seems that when I'm saying that it means that I'm also a whole bunch of things that I don V feel like I am." Participant 4

The demographic question about self-identified sexual orientation brought a few responses outside of the binary Gay-Straight labels. This illustrated the need to leave everything open in terms of my own use of language and labels. " I identify myself as someone who is attracted to men." Participant 4 "person not a gender is what I'm going to say." Participant 6 "Um, I would say queer.'''' Participant 7

Language, especially the use of pronouns was particularly critical for the participant who is transgender. The way he was described was intricately woven into his identity. 53

"I remember Dad would say (current name) because he would never call me by my birth name or whatever, but then he would have to throw in like a she pronoun and I was justfucking dying because I don't know what was worse. " Participant 5

Family Values

Coming out to families can be tricky, depending on upbringing, family values,

religious beliefs and a host of influences. Youth who are sexually diverse are often unsure what the reaction of their parents will be. One of the biggest fears for participants

in this study was being rejected by their parents. They had heard of youth who were the

targets of violence by their parents and other youth who were homeless as a result of their

disclosure. While most parents eventually accept their child's identity, they struggle with

grieving the idealized dreams they had for themselves and their children. They worry for

their safety, their health and their happiness. This results in a profound sense of emptiness

and sadness for the parents. They often feel shame and a strong desire for this disclosure

to remain closeted. This results in a profound sense of emptiness and sadness by the

parents. Denial is often the initial reaction of parents and this was confirmed by the

stories of the participants of this study.

The evolutionary story of this participant (4) echoes that sentiment. Some parents

first experience denial and loss but eventually come around.

"I started (pause) with my jriends, closest to others as it progresses and then somewhere along there to my Dad."

"I was just more uncertain about him (father) because he never really talked about feelings or anything with me - so it's hard to gauge how he'd react. "

" ...my Mom was like, "Oh, are you sure? You don't know. Like you're just a young teenager. How do you know?" Meanwhile, I'm thinking, like okay, you 54

don't know if it works or not. Just don't go there. You know, like this is me telling you and that's that."

"My parents to this day are fine with who I am."

Others also experienced initial denial from their parents:

"my dad said "No, no, no. It's just a phase." Participant 1

Although the fear of parent reaction was often on the minds of the participants,

there remained a determination to come out to their parents. To not disclose to their

parents would be perpetuating a lie denying themselves of an authentic life. Plans were

made in advance about what to do if parents reacted negatively. Alternate living arrangements were established and friends were on alert. When the discussion came up

for one participant with his father, before responding to his father's question about if his

son had "gay tendencies", the participant asked him," Would that change how you felt

about me? " Participant 1

This statement reinforced for me that this is a reality for some youth. A parent's

love is supposed to be unconditional but sometimes orientation can be an insurmountable

fact and the youth is shunned as a result.

When the reaction did happen, distance was placed between the participant and

parent. When it had been a supportive relationship prior to disclosure, the rejection could

be very traumatic for the youth and the parents. "I definitely didn't see my Dad as much

because he's very, you know, not okay with that kind of stuff." Participant 6 55

This family was quite close before this participant's disclosure. His parents were overcome with emotion and it took a lot of intervention by family friends and time before they came around:

"And then when I came back there was, um, a period of time when my dad wouldn 't eat in the same room as me, I remember that. He wouldn 't even be in the same room as me. It was very tense and there was this, my mom, I remember that my mom telling me, my mom told me my dad would just cry every day. And, um (pauses) and then my mom, my mom who is like really strong, like everything, "It's okay, it's fine" but inwardly you could just see that she was also struggling equally although her way of expressing it was very different. My mom always has this capability to hold everything together in the family, so if she has to, sort of pretend to be at terms with everything, she will for the sake of others and so, that was where my mom was at. Yah, so that's where she was at. She was trying to be supportive, but inwardly, I could see right through that (nervous laugh). Uh, so there was that dynamic and I decided after some time, after a few days that I can't function in this dynamic and it's just so tense. My Dad would shut himself in his room, my mom would be awkward and just I didn't want to, I didn't know what to do so, um I decided I was going to leave for some time," Participant 1

The GSA served as a support for the youth during times of turmoil at home. They enjoyed the friendship of others who could relate to what they were experiencing. In this role, the GSA was a protective factor and provided a safe place for them to be themselves.

" Um, being out to people who are willing to accept you. Even if it's not your parents. Just knowing that there's someone there, I think is key because if you feel alone, then what do you have? So even if you can have someone who understands, that's important." Participant 4

Parents also had their own internalized homophobia to conquer. It was a common tale for participants to tell me how their parents did not want the news to be made public. 56

"Um, I guess he was disappointed and, um, I don 7 know. We would just argue. And you know when I would wear my rainbow jewellery, he would ask me why I felt like I had to do that and you know why couldn't I just keep quiet. Why did I have to talk about it, kind of thing. I guess he was having a hard time accepting it and when I was kind of putting it in his face like that as he would say, it made it harder for him. " Participant 7

"...the whole thing was, "Okay, but don't tell anyone. " And then when they found out that not only had I come out to my friends, but everyone else, the third point was, 'Okay, but don't publicize it.'" Participant 1

Both of these participants were very strong activists within the school and community which is testimony to their level of conviction of belief. The GSA gave them an opportunity for leadership and provided fertile ground for empowerment.

This participant has become resigned to the fact that his father may never accept his orientation. The disclosure put an undeniable strain on the family dynamic and he risks being ostracized by his father should he decide to settle down with a partner. He accepts his father's reaction as a fait accompli and excuses it as a result of cultural conditioning.

"When I first came out he didn't really speak to me for a few months. He eventually started talking to me again but was in complete denial of anything happening up until a month ago. He still isn't even slightly supportive and actually recently hinted at the idea of me being single for the rest of my life, presumably to spare him. I stopped blaming him as a person a very long time ago. He's gone his whole life believing that homosexuality is wrong. I imagine that it would be similar to a liberal parent discovering that their child is a holocaust denier. " Participant 2

There is a presumption in the participant's language that perhaps a conservative parent would deny the holocaust. While the intent of the GSA was social justice for its' 57

members and the broader school community, there were times when members had to be

challenged on statements they made.

I found it intriguing that the participants framed their parents' rejection in a way

that made sense for them and excused their parents. They cited background, beliefs and

value systems as reasons for their reactions. "... my parents have had I think, really

challenging lives in different ways. They were immigrants and refugees... " Participant 1

"However, my father grew up within a conservative community..." Participant 2

Acceptance, although slow to come, did for most of the participants. The majority

are not at a point where they are celebrating their child's disclosures.

"Um, and that night as I was about to leave, my dad, I remember distinctly came in, um, I was in the kitchen, he just came in, he gave me a hug from behind and he said, uh, 'It's okay, you know. I don't care what you do in your bedroom' (laughs) Those are his words. Um, and he said, "It's okay". And, then from there it was the process of healing basically and sort of recreating the whole dynamics and after, I'd say a few months of which is just not long at all... " Participant 1

Religion also played a part in the experience of the participants whether it was

real, imagined or an influence on their parental acceptance, it was a factor. I was

reluctant to bring up religion since I had identified it as one of my biases. The

participants however were keen to add it in to their stories. Many saw religion as an

enemy. They, like I, felt that the doctrine of some organized religion is very oppressive,

particularly in their stance against same sex relationships and transgender people. Many

avoided anything to do with church or religious affiliation. There is a club at the school

which is a fundamental religious group. The participants expected that there would be

tension between this group and the GSA. It turned out to be a false expectation. The 58 participants had heard stories of people being excommunicated by their churches because of their orientation. A couple of the participants experienced rejection by their fathers, in part because of their religious beliefs.

"No one in my parent's church knows I'm gay and they probably wouldn't like it because most members of the ... Church are ... with a conservative upbringing." Participant 2

There was a sentiment that some organized religions were very closed and judgemental. The following participant has had limited contact with her father since coming out and attributes that to his religious beliefs.

"He's (father) Baptist...I definitely was brought up in a very Christian household where, you know, being gay, bi, whatever was definitely a negative thing and not respected." Participant 6

There was also a sense of rejection. You are not loved because you are not heterosexual.

"I think it depends on the individual but I did get some people who would be like, you know, I like you but I don't support like same sex marriage because you know, the bible says, blah, blah, blah. You know there was a lot of religious justification. Ilike you but you know, you 're going to hell kind of thing." Participant 7

While there was a sense of a great divide between organized, fundamental religion and sexual diversity, it must be said that there are also a lot of assumptions. The classroom that the GSA uses is one that holds classes taught by a teacher who ascribes to the Catholic faith. I asked her if this was problematic for her. She assured me that she 59 had respect for the members of the GSA but she could not condone homosexual acts.

There seemed to be some cognitive dissonance in her statement but true to her word, she has been a strong advocate for sexually diverse students in her classes. We have many teachers in the school who hold very strong religious beliefs yet they have been some of the greatest allies of the GSA.

About half of the participants had attended some services at the Unitarian church which they found to be very accepting and free of condemnation for those who do not identify as heterosexual. Organized, fundamental religion, in the opinion of the participants was equated with conservative mindsets, both of which were opposed to sexually diverse individuals. The Unitarian church, conversely was perceived as liberal and less judgemental.

Upbringing, or what participants described as the influences of upbringing added another dynamic to the mix in terms of acceptance and both ends of the spectrum were represented:

"I have a Mother who sort of stands by the same sort ofprinciple that I do on my sexuality, um, that you know, very fluid in her choices about sexuality so, we, um, that mostly made the choice. " Participant 6

"No one in my family back home knows that I'm gay, and I can't imagine that them finding out would go over very well. (Nationality) are, on average, fairly more conservative than Canadians. It may have been because I was much younger and less aware of my environment, but I don't remember many gay characters within (Nationality) popular culture. " Participant 2 60

School Environment

There were many facets to the sub-theme of school environment. Topics covered everything from the influence of the GSA on the school environment, to issues of bullying and harassment, curriculum and staff. A school of fifteen hundred students is a community unto itself and in some instances, it is larger than the community of residence for the students. As noted in the community profiles, there is a mix of different economic status, political leanings and religious beliefs. All of the students are adolescents and are all trying to carve an identity for themselves.

"High school, I thinkfor everyone is kind of confusing. Even people who later on become really secure in their gender or orientation or their sexuality roles have a lot of problems sometimes in high school. I don 7 know, I watched a lot of people struggling with that kind of thing, a lot ofpeople who are close to me having a lot ofproblems andjust, I don 7 know, that age is really unforgiving for people who are different. And it's tough. It's tough because, I don 7 know. There's not really a norm." Participant 3

There are conflicting messages given to adolescents at high school: be an individual, but conform to what the system wants. People are not always kind to each other and regardless of ideologies and policies, homophobic bullying happens. This is one area where the GSA has played a substantial role. The founding of the GSA gave participants a sense of liberation because the GSA offered a sense of legitimacy.

"...these issues are a part of education, too, they 're not something a vocal minority who dance in the street once a year, um, Pride, it's part of education, it's part of history, it's part of science, it's part of everything." Participant 1

I found it ironic that the participants spoke of social justice and not wanting to be labelled but they were equally capable of "othering" people and using stereotypes. 61

Unfortunately this 'othering' can be seen in all walks of life, within all cultures and countries. Again, this language was problematic and was challenged.

"Ifelt it was very jockey, Christian, farm boy school, like when I think ofjocks, I think of bullies. " Participant 6

Many of the restorative justice circles that I facilitated in the school were with opposing "cliques". I recall one particularly bad year where students who were in the sexually diverse were the target of some disgusting acts. They had garbage cans dumped over their heads, taunts and jeers, and it was all done by the group who self-identified as

"jocks". The offending students were heavily invested in homophobic bashing. I had a group of twenty people who included the targeted and the ones doing the targeting. I brought all the parents in as well. The parents were reduced to tears when they heard how cruel their sons had been to the minority youth. Thankfully, there was a positive outcome with understanding of the harm that had been caused and after the restorative justice circle, the conflict subsided.

Many seemed surprised if they were not bullied or harassed, almost as if it were an expected given. This again speaks to the need for more awareness and action against oppression.

" "Oh, you 're a fag, blah, blah, blah " and like, just like verbal aggression from people" Participant4

School staff are authority figures within the school institution and can wield influence on the student body with their own attitudes. Most staff are quick to challenge homophobic language and actions but there are a handful who just as readily turn a blind eye.

When the GSA first started, there was a female teacher on staff who identified herself to me as lesbian. She did not want to make this public knowledge for fear of reprisal from students and parents. I was astounded that we had someone who could be a role model for GSA members and be a real ally but she, too was experiencing the systemic oppression and did not feel safe.

Today there is another teacher on staff who identifies as lesbian, and is willing to be open with students and it has been very important for both staff and students to have a role model who is out and is always focussed on social justice.

Some school staff are seen as allies. I asked the participant what the good parts about high school were. The response was an unexpected affirmation for me. It felt good to know that even though he had really struggled throughout high school, there were people who made his life a little bit brighter.

"Um, the good part, like I said it was a down period but there was like people. Like you and (teacher) were for sure. You were like the good parts." Participant 5

Unfortunately, other school staff were seen as enemies.

"I was going through depression at that time and my Mom coming out and like, you know what, like teachers (starts to cry) treating you like dirt does not help" Participant 6 63

There remains a need for education for teachers and other school staff. Adding a

'safe space' rainbow sticker on to a classroom door does not ensure that it is a safe space.

Some staff carry their own homophobia and are reluctant to address it. Participants were clear about staff who are genuinely accepting and those who purport to be but remain uneducated. Inclusive language is elusive to some staff. "But when you're in that position, you should really clue the hell in to stuff." Participant 5

The school climate is slowly changing but there are still some pockets within the building where the teaching staff are homophobic. They don't make homophobic slurs but they certainly don't stop them either and need to be challenged on a regular basis about the behaviour they are tolerating in their classrooms. Their tolerance by extension gives students the message that it's okay to perpetuate homophobia.

"I remember I heard through some indirect channel there was one staff in particular who was adamantly against it and, um, I don't want to say I expected it from this person, but I was not surprised. But I think it was a learning experience for them, too." Participant 1

I would concur with this statement. I recall during our first Rainbow March, as we were going by that classroom, the teacher loudly slammed the classroom door shut, denying students from that classroom an opportunity to join the march. Even today, there is one section of the school where none of the students or staff join in on the march.

When challenged, the teachers simply state that their students don't want to and they can't leave their classrooms unsupervised. Socio-Cultural Influences

The fact that we have GS As and legislation to mandate them illustrates the pervasiveness of a homophobic ecology in this province. The end goal is to lift oppressive practices in government, in institutions and within the general population. In order to achieve that goal, we must continue to challenge stereotypes, assumptions and social injustices.

Transgender youth have a particularly difficult time with bureaucracy because of the obsession with gender labelling. In our society, we are asked on a regular basis to declare if we are male or female. Once our children are identified at birth as male or female, they are stuck with that label and can only break free of it after counselling and much legal wrangling.

Finally coming to grips with his sexuality, the participant continues to struggle to have an integrated identity, and bureaucracy only confounds the issue. "/ don't have ID, not even with the government right now but I'm finally a legal person again." He had to go through a legal name change which in some ways only muddied the waters. "I got approved and they sent me a new birth certificate which is bittersweet 'cause it still has an F on it." In order to get the female marker changed to male, he has to convince his family doctor that he has been living as male.

" Um, so I have to get a letter from a doctor. I have to convince my doctor to give me a letter to give to the driver people when I go get my license so they '11 put an M on my driver license. "Oh, my God. It's just a shit show and I just want ID! That's all. I don 7 even care about driving, I just need some ID." Participant 5 65

The area in which the participants reside and went to school is considered a rural area. I was interested to learn if the rural setting and this rural setting in particular had a bearing on their experience as youth in the sexual minority. Their narratives included a sense of isolation and of being unique. Participant 4 was particularly clear about some of the challenges of being a sexually diverse youth in a rural setting.

"Like, none of my friends are gay. Like none of my guy friends, none of my girl friends. It's just, I'm kinda the one. So, it's just sorta weird. Um, 'cause I feel like statistically speaking, it shouldn 7 be the case, but it is. So, it's just sorta strange. But, that's kinda the rural thing too, probably."

"...there's a lot of things that go with rural communities. Religion, um (pauses), sometimes problems like, um alcoholism, um, a harder bringing up, things like that, um, masculinization amongst the men, like, um more profound than in an urban environment because people seem to just to demonstrate that... "

I asked him, "What was it like for you growing up knowing that you 're attracted to other guys and you 're living in a rural community?

His response was poignant:

"It was closed. I mean I was thinking, 'Well, I can 7 tell anybody' and this is another assumption, 'I'll never find anybody became no one's out here'. So that's what my feelings were at the time. It was a lonely place; it was a little bit frightening."

Many participants held a perception about the area itself. There was discussion about it being conservative as well as the perception of Rosewood being more liberal and open-minded than Thistletown. "even though I'm not from Thistletown, I did do my five years here so, um, everyone knows each other and um, people aren 7 necessarily educated on certain things." Participant 5 66

There was a common sentiment expressed that rural was equated with conservative ideologies and those ideologies often meant homophobia. It struck me as similar to waiting for backlash from the community when the GSA started. There was also supposition that the 'liberal' ideologies of the affluent community of Rosewood were more accepting than the 'conservative' working class Thistletown. This raises the question of the role of class in homophobic thinking. Whether there is merit to that train of thought is fodder for more research.

"... there's situations as an adult now that I don't feel comfortable being out in. Like (partner's) friends. I could never be out with them. Because they're like very um, (pause), like I don't want to label all people but like, um their views are very conservative " Participant 4

Gay-Straight Alliance

The Gay-Straight Alliance itself was at the heart of this study. The research question asked if the GSA was useful. What became apparent during the data collection and subsequent analysis was that the GSA served many functions. When trying to get the

GSA started, it was anticipated that there would be backlash from the community. It was feared that parents might voice objection at the school 'promoting' an alternative lifestyle. Tragically, some of these sentiments are alive and well as we experienced first hand when we spoke with the administration of a local elementary school. As part of the

GSAs' outreach and desire for social activism, we wanted to speak to students in grades seven and eight. We approached the administration of the local elementary schools where they declined to have us talk with their students. The administration's fear was that the presence of a GSA would sway children toward homosexuality. Their reaction was a 67 reality check for me. I felt that we had come so far as a GSA and I made a false assumption that the rest of the education system had come along with us.

The first interview question following demographic questions was to ask why the participants had agreed to take part in the study. Through their responses, it became apparent that they were invested. This seemed to be anti-oppressive practice in action as is evidenced by their desire to advance social justice. To illustrate the importance that the participants placed on having their narratives given voice in this study, I have included a quote from each:

"Iparticipated in the research study because I support the larger project underlying the study — that is to say, I support documenting as extensively as possible the experiences and perspectives of LGBTIQ youth around the world. " Participant 1

"Um, 1 just felt if 1 could help, it would be good." Participant 2

"I'm really personally interested in gay rights and civil rights. It's just an issue that's close to me and if I could help in any way at all, I'd like to." Participant 3

"...this is important jirst of all, um I remember when I was a student and it was really important to get data for research and stuff like that, um, primary data like is really hard to come by and I'm like okay, I was involved and like in school a little bit but this is important because it could um, amount to something" Participant 4

"I'm really like into this LGBT activism stuff. Like, I've lived through it. My friends have lived through it and I want to be able to help other people with it as much as I can. I kind of wanted to help because I'm pretty sure there aren 't that many trans kids at the school doing this interview so I'm one perspective on that. Ijust want to talk as much as I can. Not for me, but like for everyone else. Like when I was here I was like, trying to change all the rules for the GSA. I'm like it's not for me, it's for the next kids coming!" Participant 5

"I'm the longest running member." Participant 6

"/ thought it would be neat to contribute to this research, and get my opinion out there in some way." Participant 7 68

The GSA evolved over time. During the first few months, there were a small handful of members and the club operated under the radar of the school community.

Many of the participants recall joining the group in grade ten after checking it out in grade nine. There were a variety of reasons to come to the GSA "I'd never really had a community of uh, people who self-identified as LGBT or are working for LGBT causes... "

Participant 1

Many came for support and a sense of community. Some came specifically to engage in activism. Others came to meet people. What ever their reason, they enjoyed solidarity.

"... there was kind of like a safe place for people to go and that makes a huge difference when (pause) you 're not secure in yourself necessarily, you don't know who to talk to, you don't know who will understand, having a place where there are other people who know what you 're going through and that makes a huge difference in, at least, individual people's lives... " Participant 3

Feelings of isolation seemed to be mitigated by membership in the GSA.

Although I had been involved as a staff advisor, I didn't realize until doing this study just how important it was to the participants. The GSA proved to be a safe place that not only provided support but also a place where they could support their peers.

it let me know that there were others out there and it's not just me and it's not like this battle of epic proportions, it's not that big of a deal. They 're just people and I think that reflects upon the statistics that are out, so, you know... " Participant 4

The kinship that was fostered by the GSA provided the participants with a support network that extended beyond the school day. This was particularly important when 69 youth felt that they were the only ones experiencing difficulties. It provided the connection they felt was lacking in a rural area.

"... being there for that group if they needed me and some people did approach me. Some people would, I mean, I remember one girl calling me on my cell phone in the middle of the night... I wanted to be that support." Participant 1

Aside from being a supportive community, this GSA has always been involved in activism. While the level of activism has waxed and waned depending on the various student leaders, it has always been a vibrant part of the GSA. Celebration Week is included in student agendas at the printers and it enjoys a groundswell of support.

The role of activism for the GSA has also served to ignite the desire for social justice in the members and has provided good, solid leadership opportunities. This is a student-led, student-driven agenda club and as such, it was empowering for the youth.

"It was cool to be obviously like, um, just to have that level of involvement it was really cool 'cause it was like getting to know people and organize events and put up posters, make announcements and stuff. It was, I guess it was empowering in some ways. Yah, I'd say it was empowering. " Participant 7

The participants worked diligently to put a public face on the GSA. There were many activities that involved the entire school, evening activities that involved other

GSAs, the province-wide Rainbow Summit, a meeting with elementary school staff and several newspaper interviews. Their ultimate goal was social justice.

"And then, in grade eleven, (participant name) left and there was a leadership opportunity and I thought okay, now there's a potential to take this in a completely different direction. I had all these ideals and this was my venue to express them creatively with a group of people who shared the vision, shared the 70

ideals and were willing to work in that regard so it was hugely impactful. " Participant 1

The participants were nervous when we had the first Rainbow March. They were

unsure what the reaction of the school would look like, but again any anticipated backlash

did not materialize and the outcome was quite the opposite.

"Um, yah, like we had that rainbow march...It was really cool. We had like the crowd in the cafetorium. It was like just a really strong visual show ofsupport. I guess. For me, that's the event that sticks out the most." Participant 7

The club initially operated on a shoestring. There was no budget allocated and

only one fundraising event that I can recall. Typically money was found from the

guidance budget or child and youth worker budget. The MOE student success funding

has recently given the club more access to funds. Regardless of the funding or lack

thereof, it did not limit the activities of the GSA. I always announced before we did

anything that if anyone couldn't afford something, it should not be a barrier. They could

come to me individually and I would discreetly cover the costs. Over the history of the

club, there have only been two members who have needed this assistance. Many of the

members came from families who had adequate to affluent family incomes.

The activism seemed to pay off both in terms of the school climate and in the

confidence in the members themselves. Their membership in the GSA seemed to empower them and create space for their voice.

"then more and more throughout the years, it was definitely it was, you know, we'd have gay pride days or whatever and there was never a negative thing said, 71

there was never, you know anybody bullied at that point because it was like, we 're obviously going to stand up for ourselves at this point. " Participant 6

For many, the GSA was a place where they could just be themselves. There was no need for trying to be anyone but themselves.

One participant provided a comment about the GSA which intrigued me:

"Like you can just kind ofgo there and sort of be more than yourself " Participant 2

I asked him to expand on his thought:

"...a GSA or LGBTQ group in a school is a safe place for LGBTQ students to talk about their sexuality. This allows them to be 'more than themselves' in that even within a close knit group of friends, people don't really talk about their sexuality or orientation because most of the time it isn't really a topic of conversation. I pretty much never talk to my friends about my orientation anymore not because my friends are homophobic, but because I don't expect them to really care; the same way I'm never curious to hear what people have to say about their experiences as a straight person." Participant 2

One of the founding members of the GSA provided his views on how a GSA in high school could be important. This is particularly important in a rural setting to mitigate the sense of isolation. His thoughts underscore the sense of belonging that a

GSA can provide.

"But there's a lot of the social pressures on people and that doesn't matter what your orientation is because it's just like, like everyone's got somebody, you know, kind of deal, but another thing was Ijust felt like maybe there's people like me who didn't feel like part of the community like a holistic view, like everything. Like they could be living within the community but feeling totally distanced inside. So I thought maybe something like that would be a good idea." Participant 4 72

The GSA did serve as solidarity. There was a sense of working toward a common

goal with a shared vision. Members supported each other in what was a difficult journey

for some. "And we were in this together. We had something in common." Participant 6

There was a sense of comfort being able to discuss interests and issues that they

had in common.

"I think the biggest impact it had was on the lads that were involved with it. Um, because, it's kind of an eye opener, seeing so many people who are interested in the same thing as you, and who have the same problems as you, who care about the same things as you, when you think it's something that you 're going through alone. So, yah, definitely going there and hearing other people talk about the stuff that you 're thinking, that I think is what makes the biggest impact." Participant 3

As mentioned earlier, the school administration saw starting the GSA as a possible controversy. Throughout the span of the GSA, I did not learn of anyone who saw the

GSA as controversial. To view a GSA as controversial indicates that there is something

unusual about the concept, that it does not reflect society or societal values, "...it's only controversial as long as you make it be that way." Participant 3

GSAs need to be visible in a school. It is that visibility that will help break down oppression and move sexual diversity into mainstream.

"I think if a GSA is going to exist for it to be safe, it has to be visible and I think contrary to what a lot ofpeople might intuitively feel, I think it's safer to have an open GSA that's really out there than to have a closed GSA." Participant 1

All of the participants agreed that having a GSA was a good thing and they appreciated the allies because allies in the club also meant having allies once they left the 73 room. Typically, I have found that youth will take their grade nine year to tentatively check out the GSA and then join in grade ten. Not all of our sexually diverse youth at the school are GSA members nor should they have to be. The GSA is there for those who want it and those who don't want to explicitly join reap the benefits of the activism within the school. I do take the opportunity to talk about the club when the grade eights come for their tour in the spring before their grade nine year. This next spring, our board is hosting the Rainbow Summit and invitations are being extended to the grade eights.

When asked what advice they could give to students coming into high school about the

GSA, one participant said,

"Be open to the opportunity. Definitely go and try it out, you know? You may not be gay, you may not, you know you may not have anything around you that is affecting you like that, but definitely be open to the opportunity. You know I made some really amazing friends that lam still friends with to this day because of that group and because of that opportunity." Participant 6

The GSA has had a continued influence in one way or another with many of the participants. For some, it has spurred them on to activism in areas outside of LGBTIQ issues such as Autism and politics. They spoke of a heightened sensitivity and awareness for diversity.

"I think the GSA was helpful not only in cultivating my leadership which extends to now but also in creating sensitivity not to make assumptions about people in any form, um to try to understand the context in which people come from... " Participant 1

Interviewer: Should GSAs be in every school?

"...absolutely they should be in every school." Participant 1 74

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION

Discussion of Findings

The purpose of this study was to determine if GSAs are a useful means of assisting sexually diverse students mitigate the rural adolescent high school experience. I discovered through an in-depth analysis of my interviews of past GSA members that the

GSA had indeed been useful in a multitude of ways for all of the participants.

Participants identified the importance of the GSA as a support, providing a sense of community, opportunity for leadership and activism, a social outlet, building resilience and solidarity.

I learned a lot from the participants. Each of their experiences was unique. The common threads of fear and threats to their mental health well-being were balanced with a determined resilience and tenacity. They all had a keen sense of ownership of the GSA which underscored the concept of the GSA as anti-oppressive practice in action. The participants were very invested in "pushing the envelope" (Baines, 2009). When working with youth, anti-oppressive practice allows for the creation of a safe place where youth can also be challenged to reflect on their identity. The GSA, I believe, followed those tenets. The participants felt that the GSA was a safe place and provided a sense of community. Through the GSA, they were able to build a support network which allowed them to explore their fears and desires while supporting them to become leaders and activists within the school and beyond.

A key issue for many was that of identity formation. Transforming from a dependent child to an independent young adult and forging an identity is a key 75

developmental task for an adolescent (Erikson, 1968, Tharinger & Wells, 2000, Pollack,

1998).

Many of the participants struggled with identity formation in relation to their sexual and gender identity. The process seemed a little less daunting due to the support the participants gained from other members in the GSA. It helped them to know that they were not alone and that others had similar feelings and experiences.

The hardest part of the process for them seemed to be the profound levels of fear and isolation that the participants experienced. The sense of isolation was exacerbated by living in a rural community. Whether others in the community or the school were in the sexual-minority was an unknown before the GSA started. The GSA seemed to be a mitigating factor in the sense of isolation. The one participant who stressed the isolation he felt was one of the founding members. It was important for him to help create the

GSA so he might have an idea if he was the only male who was attracted to other males.

The topic of isolation didn't appear with the participants who joined the GSA at a later date. Fear, however was pervasive. Most of the participants spoke of feeling afraid.

They were fearful to come out to their friends, their family and the wider community.

They were afraid that they may be shunned or rejected or that people would think less of them. They were afraid of presenting themselves to the public as sexually diverse youth.

The GSA helped to lessen their fear to a certain degree. They felt accepted in the GSA for who they were and didn't feel that they would be judged. The fact that fear was such a harsh reality for the participants indicates a need for the GSA to specifically talk about it in depth and more frequently in an attempt to lessen those feelings. 76

Language was an important factor both in how the participants described

themselves and how they were labelled by others. Anti-oppressive practice speaks to the

role that language plays in not perpetuating oppression. This point was illustrated quite nicely by the participants in their discussions about language and the need for others

(particularly school staff) to be cognizant of how much impact their choice of language can have. This thought is echoed by Telingator & Woyewodzic (2011):

"Definitions and labels ascribed to sexual minority youths may not describe their sexual attractions, relationships, fantasies, or behaviours. It is important to understand an individual's personal experience as well as his or her self- identification without making assumptions." P.39

When practising from an anti-oppressive stance, it is imperative that there is an acknowledgement and support for the right of all people to self-representation. Labels or the way in which they serve to categorize people can be limiting and in some cases, even psychologically damaging as was evidenced in my interviews with former GSA members.

Pop culture and the media also play a role in advancing or diminishing stereotypes. They can serve to distort and perpetuate typecasts or they can assist in the process of making a minority more mainstream. This is evidenced by a study examining the trends in

Canadian newspaper coverage of GSAs, Herriot (2010). What she saw reflected in the period of time from 2000 to 2009 in Canadian newspaper articles, editorials and letters to the editor was GSAs identified as dangerous, unnecessary, invisible or visible. What is most noteworthy is that almost all of the references to GSAs being dangerous did not appear in newspapers after 2001. This is significant because it illuminates the success in overcoming the argument of the homophobic stance that queer identity was synonymous 77 with pedophilia or alcoholism, luring children to homosexuality, advancing the "gay

agenda," and using GSAs as vehicles for indoctrination (p 221). This illustrates to me the power the press can have to sway public opinion when reporting on the misperceptions about sexually diverse youth and a great deal of what gets published is based on the bias of the reporter and the political leanings of the media, and ultimately can sway public opinion.

Family has been a particularly tricky issue for many of the participants. Many parents see their children as an extension of themselves and experience many conflicting feelings when their children disclose. They often go through a grieving process and struggle with their own internalized homophobia (Saltzburg, 2004). While there is a support group outside of the school for parents, Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays

(PFLAG), to my knowledge none of the parents of the participants accessed it. We are conditioned by societal expectations that we are to be sexually attracted to the opposite sex, identify as our biological gender would indicate, mate and have children. The way in which that conditioning manifests itself can be very different for mothers and fathers based on a number of factors such as family values, religious beliefs and cultural norms.

Fathers seemed to struggle with their children's disclosures in a different way than mothers. While both went through a grieving process, the mothers tended to come around sooner than the fathers. This could be attributed to a number of factors including the social conditioning of mothers to be nurturers while fathers have been conditioned to have a machismo presentation.

Parent outreach could be a function of the GSA. While it has been suggested that schools need to provide this service (Grossman, A., Haney, A., Edwards, P., Alessi, E., 78

Ardon, M. & Howell, T. 2007), it seems more appropriate that it be one of the GSA staff advisors that makes contact with parents. A GSA advisor is an ally of sexually diverse youth and as such, may be in a position to have an easier dialogue with parents. The GSA advisors would have to be well-versed in ethical considerations such as confidentiality in order to protect information shared by GSA members and the information shared by the parents. Having a GSA staff advisor reach out to parents could also present a dilemma.

Parents may perceive the GSA advisors as adversaries if they feel that the GSA has influenced the youth's disclosure. It has been my experience that parents are grateful for the support their children receive through the GSA but they themselves have not actively sought any support from the GSA.

The role of the ally must not be ignored. In my own experience, becoming an ally was a process for me. It began with a desire to support youth in this rural high school so they did not feel that suicide was the only option. I had to conquer my own fear around acceptance of my role in the GSA within a predominately heterosexual institution. I was unsure if as a staff advisor, I would also be a target of homophobia. This was yet another example of an unrealized fear. What I found was that as a heterosexual female, I enjoy a degree of privilege, and I was able to use it to push for the formation of a GSA. I have also been able to serve as an intermediary with administration and teaching staff. As an ally, it was, and remains vital, to be committed to the cause of sexually diverse youth in a rural setting. I had to be consciously oriented to a social justice stance, continually advocating for the youth with whom I was working. Being a social worker who works primarily with individuals does not negate the need for activism; on the contrary, it is critical to adopt such as stance. The role of other allies is also important. It was significant to the participants that there were allies in the GSA, and also to have teaching staff attend the launch at lunch. The allies also took on a social justice role in promoting equality within the building and the community.

The school environment seems to have become less hostile with the presence of the GSA. It would behoove schools to do confidential annual climate surveys to accumulate and analyze concrete data about the level of homophobia in the school. In the case of this particular school, it is hard to tease out if the perceived change is a direct result of the GSA, the sexually diverse youth feeling more empowered, or a shift in societal thinking. There remains a continued need for more teacher education, enforcement of anti-bullying policies and a move toward a more inclusive school environment.

Mayberry (2006, as cited in Grossman et al 2007) states the following:

"LGBT grass-roots activism may be more effective in changing schools than 'assisting' LGBT students. Student political activism should be a foundation of resisting heterocentric school environments, challenging the institutional structures, and constructing positive LGBT identities in school environments."

This seems to very clearly reflect the role of the GSA in the high school. The presence and advocacy efforts of sexually diverse teachers have been shown to be more influential in schools adopting anti-discriminatory policies than administrators' efforts alone (Watson, L., Vaijas, K., Meyers, J. & Graybill, E., 2010). This could be explained by the statement one of the participants made: "being out is good for the community"

Participant 1. Staff who are out provide a role model for the student body and may be more likely to advocate for LGBTIQ students. 80

GSAs truly are anti-oppressive in nature but the activities cannot exclude discussions about sexuality. Without belabouring the point, legislation mandating GSAs is a step forward but muzzling the discussion within them almost seems to defeat the intent. By limiting GSA discussion, it fosters and reinforces oppression by stifling the voices of the youth. When a GSA is a product of youth engagement and activism, it gives voice to those who are otherwise systemically oppressed.

"Familiarity with identity issues enables youth to make the links between the factors that affect their own lives and the systemic factors that affect their community and society at large." (Involveyouth2, 2006, p.2)

Participant 1, who has been the strongest activist student leader to date spoke of this on many occasions. It was also evidenced by the willingness of the group to engage in activities that challenged stereotypes and misconceptions within the school community.

Without a keen sense of their own identity, they would not have succeeded.

It is critical that a GSA be student-led but there is also the need for staff advisors who are going to support the group and advocate for them with administration, other staff, the student body, and the wider community. Staff advisors must themselves be well educated in issues and language relating to sexual diversity and gender identification.

Knowledge of societal forces that oppress sexual-minorities is an important factor in activism (Dermer, S., Smith, S., & Barto, K., 2011).

Student leadership for the GSA has been both a strength and a limitation with this particular club. It has been a strength when the leaders were confident, passionate and were willing to get the group engaged in activism to a certain degree. Too much planning 81 for activist activities did result in burnout for the group one year and membership declined as a consequence. When there wasn't strong leadership, there was a drop in attendance at meetings. This particular GSA has been instrumental in creating an atmosphere in the school where students feel comfortable holding hands with their same sex partners in the halls and giving the youth the courage to report to staff when other students or staff made disparaging remarks about their orientation. It has also served to cause a shift in thinking with staff. Whether that was as a direct consequence of the GSA is hard to gauge.

At the start of this research process, I wanted to explore to what extent the rural situation impacted the participants. They spoke of the lack of demographic diversity in the area, perceptions of a rural area being conservative and less understanding and of their own feelings of isolation. In an urban area, there is much more diversity, better availability of resources, and public transportation. As such, many of the participants aspired to move away from the rural community. The GSA served as a way to lessen the sense of isolation by providing a supportive network.

Reflections on the Research Process

This process has been a powerful one for me. I have learned a great deal about myself as a researcher. I experienced a sense of dichotomy with my emotions. I felt both a sense of confidence and a sense that I was in over my head. My confidence came from years of experience working in the school system, advocating for sexually diverse youth.

My apprehension came, in part, from the fact that I was doing my Master of Social Work education on a part-time basis. While I was very fortunate to have an excellent thesis 82 committee, I found that time and distance constraints made the process of doing a thesis very difficult.

My anxiety about the research process manifested itself by an obsessive worry about the possible failure of my audio recording device. I went into each interview armed with a battalion of batteries and put fresh ones in before each interview. I realized at the end of the process that it was not about the recording device but rather it was about my insecurities as a researcher. My sense of research self-efficacy has waxed and waned throughout this process but overall it has been a meaningful learning experience.

The choice of location for the interviews made sense from a practical point of view but I soon realized that it brought back a lot of memories for the participants. As soon as they walked through the door of the building, they each commented that it brought them back to the days when they were a student. I wondered aloud if that was a good thing and in all cases, the participants agreed that it was. Still, it made me conscious that if they were being transported back emotionally to their time as a student, it could serve to strengthen the power imbalance between participant and researcher. In an attempt to lessen this, I stressed at the beginning of each interview that I was interested in their story, however they wanted to tell it and they were in full control of what information they shared with me.

As mentioned earlier, one interview was done via Skype. While it was better than a telephone conversation in that we could make eye contact, I felt it was lacking the sense of intimacy that the face to face interviews gave me. As a sighted person, I rely on the nuances of body language to enhance my meaning of information presented. While 83

Skype provided some of the body language, it was essentially our faces presented to each other with grainy video resolution. The entirety of full body language was not available through this method of interview.

The interviews themselves provided me with a very rich experience. I saw vulnerability in one participant where I had previously seen arrogance. As much as literature speaks of the power imbalance between researcher and participant, I was startled to find that I felt intimidated by some of the participants. I assumed that they were much more knowledgeable about sexual diversity issues than I was, and I was apprehensive that I may inadvertently say something which could be construed as ignorant. What I got from the interviews was a wealth of rich data and also a revelation that the participants were not as well-versed as I had assumed. They certainly had an abundance of information but they also had some gaps in their knowledge about specific topics.

Upon reflection of the interviews, I discovered that I was surprised by the level of fear experienced by the participants during their coming out process. These are youth who, for the most part, had presented as quite grounded and self-assured. While there was some discussion in the GSA about this fear, I had not realized the extent of it until I conducted the interviews. Each individual is unique and the outcome of their coming out process was defined by the support they received from family, friends and the larger community.

During the research process, I vacillated about the level of secrecy with which the

GSA was launched. At the beginning, I worried about the safety of the members of the GSA, and as a result, I kept things discrete. In retrospect, I realized that I was also

nervous about my own role in the GSA and how I was going to be perceived by the rest

of the school and the administration. What I now realize is that having the GSA operate

under the radar was the wrong way to go about it. We should have been open from the

start and made it a school-wide campaign to reduce the risk to the members. However,

having said that, I don't think the students who initially came to the club would have had

the confidence to join a public group. The coming out of the GSA seemed to be concurrent with their own coming out. The club started small and grew steadily over the

years. There was a gradual increase in activism and awareness.

Each participant seemed to have a keen sense of ownership of the GSA and all were eager to hear about the current membership and activities. The GSA is their legacy.

It is also a tribute to their courage and sense of social justice in a very action-oriented fashion.

I was struck by themes of fear, isolation and resilience. This was something that I kept coming back to both in my thoughts and my notes. I applaud their courage and weep for their pain. Additionally, it gave me some insight for future topics to be addressed

within the GSA.

Also of interest was the choice of words the participants used to describe their gender. The term "lesbian" was not used. In its place was "person, not gender". One male described himself as someone who likes men and did not want to describe himself as gay. The participant who is transgender and is biologically female described himself as a straight male. This discourse was interesting to me and underscored how oppressive 85

labels can be. It is critical to understand this and to let people decide for themselves how

they choose to represent themselves.

Overall, as evidenced by their statements, the participants were eager to be

involved in the study; they all had a profound investment in GSA, and they all felt it had

been very helpful for them in one way or another throughout their high school career.

Lessons Learned

What I have learned from this study can be translated into implications for social

work practice in any setting but for school based social work practice in particular.

When working with any marginalized population, it is of utmost importance to

have both an understanding of social justice and a capacity for anti-oppressive practice.

This study has been a reaffirmation of my belief in the need for activism in social work

practice as well as the existence of the GSA.

Oppression can take place in many ways in a school. Policies are becoming more

inclusive and are beginning to be specific about intolerance of homophobic bullying.

School curriculum in Ontario still takes a heterosexual perspective with sexual diversity

being addressed as an add on in the physical education curriculum. Oppression is evident

in homophobic and transphobic behaviour and attitudes both internally and externally. A school based social worker can play a key role by using anti-oppressive practice to create space for the voices of the oppressed, by challenging oppressive statements and behaviours as well as being a champion within a school to support GSAs and other social justice initiatives. Over the course of this study, instances of othering presented with participants labelling others in a derogatory light (language such as "jocks", "techies", 86

"conservative" and, "religious"). This illustrates the need for education and anti- oppressive practice both in the school and within the confines of the GSA.

This study has examined the oppression experienced by the participants. The use of the language of identity was crucial. As stated by Tellingator & Woyewodzic (2011), it is important for youth to use their own words in how they choose to identify themselves. The participants experienced fear, isolation and harassment. They identified the GSA as an important part of their liberation and in their ability to embrace their identities.

The social worker is well positioned to be an ally for sexually diverse youth, an advocate within and beyond the school system as well as an intermediary between students and teaching staff. It is incumbent upon social workers to ensure that they remain current in their own education about sexual diversity and gender identification issues and language. They also need to be very aware of any homophobia that they carry and take concrete, corrective steps to eradicate it.

Social workers must also be champions in challenging systems which perpetuate oppression. They need to advocate for minor changes such as gender free spaces as well as challenge larger systemic issues such as the pathologization of gender identity, and bureaucratic barriers to funding and services.

There is value in being cautious with respect to not perpetuating stereotypes with the use of labels, by humbling oneself and not making assumptions. Thus, the social worker is able to fully participate in anti-oppressive practice. 87

The role of the social worker can be an important one supporting parents of sexual-minority youth. Respect for confidentiality and taking a supportive stance can in turn support the youth as they navigate their way in maintaining strong family ties. In many ways, it would be preferable to have someone who is professionally trained in anti- oppressive practices, counselling and therapy serve this purpose rather than someone who is untrained due to the variety of issues that can surface.

It would be of value to have all staff working within a school environment to have their own homophobic attitudes assessed. This can provide insight and direction for staff training. If staff members are homophobic, oppression of sexually diverse youth in educational institutions will continue. Additionally, recognition and correction of homophobia can also translate into moderating a more positive school climate overall.

Staff will be better equipped to challenge and stop homophobic slurs and harassment from other students and the wider community.

Legislation is helpful in terms of giving institutions a push toward inclusive policies but just as a GSA alone will not create change, nor can legislation. School boards and schools must have very clear policies about harassment with respect to sexual orientation and gender identity, and ensure that they are consistently enforced.

GSAs cannot be muzzled by placing limits on what can and cannot be discussed within the club. A GSA must be a safe place for youth where they can explore topics that are relevant to them without fear of reprisal. 88

There is a need for GSAs to address topics such as fear and this can be partially addressed by exposure to others who have made the journey through coming out successfully.

The effects of isolation can be diminished by the existence of a GSA. This is particularly important in a rural setting because of the lack of visible diversity. Sexually diverse youth in rural settings benefit from association with peers and allies in a GSA as well as outreach with other GSAs.

Limitations

This study was small and was limited to past members from one rural school's

GSA. No current members were involved in the study nor were any parents or school staff. This limited the study to a select set of voices and is qualitative by design. It cannot be assumed that these finding could be generalized to a wider population.

While the participants were sexually diverse, most were from economically stable homes and the bulk of them had attained, or were attending post-secondary education.

The findings from sexually diverse youth who were from a lower socio-economic class or those who did not have a high school or post secondary education could have been quite different.

The data is retrospective and as such, memories may have some distortions.

The experiences are so unique and so varied, it would have been valuable to have more participants and perhaps contrast their experiences with those of other rural GSAs. 89

This study attracted participants who had been fairly involved with the GSA and the snowball method of gathering participants meant that participants who were peripherally involved or who did not have a good experience with the GSA were not recruited. Some members of the GSA had dropped out of high school, and their voices might have provided a different perspective.

Another limitation is the lack of cultural diversity. This area is pretty homogenous and as such, it limited the diverse experience from a variety of cultures.

That, perhaps is a product of a rural community.

Recommendations for Future Research

This study has barely scratched the surface. There is a need for more study with sexually diverse rural youth, not only in relation to the GSA but also about their lived experience in general.

Research done by Toomey, Ryan, Diaz & Russell (2011) looked at GSAs in the

United States and their effect on young adult well-being. What they speculated about was that: "schools with GSAs likely have safer school climates overall" (pi 82). This could be interpreted in a couple of ways: schools with safer school climates were more open to

GSAs, and schools with GSAs had a direct impact on school climate. The study also suggested that schools with an extremely hostile and homophobic school culture would not benefit from a GSA alone. There needs to be policy and educational support along with the implementation of a GSA. This provides yet another avenue for exploration: an examination of school climate prior to inception of a GSA and a longitudinal look at the school climate as the GSA progresses. Given the current political climate in Ontario, it would be fascinating to study the experiences of sexually diverse youth in the other schools, both public and private to ascertain their sense of identity in the midst of a phallocratic power system.

It would also be of interest to determine what, if any, impact recent legislative efforts have made with respect to reducing homophobia and homophobic based bullying in schools.

The concept of class being a factor in homophobic bullying is an interesting one that begs further exploration. Along those lines, it would also be of interest to examine more closely the real attitudes of people who hold conservative ideologies as opposed to the perceived attitudes. The same could be said of rural populations.

Additional study could be done around youth with different cultural backgrounds.

Their experience with navigating family life when sexually diverse identification is taboo would provide a rich insight.

The experience of transgender youth in rural schools is one that begs more study.

There is a very clear need for more study about transgender youth in general and transgender youth in a rural setting in particular. The challenges and obstacles faced by transgender youth tend to be very complex and as such, warrant a more in depth investigation. The sole transgender youth in this study struggled with accessing medical and psychological services, there were barriers for personal needs and many roadblocks constructed by bureaucracy. A more detailed look at the needs of transgender youth could have policy implications in terms of the removal of the pathological label and accessibility to both services and facilities. 91

Investigation about the role of a GSA and parent experience could also be illuminating in terms of providing indirect support to sexually diversity youth. Would parental support help with youth identity and safety? Additionally, it would be interesting to pursue the different ways in which parents react to sexual-orientation or gender identification disclosures.

Additionally, further research might also investigate what, if any, role class plays in the coming out experience. Are families from middle to high socio-economic class more accepting of their child's disclosure?

A longitudinal study to follow sexually diverse youth which would allow continued contact with those who disengage from the mainstream educational system could yield some very different results than the findings of this study.

Given the paucity of information about rural sexually diverse youth, further study on the rural experience is warranted. A study using other rural high schools as comparators might shed further light on both the rural and rural high school experience of sexually diverse youth.

Finally, it would be of interest to examine if schools and educational curriculum are complicit in perpetuating homophobia and if so, how might this be circumvented?

Conclusion

This study sought to determine if GSAs are useful in a rural secondary school in

Ontario. It is significant in that it contributes new knowledge about the many ways in which a GSA can support youth in general and rural youth in particular. Specifically, the 92

data illustrate that the needs of sexually diverse youth in a rural community are unique,

and their voices have for the most part, gone unheard. It builds on existing literature about the need for a positive connection in order to successfully master adolescent developmental tasks such as identity formation.

Given the current legislation in Ontario regarding GSAs, this study illuminates the

notion that GSAs are vital to sexually diverse students and need to be in every school.

It is noteworthy that each participant spoke of the level of fear they experienced

before and during their coming out process. School based social workers and educators can do a great deal to calm these fears through discussion with students and by ensuring a

positive school climate.

This study also indicates a need for more sexually diverse resources and networking for LGBTIQ youth residing in a rural area.

As sexually diverse youth seek to navigate their way through adolescence, identity formation, and high school, they need to be supported unconditionally. A GSA can serve that function by fostering an environment that celebrates sexual and gender diversity.

It is crucial that a GSA creates space for youth to find and use their voice.

Discovering who they are as sexual beings is part of solidifying their identity. Advocacy and activism are necessary within an anti-oppressive framework. To operate in silence would completely defeat the purpose of a GSA.

There was much learning that came out of this study. The intensity of the fear, isolation and mental health struggles of many of the participants was disturbing to a 93 degree. This serves to illustrate the need not only for a safe place but also for greater education within the GSA and more involvement with people sharing their coming out narratives.

There are many opportunities to enrich the anti-oppressive framework by cultivating leadership skills in members and fostering their skills for activism. There is an obvious need for more staff training, particularly around understanding the developmental needs of sexually diverse youth and the use of language. There could also be a role for a support group for parents or at the very least, the establishment of a local network to address their needs which would in turn support their children.

This study has illuminated the scope of action required in this school to move to an anti-oppressive climate. While it can be seen as a social club, a GSA must do much more. A GSA must embrace activism and political action within a school. It must, as one participant said, come "out of the room". If a homophobic culture is to be challenged, the voices of the oppressed must be heard. Change needs to start at a grass roots level but also be supported through policies and legislation. Champions and allies at schools can play a key role in inviting students to start a GSA in order to level the power imbalance that sexually diverse youth may experience should they want to start or take part in a

GSA.

It is all too apparent that the needs of transgender students are not being met in this particular school and it is a reasonable presumption that other schools are not much different. Social workers have much work to do to break down systemic barriers for transgender youth. In the education system, there is a great need for education and inclusive actions such as the establishment of genderless washrooms and change-rooms.

This study suggests that a GSA in a school is of benefit not only to the members but to the school community as a whole in terms of creating amore just society. It is simply not enough for us to purport to be inclusive; we must show it by our actions.

Our sexually diverse rural youth have a voice and it is incumbent upon us to create space for it to be heard. 95

Appendix A

Definitions

Defining terms which capture the full range of sexual orientations and gender

identities is limiting in and of itself. Regardless of the label, youth are individuals and although they may identify in one way, their behaviour may indicate otherwise. The

following will provide the reader with a primer but is by no means an exhaustive list:

Ally is someone who advocates for a community other than their own. (GERC, 2010)

Asexual is someone who has no evident sex or sex organs (GERC, 2010)

Bi-sexual refers to someone who is attracted to two sexes or two genders but not necessarily simultaneously or equally. (GERC, 2010)

Coming out refers to accepting and being open about one's sexual orientation, gender identity or sex identity. (GERC, 2010)

Drag refers to dressing in gender specific clothing as part of a performance. It is not related to one's sexual orientation, gender identity or sex identity. (GERC, 2010)

FTM refers to a transsexual female to male. (GERC, 2010)

Gay typically means men who are attracted to men. It is also used as an umbrella term for the LGBTQ community. (GERC, 2010) This is a term that may also be used as a homophobic slur.

Gender is defined by Lorber (2010) as a social status, a legal designation, and a personal identity.

Gender identity refers to a person's internal, deeply-felt sense of being either male, female, something other, or in between. Everyone has a gender identity. (GSAN, 2010)

Gender expression refers to an individual's characteristics and behaviours such as appearance, dress, mannerisms, speech patterns, and social interactions that are perceived as masculine or feminine. (GSAN, 2010) 96

Gender non-conforming refers to a person who is or is perceived to have gender characteristics and/or behaviours that do not conform to traditional or societal expectations. Gender non-conforming people may or may not identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer. (GSAN, 2010)

Genderqueer refers to people who do not identify as, or who do not express themselves as completely male or female. Genderqueer people may or may not identify as transgender. (GSAN, 2010)

LGBTIQ is an umbrella term that stands for "lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, transgender, two- spirit, intersex, and questioning." The category "questioning" is included to incorporate those that are not yet certain of their sexual orientation and/or gender identity. The Q may also include queer. (GSAN, 2010)

Intersex is a term which refers to someone who is biologically neither male nor female and may have genital and/or reproductive body parts of both sexes (ISNA, 2008)

Lesbian refers to women who have a sexual preference for other women. (GERC, 2010)

MSM is the label given to men who have sex with men but are not necessarily gay. (GERC, 2010)

MTF refers to a transsexual male to female. (GERC, 2010)

Pansexual is a term used to describe a person whose sexual orientation and/or gender or sexual identity is fluid. (GERC, 2010)

Queer is a word which used to be a derogatory term and is now being reclaimed by the LGBTQ community. In the simplest form, it is a label for a complex set of sexual behaviours and desires. (Gender Equity Resource Centre, 2010)

Sex refers to biological designation. Social views and experiences of sex are cultural (GERC, 2010). It is further defined by Lorber (2010) as a complex interplay of genes, hormones, environment, and behaviour with loop-back effects between bodies and society.

Sex identity is a term used to describe the sex a person sees themselves as. It can include refusing to label oneself with a sex. (GERC, 2010)

Sexual minority youth or sexually diverse youth is a term used to refer to youth whose identity and orientation is other than heterosexual. (Tharinger, D. and Wells, G., 2000) 97

Sexual orientation refers to a person's emotional and sexual attraction to other people based on the gender of the other person. A person may identify their sexual orientation as heterosexual, lesbian, gay, bisexual, or queer. It is important to understand that sexual orientation and gender identity are two different things. Not all transgender youth identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or queer. And not all gay, lesbian, bisexual, and queer youth display gender non-conforming characteristics. (GSAN, 2010)

Straight refers to someone who is attracted to someone who has a gender different than their own. (GERC, 2010)

Transgender is an umbrella term that can be used to describe people whose gender expression is nonconforming and/or whose gender identity is different from their birth assigned gender. (GSAN, 2010)

Transsexual is a term most commonly used to refer to someone who transitions from one gender to another. It includes youth who were identified as male at birth but whose gender identity is female, youth who were identified as female at birth but whose gender identity is male, and youth whose gender identity is neither male nor female. Transition often consists of a change in style of dress, selection of a new name, and a request that people use the correct pronoun when describing them. Transition may, but does not always, include necessary medical care like hormone therapy, counselling, and/or surgery. (GSAN, 2010) 98

Appendix B

Informal Email Invitation to Participate Researcher's Note: All potential participants received the same introductory emaiL The tone of the email is informal because of my prior relationship with the potential participant All subsequent questions were answered and arrangements were made by email to establish interview times and locations.

Hello, (potential participant name),

I am undergoing my Masters in Social Work at Wilfrid Laurier and am currently working on my thesis. The research is to determine the Usefulness of a Gay-Straight Alliance in a rural Ontario Secondary School. I will be doing a qualitative study with former CWDHS GSA members. Interviews will take approximately 2 hours and participants will receive $25.00 compensation. I am hoping to have 16 participants. Please let me know if this is something that interests you. I am looking at starting interviews in January. If January doesn't work for you, I can do interviews in February or March. I can either interview you at the High School any evening you are available or I can come to you any evening or weekend. No identifying information will be released.

The findings will be published in my thesis document and may subsequently be published in a trade journal and / or submitted to the Ministry of Education (Ontario).

I would also appreciate it if you could let other graduates know about this. The findings will be published and I'm hoping it will help inform policy at the provincial level as well.

Let me know your thoughts.

Thank you for your consideration,

Audrey Morrison

[email protected]

519-xxx-xxxx 99

Appendix C

Interview Questions

Thank you very much for participating in this study. I have some questions to provide a framework for the interview but any information you feel is relevant in addition to the questions is welcomed.

To begin, can you tell me why you accepted the invitation to become involved in this study?

I have a few demographic questions for you. These are your name, age, gender identification and self-identified sexual orientation. Again, as mentioned in the consent you may decline to answer any of these questions without penalty but if you choose to respond, you are assured of anonymity in the study findings.

Can you tell me something of your experience as a youth in the sexual minority?

When did you decide to become involved / join the GSA?

What influenced your decision?

What was the nature of your involvement in the GSA?

What, if any impact do you feel the GSA had on you and your high school experience?

Has your experience with the GSA continued to influence you?

Prompts:

Are you part of an advocacy/activist group at your university/workplace?

What other information would you like to share with me?

Prompts:

Was there anything at the high school that made your life difficult?

Was there anything at the high school that made your life easier? 100

Appendix D

INFORMED CONSENT STATEMENT

Examining the Usefulness of a Gay-Straight Alliance in an Ontario Rural Secondary School

Researcher: Audrey Morrison B.A. Child and Youth Work M.S.W. Candidate [email protected]

You are invited to participate in a research study. The purpose of this study is to determine the usefulness of a rural Gay-Straight Alliance from the perspective of past members. This study is conducted by Audrey Morrison, a Master of Social Work student at Wilfrid Laurier University.

INFORMATION

You have been asked to participate in a research study conducted by a Master of Social Work student at Wilfrid Laurier University. You were selected as a possible research participant because of your past membership in the Gay-Straight Alliance at Centre Wellington District High School in Fergus. Your participation is completely voluntary.

This study aims to gain an understanding of your high school experience, your experience with the Gay-Straight Alliance and any residual effects of membership. Findings of the research will be provided at the end of the study. It is expected that the initial interview will take approximately two hours to complete and there may be a follow up interview to check for accuracy or gather additional information.

There will be approximately sixteen participants. Interviews will be conducted individually and will be audio recorded so that they may be transcribed by the researcher, Audrey Morrison. Interviews will be recorded so that quotations may be included in the written report to maintain the accuracy of statements made by those interviewed. Participants will be given access to the recording of their personal interview but only if they specifically ask for it. They will not, however, be permitted to listen to the interviews of other participants. The researcher, Audrey Morrison, as well as one individual and the advisor, Dr. Ginette Lafreniere will have access to audio recordings and transcriptions. Others will be assisting the researcher, Audrey Morrison in transcribing the interviews.

Participant's Initial 101

RISKS

You may experience some emotional discomfort while recanting experiences during this research project. Should you feel uncomfortable with any questions asked during the interview, or the feelings raised by those questions, you may refuse to answer them, and may terminate the interview at any time.

BENEFITS

You will receive $25.00 for your participation in this study. The research will assist the researcher to gather valuable information which can then be used in advocacy efforts and to inform policy.

CONFIDENTIALITY

Any information that is obtained within this study and that can be identified with you will remain confidential to maintain your anonymity. A pseudonym or code name will be used in place of your real name and in any notes that are taken. If the interview is quoted, no information will be included that would reveal your identity in the written report. All notes and written transcripts will be kept in a locked cabinet or a password-protected computer. The researcher, Audrey Morrison, will have access to this information as well as the individuals assisting the researcher, Audrey Morrison with transcribing the interviews. Finally, the researcher's advisor, Dr. Ginette Lafreniere will also have access to this information. Three years after the study is complete and the results published, all notes, audio recordings and written transcripts will be destroyed.

CONTACT

If you have questions at any time about the study or the procedures, (or you experience adverse effects as a result of participating in this study) you may contact the researcher, Audrey Morrison, at morr4190@,mvlaurier.ca. You may also contact the researcher's advisor, Dr. Ginette Lafreniere by phone at (519) 884-1970 ext. 5237 or by email at [email protected]. This project has been reviewed by the Ethics Review Board at Wilfrid Laurier University. If you feel you have not been treated according to the descriptions in this form, or your rights as a participant in research have been violated during the course of this project, you may contact Dr. R. Basso, Chair of the Research Ethics Board at (519) 884-1970 ext. 5225.

Participant's Initial 102

PARTICIPATION

Your participation in this study is voluntary; you may decline to participate without penalty. If you decide to participate, you may withdraw from the study at any time without penalty and without loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. If you withdraw from the study before data collection is completed your data will be returned to you or destroyed. You have the right to omit any question(s)/procedure(s) you choose.

FEEDBACK AND PUBLICATION

You will be provided with a summary of the findings, once they are completed. You will be given three weeks to respond to the researcher with feedback on the findings. Your feedback will be incorporated into the final report generated by the researcher. Results from the study will then be published as a copy of a Master's thesis and will be made accessible to individuals affiliated with Wilfrid Laurier University. If you would like an additional copy of the final report, you may contact Audrey Morrison at [email protected].

CONSENT

I have read and understand the above information. I have received a copy of this form. I agree to participate in this study.

Participant's signature

Date

Investigator's signature

Date

I agree with being quoted in the final report if no identifying information is present.

Participant's signature

Date 103

Bibliography

Almeida, J., Johnson, R., Corliss, H., Molnar, B., Azrael, D. (2009). Emotional Distress Among LGBTQ Youth: The Influence of Perceived Discrimination Based on Sexual Orientation. J Youth Adolescence Vol. 38, pp. 1001-1014

American Psychiatric Association: Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision. Washington, DC, American Psychiatric Association, 2000.

Baines, D. (ed) (2009). Doing Anti-Oppressive Practice: Building Transormative Politicized Social Work. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing

Banneiji, Himani, (1996). "On The Dark Side of the Nation: Politics of multiculturalism and the state of "Canada" Journal of Canadian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Fall), Pp. 88-124, © Trent University.

Barrows, D. & Morris, S. (1989). Managing Public Policy Issues. Long Range Planning, Vol.22, No. 6, Pp. 66-73, Great Britain

Beyond the Binary, GSA Network (n.d), Retrieved from: www.gsanetwork.org October 11,2010

Birkett, M., Espelage, D., Koenig, B. (2009). LGB and Questioning Students in Schools: The Moderating Effects of Homophobic Bullying and School Climate on Negative Outcomes. J Youth Adolescence, Vol. 38, pp. 989-1000

Butler, J. (1993). Bodies that matter: on the discursive limits of "sex". New York: Routledge

Bunzl, M. (1995). Between Oppression and Affirmation: Historical Ethnography of Lesbian and Gay Pasts Anthopological Quarterly, 68:2

Chesir-Teran, D., Hughes, D. (2008). Heterosexism in High School and Victimization Among Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Questioning Students. J Youth Adolescence Vol.38, pp. 963-975

Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative Analysis. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications

Cicchetti, D. & Toth, S. (1998). The development of depression in children and adolescents. American Psychologist, 53,221-242.

City of Toronto (2006). Involveyouth2 Retrieved from: www.toronto.ca/involveyouth June 1,2012 104

Cohen, D., & Crabtree, B. (2006). Qualitative Research Guidelines Project. Retrieved from: http://www.qualres.org/HomeSnow-3816.html May 12,2011

Creswell, J. (1998,2007). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five traditions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage

D'Augelli, A. (1996). Enhancing the development of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths. In E.D. Roghblum & L. Bond (Eds.), Prevention of heterosexism and homophobia (pp.124-150). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

D'Augelli, A. & Dark, L. (1995). Lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths. In L.D. Enron, J. Gentry & P. Schlegel (Eds.). Reason to hope: A psychosocial perspective on violence and youth (pp. 177-196). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Dermer, S., Smith., S., & Barto, K. (2011). Identifying and Correctly Labelling Sexual Prejudice, Discrimination and Oppressioa Journal of Counselling & Development. V88, Issue 3 Retrieved from http://onlinelibrary. wiley.com.remote.libproxy.wlu.ca/doi/10.1002/j.1556- 6678.2010.tb00029.x/pdf May 20, 2012

Durkheim, E., Spaulding, J., and Simpson, G. (1997). Suicide: A Study in Sociology. Simon and Schuster, New York, N. Y.

Egale Canada. Retrieved from: http://www.egale.ca October 11,2010

Episcopal Commission for Doctrine (2011). Pastoral Ministry to Young People with Same-Sex Attraction. Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops. Retrieved from: http://www.cccbpublications.ca/site/index.php?page=shop.product_details&flypag e=flypage.tpl&category_id=87&product_id==1747&option=com_virtuemart&Item id=76&lang=eng March 22,2012

Erickson, E.H. (1968). Identity, youth, and crisis. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.

Espelage, D., Aragon, S., Birkett, M. & Koenig, B. (2008). Homophobic Teasing, Psychological Outcomes, and Sexual Orientation Among High School Students: What Influence Do Parents and Schools Have? School Psychology Review, Vol. 37, No.2 202-216

Ezzy, D. (2007). Qualitative Analysis: Practice and Innovation. London, England: Routledge

Freire, P. (1998). Pedagogy of Freedom: Ethics, Democracy, and Civic Courage. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Lanham, Maryland 105

Galliher, R. V., Hughes, H. K., & Rostosky, S. S. (2004). School belonging, self-esteem, and depressive symptoms in adolescents: an examination of sex, sexual attraction status, and urbanicity. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 33(3), 235+. Retrieved from http://go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?id=GALE%7CAl 18380005&v=2.1 &u=watel 800 5&it=r&p=AONE&sw=w May 10. 2012

Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Educators Network. Retrieved from: http://www.glsen.org October 11,2010

Gender Equity Resource Centre (GERC), University of California. Berkeley, CA Retrieved from: http://geneq.berkeley.edu/lgbt_resources_definiton_of_terms November 1,2010

Geroux, K. (2008). Silence Is Not Goldea Journal of Cases in Educational Leadership, Vol. 11, No. 1, pp 129-137

Graybill, E., Vaijas, K., Meyers, J., Watson, L. (2009). Content-Specific Strategies to Advocate for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Youth: An Exploratory Study. School Psychology Review, Volume 38, No. 4, pp. 570-584

Griffin, P. (2003). Guest Editor's Introductioa Equity & Excellence in Education, Vol.36, No. 2, p 105

Grossman, A., Haney, A., Edwards, P., Alessi, E., Ardon, M. & Howell, T. (2009). Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Youth Talk about Experiencing and Coping with School Violence: A Qualitative Study Journal of LGBT Youth, 6:24-46

GSA Network (GSAN) Retrieved from: www.gsanetwork.org October 11,2010

Guba, E. & Lincoln, Y (1994) Chapter 6: Competing Paradigms in Qualitative Research. The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research (3rd Edition) 105-117.Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Ltd.

Haider-Markel, D., Joslyn, M. (2008). Beliefs About the Origins of Homosexuality and Support for Gay Rights: An Empirical Test of Attribution Theory. Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 72, No. 2, pp. 291-310

Herriot, L. (2010). Trends in Canadian Newspaper Coverage of Gay-Straight Alliances, 2000 - 2009. Journal of LGBT Youth, Vol. 8, pp. 215 - 233

Harris Interactive & Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network. (2005). From teasing to torment: School climate in America, A survey of students and teachers. New York: Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Educators Network. 106

Horn, S. (2006). Heterosexual adolescents' and young adults' beliefs and attitudes about homosexuality and gay and lesbian peers. Cognitive Development, Vol. 21

Horn, S. (2008). Schooling, Sexuality, and Rights: An Investigation of Heterosexual Students' Social Cognition Regarding Sexual Orientation and the Rights of Gay and Lesbian Peers in School. Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 64, No. 4, pp. 791-813

Horn, S., Nucci, L. (2003). The Multidimensionality of Adolescents' Beliefs About and Attitudes Toward Gay and Lesbian Peers in School. Equity & Excellence in Education, Vol. 36, Issue 2, pp. 136-147

Human Rights Watch United States (2001). Retrieved from: http://www.hrw.org/wr2kl/usa/index.html October 11,2010

Intersex Society of North America. Retrieved from: www.isna.org October 11, 2010

Kingdon, J.W. (1984). Agendas, alternatives and public policies. Toronto: Little, Brown.

Kosciw, J., Greytak, E., Diaz, E. (2009). Who, What, Where, When, and Why: Demographic and Ecological Factors Contributing to Hostile School Climate for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Youth. J Youth Adolescence, Vol. 38, pp. 976-988

Lorber, J. (2010). Gender Inequality: Feminist Theories And Politics. New York: Oxford University Press

Mason, S. (1997). Social Work Research: Is There a Feminist Method? Affilia, Vol. 12, No.l. Sage Publications

Masten, A. (1994). Resilience in individual development: Successful adaptation despite risk and adversity. In M.C. Wang (Ed.), Educational resilience in inner-city America: Challenges and prospects, (pp. 3-25). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Masten, A. & Coatsworth, J. (1998). The development of competence in favourable and unfavourable enviromnents: Lesson from research on successful children. The American Psychologist, 53, pp 205-221.

Ministry of Education Bill 13 Retrieved from: http://www.ontla.on.ca/bills/bills- files/40_Parliament/Sessionl/b013rep.pdf June 5,2012

Ministry of Education Policy/Program Memoranda Retrieved from: http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/extra/eng/ppm/! 19.html May 26,2010

Ministry of Education Policy/Program Memoranda. Retrieved from:http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/extra/eng/ppm/145.html May 26,2010 107

My GSA. EGALE (May 17,2010) Retrieved from: www.mygsa.ca May 21,2010

Newcomb, M., & Mustanski, B. (2010). Internalized homophobia and internalizing mental health problems: A meta-analytic review. Clinical Psychology Review, 30, pp 1019 -1029

Ontario Catholic School Trustees' Association (2012). "Respecting Difference" A Resource for Catholic Schools in the Province of Ontario: Regarding the Establishment and Running of Activities or Organizations Promoting Equity and Respect for All Students. Retrieved from: http://www.catholicregister.org/images/stories/documents/RespectingDifferences. pdf March 22,2012

Ontario Human Rights Code. Retrieved from: http://www.e- laws.gov.on.ca/html/statutes/english/elaws_statutes_90hl 9_e.htm May 26, 2010

Padgett, D. (1998). Qualitative methods in social work research: Challenges and rewards. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage

Pollack, W. (1998). Real boys: Rescuing our sons from the myth of boyhood. New York: Random House.

Puffer, P. (2009). Durkheim Did Not Say "Normlessness"; The Concept of Anomic Suicide for Introductory Sociology Courses. Southern Rural Sociology, vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 200-222

Rajabali, F., Pike, I., Kinney, J., Joshi, P. (2005). Proposed Framework for GLBT Youth Suicide and Abuse Prevention. B.C. Injury Research and Prevention Unit

Resnick, M., Bearman, P., Blum, R., Bauman, K., Harris, K., Jone, J., Tabor, J., Beuhring, T., Sieving, R., Shew, M., Ireland, M., Bearinger, L. & Udry, J. (1997). Protecting adolescents from harm: Findings from the National Longitudinal Study on Adolescent Health. Journal of the American Medical Association, 278, 823- 832.

Richards, L. & Morse, J. (2007). User's Guide to Qualitative Methods 2nd edition. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage

Rofes, E. (1994). Making our schools safe for sissies. The High School Journal, 77, pp. 37-40.

Russell, S., Muraco, A., Subramaniam, A., Laub, C. (2009). Youth Empowerment and High School Gay-Straight Alliances. J Youth Adolescence, Vol. 38, pp. 891-903 108

Saltzburg, S. (2004). Learning That an Adolescent Child Is Gay or Lesbian: The Parent Experience. Social Work Vol. 49, No. 1

Sandals, L., Hughes, R., Auty, S. & Pepler, D. (2005). Shaping safer schools: A bullying prevention action plan.© Queens Printer for Ontario, 2005. Toronto ON.

Schindel, J. (2008). Gender 101-Beyond the Binary: Gay-Straight Alliances and Gender Activism. Sexuality Research & Social Policy, Vol. 5, No. 2

Sennott, S. & Smith, T. (2011). Translating the Sex and Gender Continuums in Mental Health: A Transfeminist Approach to Client and Clinician Fears. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Mental Health, 15:2, 218-234

Sherry, A., Adelman, A., Whilde, M., & Quick, D. (2010). Competing Selves: Negotiating the Intersection of Spiritual and Sexual Identities. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, Vol. 41, No. 2, pp. 112-119

Sykes, H. (2004). Pedagogies of censorship, injury, and masochism: teacher responses to homophobic speech in physical education. Journal of Curriculum Studies, Vol. 36, Issue 1, pp.75-99

Statistics Canada, 2006 Community Profiles. Retrieved from http://wwwl2.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/prof/92- 591 /details/Page.cfrn?Lang=E&Geo1 =CSD&Code1 =3523025&Geo2=PR&Code 2=3 5&Data=Count&SearchText=Centre Wellington&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01 &B1 =All&Custom= October 12, 2010

Statistics Canada, 2006 Community Profiles. Retrieved from http ://www12. statcan.ca/ census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/prof/92 - 591 /details/Page.cfin?Lang=E&Geo l=CSD&Codel =3523033&Geo2=PR&Code 2=35&Data=Count&SearchText=alma&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=3 5&B1 =All&Custom= March 3, 2012

Taylor, C., Peter, T., Schachter, K., Paquim, S., Beldom, S., Gross, Z., & McMimm, TL. (2008). Youth speak up about Homophobia and Transphobia: The First National Climate Survey in Canadian Schools. Phase One Report. Toronto ON: Egale Canada Human Rights Trust.

Telingator, C. & Woyewodzic, K. (2011). Sexual Minority Identification Development. Psychiatric Times, Vol. 39, Dec.,2011. Retrieved from http://go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?id=:GALE%7CA274955320&v=2.1&u=watel800 5&it=r&p=AONE&sw=w June 2,2012 109

Tharinger, D. & Wells, G. (2000). An Attachment Perspective on the Developmental Challenges of Gay and Lesbian Adolescents: The Need for Continuity of Caregiving from Family and Schools. School Psychology Review, Vol.29, No. 2, pp. 158-172

The Yogyakarta Principles (2007). Retrieved from www.yogyakartaprinciples.org October 1, 2011

Toomey, R., Ryan, C., Diaz, R. & Russell, S. (2011). High School Gay-Straight Alliances (GSAs) and Young Adult Well-Being: An Examination of GSA Presence, Participation, and Perceived Effectiveness. Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 15, No. 4, pp. 175-185

Valenti, M., Campbell, R. (2009). Working with youth on LGBT issues: Why gay- straight alliance advisors become involved. Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 37, No.2, pp. 228-248

Walls, E., Kane, S., Wisneski, H. (2009). Youth Gay Straight Alliances and School Experiences of Sexual Minority. Youth & Society, Sage Publications

Walls, E., Freedenthal, S., Wisneski, H. (2008). Suicidal Ideation and Attempts among Sexual Minority Youths. Social Work, Vol. 53, No. 1

Watson, L., Vaijas, K., Meyers, J. & Graybill, E. (2010). Gay-Straight Alliance Advisors: Negotiating Multiple Ecological Systems When Advocating for LGBT Youth. Journal of LGBT Youth, Vol. 7100-128

Westhues, A., Cadell, S., Karabanow, J., Maxwell, L. & Sanchez, M. (1999). The creation of knowledge: Linking research paradigms to practice. Canadian Social Work Review, 16 (2), 129-154.

Williams, T., Connolly, J., Pepler, D., Craig, W. (2005). Peer Victimization, Social Support, and Psychosocial Adjustment of Sexual Minority Adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 34, No. 5, pp. 471-482

Woods, J. (2009). Morse V. Frederick's New Perspective on Schools' Basic Educational Missions and the Implications for Gay-Straight Alliance First Amendment Jurisprudence. Columbia Journal of Gender and the Law. New York: 2009. Vol.18, Iss.l