CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUAUY 11,

EXECUTIVE SESSION. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Mr. GORMAN. I move that the Senate proceed to the con­ THURSDAY, January 11, 1894. sideration of executive business. The motion was agreed to; and the Senate proceeded to the The House met at 11 o'clock a. m. Prayer by the Chaplaln, consideration of executive business. After thirty-five minutes Rev. E. B. BAGBY. spent in executive session the doors were reopened, and (at 4 The Journal of yesterday's proceedings w~s read and approved. o'clock and 55 minut-es p. m. ) the Senat-e adjourned until to-mor­ SCHOOLS IN UTAH. row, Friday, January 12, 1894, at 12 o'clock meridian. The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Sec­ retary of the Interior transmitting the annual report of the CONFIRMATIONS. commisswner of schools for Utah; which was referred to the Executi'l:e norninations confi:rrned by the Senate January 9,1894. Committ-ee on Education, and ordered to be printed. DISTRICT COMMISSIONER. WAR CLA.D1S. The SPEAKER also laid before the House a communication John W. Ross, of the District of Columbia, to be a Commis­ from the Court of Claims, transmittil!-g a copy of findings in the sioner of the District <>f Columbia. cases of the following-named persons against the United States: POSTMASTERS. J. S. Hay!?, .John "Higg-ins, W. G. _Saxson, deceased; John Staf­ ford, deceased; which was referred to the Committee on War Henry J. Connell, to be -postmaster at Belding, in the county Claims, and ordered to be printed. · · of Ionia and State of Michigan. John Johnson, jr., to be postmaster at Bedford, in the county . SENATE BILLS REFERRED. of Lawrence and State of Indiana. The SPEAKER also laid before the House Senate bills of the Flavius A. Hart, to be postmaster at Oberlin, in the county of following titles; which were read twice and referred as stated: Lorain and State of Ohio. A bill ! S. 411) for the relief of Samuel Collins-to the Commit­ Frisby B. Logan, to be postmaster at Yuma, in the county of tee on Cla,ims. Yuma and Territory of Arizona. · A bill (S ..335) to provide for the disposal of the abandoned Arthur F. Wat3on, to be postmaster at Cheboygan; in the Fort Maginnis military reservation in Montana under the home­ county of Cheboygan and St:1te of Michigan. _ . stead and mining laws for national and other purposes-to the Eugene E. Douvelle, to b~ po~tmaster at Manistee, in the coui?-tY Committee on the Public Lands. of Manistee and State of M1ch1gan. SCHOONER HENRY R. TILTON. Adam R. Ebert, to be postmaster at Hammond, in the county of Lake and State of Indiana. The SPEAKER also laid before the House the bill (S. 90l)for Ossian H.'Cook, to ba postmaswr at Pendleton: in the county the relief of the owners of the schooner Henry R. Tilton and of person ~ ! effects thereon. of Madison and -state of Indiana. Mr. FIELDER. I ask unanimous consent that this bill be al­ Thomas J. Davis, to be postmaster at Springdale, in the county lowed to lie on the Speaker's table temporarily, a bill of similar of Washington and State of Arkansas. purport having been favorably considered by a committee of this William· D. Covington. to be postmaster at Lehigh, in the House. county of Chochw, Ind. T. The SPEAKER. In the absence of objection, this bill will lie Edgar A. Smith, to be -postmaster _at Converse, in the county temporarily on the Speaker's table. of Miami and St3,te of Indiana. _ There was no objection. David A. Fawcett, to be postmaster at Lagrange, in the county of Lagrange and State of Indiana. REPORT OF COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY. Charles A. Downer, to be postmaster at Northville, in -the The SPEAKER -also laid before the House the foilowing con- countv of Wayne and State of Michigan. current resolution of the Senate: . George M. Deady, to be postmaster at Bad Axe, in the county Resolved by the Senate (the Ho use of Representatives concurring), Tnat there of Huron and State of Michigan. be printed of the Report or the Superintendent of the Coast and Geodetic Survey for the fiscal year 189.!, 1,500 copies of Part I in quarto form; 200 Jacob Baar, to be postmaster at Grand Haven, in the county of copies for the use of the Senate, 400 eopies for the use of the House of Rep­ Ottawa and State of Michigan. resentatives, and 900 copies for distribution by the Superintendent or the Arthur J. Flynn, to be postmaster at Caledonia, in the county Coast aud Geodeti<;: Survey; and 2,800 copies of Part li in octavo form; 200 copies for the use of the Senate, 400 COJ?ies for · the use or the House of of Houston and State of Minnesota. Representatives, and 2,200 copies for distnbution by the Superintendent or Georo·e S. Stout, to be postmaster at Lake City: in the county the Coast and Geodetic Survey. of Miss~ukee and State of Michigan. · John Fanning, to b6 postmaster at Albion: in the county of Mr. RICHARDSON of Tennessee. This resolution is identi­ Calhoun and State of Michigan. · cal with one which has been reported by the House Committee James Elliott, to be postmaster at Chatham, in the county of on Printing. It is the usual resolution (or the printing of the Columbia and State of New York. report of this bureau. I ask that the resolution be now consid­ Edward W. Renkin, to bepostmasteratHooper, in the county ered by unanimous consent. of Dodge and State of Nebraska. - There being no objection, the House proceeded to the con­ Charles E. Hill, to be postmaster at Malden, in the county of sideration of the resolution; and it was adopted. Dunklin and State of Missouri. PERSONNEL OF THE NAVY. Charles E. Critchfield, to be postmaster at Mount Vernon, in The SPEAKER also laid before the House the House resolu­ the county of Knox and State of Ohio. tion (with Senate amendment) relative to the appointment of a Allen T. Cowen, to be postm~ ster at Batavia, in the county of committee of the House and Senate to consider the personnel of Clermont and "State of Ohio. the Navy. William Bleckner, to be postmaster at Oak Harbor, in the Mr. MEYER. I ask unanimous consent that this resolution county of Ottawa and State of Ohio. be 1Jermitted to lie on t}!e Speaker's table. · Charles A. Wyckoff, to be postmaster at Celina, in the county Mr. KILGORE. Has the resolution been amended by the of Mercer and State of Ohio. Senate? Proctor E. Seas, to be postmaster at Orrville, in the county of The SPEAKER. It has been. If there be no objection, it Wayne and St:ite of Ohio. . will remain temporarily on the Speaker's table. James E. Montgomery, to be postmaster at Van Wert, in the There was no objection. county of Van Wert and State of Ohio. . ' SUBURBAN STREET IMPROVEMENTS, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. John M. Carroll, to be postmaster at Hubbard, in the county of Hill and State of Texas. Mr. COMPTON. I ask unanimous consent for the -present Albertis E:Parmenter, to be postmaster at Scotland, in the consideration of the bill (H. R. 5102) making app1·opriations to county of Bonhomme and State of South Dakota. provide for the construction of county roads and suburban streets Edward M. Young, to be postmasterat Gambier, in the county in the District of Columbia. . of Knox and Shte of Ohio. The bill was read, as follows: Henry G. Ellsworth, to be postmaster at Barron, in the county Be it enacted, etc., That there be, and hereby is, appropriated out of any of Barron and State of Wisconsin. · funds in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, one-halr to be charged against the revenues of the District of Columbia, the sum or $43,000, to be Dollie IF. Thompson, to be postmaster at Pittsburg, in the used by the Commissioners of the District of Columbia in the construction county of Camp and State of Texas . . or country roads a.ndl suburban streets, as follows: For grading and regulating Sixteenth street northwest extended, Pros· William H. Dickson, to be postmaster at Clarksville, in the pect street, Crescent street, Central street, and Meridian and Ontario ave· county of Red River and State of Texas. nues, Meridian Hill, $10,000; · . . - 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 709

For grad.ing and graveling Twelfth street extended, from University the suggestion of the gentleman from Texas upon this proposi- Height~ to Austin street, lm,OOO; · For grading and graveling Pennsylvania avenue extended and Branch t.ion. Is there objection? " avenue, $10.000: • . There was na objection. 'Forgradingandgr::tvelingShermanavenuefromGrantavenuenorthward, Mr. COMPTON. In the first -place, Mr. Speaker, this is not $10.00U; For g;rading and macadamizing Mstreet extended., between Twelfth s trcet an act of charity in any sense of the word. Jt is not a bounty. and Trinidad avenue, $5.000: Provided. That the money hereby appropriated This bill simply proposes to make available at once an amount shall be expended by contract, or otherwise, as said Commissioners may for certain purposes, which amount, to be used for said purposes, deem most advantageous to the public interests. will be provided for in tbe· regular appropriation bill for the ~EO. 2. That the money hereby appropriated shall be immediately ava-ila­ ble. service of the District of Columbia. The following proposed amendment was read: Now, the gentleman from Texas hlks about charity. Mr. Speaker. he knows, this House knows,evsrybody knows, that an In line 11. strike out the words ''Meridian and Ontario avenues" and in­ extra.ordinal'Y condition-of things exists to-day. Business de­ sert "Meridian avenue north of Morris st.reet, and Ontario avenue." pression exists not only here,. but all over the country, and I Mr. KILGORE. I would like to make an inquiry in regard to might say throughout the civilized world. And the g-antlema.n this matter. knows, and eveey ot.her gentleman of this House knows, that it The SPEAKER. Without objection the gentleman will,pro- is the 1)'-l.rt of wisdom, justice, and true statesmanship, by legis­ ceed, the right to object being reserved. · lation,-to relieve that condition as far w p.ossible whenever it is Mr. KILGORE. Are the improvements provide.d fot' irr this within the power of the legislative branch of the Government bill within the limits of the city of Washington or out~;lide of to do so. · - those limits? Mo3t of them, I understand, a re outside. This is no new propo9ition. I have on my desk six o-r eight Mr. COMPTON. They are outside the limit of the city precedents for just exactly the same appropriations under ex­ -proper. actly the same conditions as that·we propose to make to day. Mr. KILGORE. So I unders:;and. Then, in addition to that, Now, in reply to the gentleman as to the assertion that the the prime motive which inspires this bill is that disposition to policy of the Government has been changed, by virke of the have the Government dispense charity. This appropriation is act approved Mar ch~, 189:?, I beg to say that if the gentleman to be made as a matter of charity, and that people out of employ­ will turn t~ that a~t he will find that every provision of it looks ment m ::ty be able to ffnd work in cs.rrying out the provisions of to future acts of Congress in appropriations for the improve­ the bill. Is not that the ins-piration? · ment of outlying stre~ts. I hold in my hand a communication Mr. COMPTON. Well, Mr. Speaker, conditiona.Uy I will an­ from the President of the Board of Commissioners in this Dis­ swer yes. trict, which, if the gentlern:a.n will allow me to read, will show Mr. KILGORE. And the proposition is to limit the day's la­ him that every street or road which we propose by this appro­ bor to six hours a day, in order that the appropriation may be priation to repair has already been laid out long ago under dif- spread out among -a larg-er number?_ ferent a~ts previous to that adopt·'d in 1892. - Mr. COMPTON. That is ·aquestionfor the Commissioners to . Mr. KILGORE. What is the date of the laying out of these determine. · streets? . .M:r. KILGORE. Yes; and they ask that authority and will Mr. COMPTON. I can answer that by rea-ding from a letter have if; under the bill. Now,- I object to the consideration of the which I have received from President Ros.s, of the Board of Com­ resolution because the House adopted in the last Congress a gen­ .miEsioners. eral policy about the improvements of streets and highways in Sixt-eenth street NW. extended. from Florida avenue to tt.e north line of this District and outside of the city limits which was to operate Morris street, i~ 187l. This street.was widened in 189'2, in pursuance of spe­ cial authority granted by Congress (volume 26, page 1{168). in the future, and th~t policy was to

E..~ROLLED JOINT RESOLUTION SIGNED. circumstance, there are incidental, and possibly I may call them Mr. PEARSON, from the CommHtee on Enrolled Bills, re­ accidental circumstances, that render every step more trouble­ port-ed that they had examined and found truly enrolled joint some. We are met with a depleted Tre.asury. Taxation is nec­ resolution (H. Res. 93) authorizing the Secretary of the Treas­ essary to supply the deficit in that Treasury. The sources of ury to permit the owners of cattle and horses transporting them supply have been dried up by adverse legislation. Our legisla­ into Mexico to reimport same into the United States at any time tion upon thE1 currency question has given to the country a pro­ within twelve months from t:1ate of the passage of this resolution, found and widespread uncertainty, which is always followed by and for other purposes; when the Speaker signed the same. business inst!tbility. Paralysis of private enterprise accompan­ MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE. ies emptiness of the public Treasury; and every reformismetby the plea that we need the money, that we must find some other A message from the Senate, by Mr. MARSHALL, one of its source of hxation; and the sneers of our opponents are probably clerks, announced that the Senate had passed without amend­ the most effective argument which we have to meet , that in rais­ ment the bill (H. R. 4414) to amend an act approved September ing revenue under a bill designed for that purpose we are act­ 4,1t>90, authorizing the New Orleans, Natchez and FQ.rt Scott ually creating a deficit; and yet, in spite of thGse dis advantag~s, Railroad Company to construct two bridges across Boouf River in we have some very great advantages. The very prostration of Louisiana. industry gives us an opportunity to look at this whole question The message also announced that the Senate had passed with with somewhat wiser and calmer eyes than if all wheels were in amendment the bill (H. R.1920)toamendsection 4430', Title XLII, motion and all furnaces were aglow. of the Revised Statutes of the United States; in which the con­ We see around us some of the results of the opposite policy. I currence of the House was requested. do not mean to say that high tariff has produced this paralysis A further message from the Senate, by Mr. PLATT, one of its in and of itself; but for some reason the country is in distress, clerks, announced that the Senate had passed bills of the fol­ and for ten months or more that distress has been growing. I lowing titles; 'in which the concurrence of t.he House was re: am usually an optimist; but I do not see any sunshine for to-mor­ quested: row in our industrial horizon. I see no reason why the distress A bill (S. 432) to provide an American register for the steamer of to-day shall not continue through the winter and spring El Callao; and months, until harvest comes again, when kindly nature furnishes A bill (S. 1378) to amend an act of Congress approved May something that we may sell abroad. When public confidence is 12, 1890, granting to the Aransas Pass Harbor Company the likewise restored and our manufacturers begin operations more right to improve Aransas Pass. fully we ~ill, of course, come back again to prosperous days. THE TARIFF. But, now m these unprosperous days, we in Congress have the- And then., pursuant to the order heretofore adopted, the House opportunity of studying American industries in distress, Ameri­ resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the can labor paralyzed, and we can better understand why this is and state of the Union for the further consideration of the bill (H. what is the remedy therefor. R. 4864) "To reduce taxation, to provide revenue for the Gov- There never was a time when the American people could turn ernment, and for other purposes," with Mr. RICHARDSON of their attention with...more acute and painful interest to these Tennessee in the chair. great economical questions. In every household men emb:ir- Mr. PENDLETON of West Virginia. Mr. Chairman, I want rassed by debt and unoccupied by labor can turn to wives whose to give notice that as there are a great many members who de- morrow is full of gloom and discuss from the heart rather than sire to speak upon this question, in order not to be invidious in the head what is the matter and whence shall come relief. regard to anyone, I propose, if I am present, to object in thefu- These debates may be dr,y and prosy here, the statistical tables ture to any extension of time to anyone. may lengthen themselves out into weary figures, but in thehome A further message from the Senate, by Mr. PLATT, one of its- of the poor and unemployed all over America, aye, even in the clerks, announced tb.at the Senate had passed bills of the follow- parlors of the well-to-do and comfortable, they assume shapes ing titles; in which the concurrence of the House was requested: which are full of life and pathos, and enchain attention; and to­ A bill (S. 432.) to provide an American register for the steamer day all over America they are asking at our hands to do some- El Callao; and thing. What that something shall be is not so important in the A bill (S . 1378) to amend an act of Congress approved May 12, extent to which it goes as it is the direction in which it goes. 1890, granting to the Aransas Pass Harbor Company the right In the Forty-eighth Congress, that great tribune of the pea- to improve Aransas Pass. ple, my friend and leader, William R. Morrison, of Illinois, whose The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has that right without name I never speak without affection and a certain degree of giving notice. reverence, began this fight over again, by that tariff bill which Mr. PENDLETON of West Virginia. I just want to give that has been sneered at by the C9.pitalists and unlearned, but which notice. was modeled after the tariff reform measure of the great Robert Mr. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman, this Con- Peel. A division in the Democratic party prevented its adop­ gress is the first Congeess, and this year is the first year for tion. In the Forty-ninth Congress he changed front, with a thirty-five years, when the Democratic party has had the power courage that was equal to his patriotism and with a knowledge to put on the statute book any statute, or to take from it any stat- of the subject which has not been surpassed, came to the conclu­ ute put thereon; and it comes to the discussion and legislation of sian that the foundation of all tariff reform was free raw mate­ these great questions under the most adverse circumstances. rial, so that the manufacturers of America could find a parma- Thirty-five years are more than a generation. The education nent market wherever their fabrics might be needed; and he of so many years is inwrought into the very mental stt•ucture of introduced through the report of the committee a bill based on a nation; and during those years every form of paternalism has free raw wool. been adopted and approved, defended and advocated in the press, , Under the lead of that vigorous and stalwart Democrat, Sam­ on the stump, in the halls of colleges, and at the fireside; so that uel J. Randall, the Republican party and a minority of the Demo­ the generation which is now about to take command has been cratic party prevented consideration·of that bill; and it looked ­ raised and educated unconsciously to the belief that in some way, as if tariff reform had been blocked. It "'"as predicted in this undersomepower, theGeneralGovernmentmustleadinallenter- House by one of its most obscure members that the vote against prises, must aid in all industrial activities, must be the great consideration by this House was a vote of intense consideration banking institution of the country. To it must all turn who are in the country; that when we abdicated our right of considera­ desirous of doing anything in even the most circumscribed lo- tion of- the question of taxation the people, in their sovereignty cality. From it must all persons who enterintoenterprises seek and individual capacity, would take up the question and con­ aid, and on it must men rely for support and assistmce. aider it for themselves. At the beginning of the Fiftieth Con- The theory of the Democratic party is precisely the converse. ' gress, the President of the United States, who had not known .We believe that governments came after men solely to protect much of these questions, but who had become educated under them in their rights of liberty, in their enjoyment of property, the great responsibilities of that august office, sent in his cele· for the due administration of the law, so that justice might be brated tariff message, and under the lead of the Senator from done, a cioser union accomplished, and each, according to his Texas [Mr. MILLs], then chairman of the Ways and Means Com­ thrift, his intelligence, his capacity, and his advantages, obtain mittee, this House did pass a tariff bill insufficient, inadequate, the reward which he deserved. but in the right direction. Those who prepared it were the And yet when we come to make practical these principles we most willing to admit that it was not all that it ought to be, but are met with all sorts of aphorisms, and into our teeth is thrown it was a continuance and a further attempt to carry out the pur­ the account of the growth which during these past thirty-five noses of the Morrison bill. years has ooen so marvelous in this rich and new country of ours; ~ It was based upon simple principles of untaxed raw material, and we are put upon the proof that such a revolution as we favor untaxed necessities of life lower duties on finished fabrics, and could accomplish any good. an attempt to restore to Congress the right to tax and take it And then underneath this, which is probably the most adverse away from the manufacturers outside of this Hall. We lost the ·1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 711 1'~ ------~------; election in 1888, and then immediately there was a sublime spec­ that we try by mutual concessions to keep together our party; for tacle presented to the world. The defeated party became the it is by our union that weare to carry this reform to its termina­ aggressor. The victors were put upon the defense. Our an­ tion. And when I look at what we have done in eight years, , tagon'ists saw that the current of popular opinion had not when I look back and see how we were in 1884, and how we are ' stopped, and this House, under the lead of the Republican party to-day-when I see a Democratic Senate at the other end of the and with the aid of the Senate and the President. for the pur­ Capitol, a Democratic House here, a. Democratic President in pose of settling this question against popular opinion, of pre­ the White House-when I stand on the very eve of the day when venting popular judgmentfrom undertaking to enact tariff legis­ the election laws are to be wiped from our st::ttute books-when I lation, not only passed the McKinley act, but admitted new see sectional animosities obliterated and the lines which divided States and undertook to settle this question. Thank God, no us wipedout-I am willing to be more conservative than I other­ question is ever settled wrongly! wise might be, as I recall that it is for one country composed of In the development of human history and human civilization diverse sections that a national party, compact and consolidated, there is no settlement that is wrong; and in 1890 the Democratic is to govern in the coming yea,rs. [Applause on the Democratic party again took possession of this House. Whether we may not side.] And therefore1 I say to those Democratic friends of mine have been as determined as we ought to have been is a question who do not agree with all the provisions of this bill, we can that has now passed into history. We kept alive the agitation. either heartily and cordially sustain it or frankly point out our We went to the people upon the principles involved and we won objections, and thus by mutual concession and patriotism reach at the last election and won for the first time in thirty-five years an agreement. For myself, it would obtain my earnest advo­ a President, a Senate, and a House. And in accordance with the cacy ii it had nothing else in it than free raw wool. general popular judgment, my friend, Mr. WILSON of West Vir­ I have heard it sneered that this bill does not raise revenue. ginia, whom I lov much as a younger brother, was put at the :Mr. Chairman, no bill for taxation can have for its single object head of the Ways and Means Committee. That committee was the entire amount of revenue that is needed. We need $!60,- enlarged. It was made to representeverysectionofthecountry. 000,000 per annum. Where shall we get it? When we come to Five of its members had .helped to frame the Mills bill. The answer that question practically, other and most important others had been active andprominentinlegislation. They have considerations come :n. Industries must not be unduly t:1xed· presented us a bill in which they have gone farther than the activities must not be improperly encumbered with burdens. Mills bill, farther than the attempt of the Fifty-second Congress, There must be other considerations than th'e mere amount of not so far perhaps as I would have gone, for until yesterday I money that can be raised on any particular subject of taxation. considered myself the most ultra free trader in this House. We must have a prosperous community. -That lies at the foun­ [Laughter.] dation of all inquiry. The community which is prosperous can My friend and kinsman, Mr. JOHNSON of Ohio, who was born in pay taxes easily. That community which has paralyzed indus­ my district, and is worthy of his parentage, w hD spoke here yester­ try can pay no taxes easily. What, therefore, is the amount of day, l)erhaps go?.s one step farther than I would go, but that burden that any particular section or any particular industry may be because he is some years younger than I, and the con­ can bear, is a more importantquestion than the amount of money servative influence of twenty years has not had its effect upon that can be saueezed out of it. him. [Laughter.] Until yesterday I considered myself on the We are a nation divided, roughly speaking, into two great outpost of the free-trade Democracy, and therefore I can afford classes of laborers-those who are engaged in manufacture, and to say that I am not satisfied with the Wilson bill. It does not those engaged in agriculture. We must, therefore, in laying­ represent all of my views. There are things in it that I would our taxes see to it that both of these great classes are made pros­ have been glad had been omitted. There are omissions from it perous. Our factories are purchasers from our agriculturists: that I am sorry were not supplied. I would like to have seen they are sellers to our farmers. We must, therefore, devise a the bounty on sugar repealed~ I would have given almost any­ system by which the farmer gets a fair price, and by which he thing to have seen tin plate put upon the free list. gives a fair price. He must have a market in which to sell; he Even if we had to put a little more tax on whisky, or a little must have a prosperous man from whom he can buy at a fair larger tax on income, or something more on matches, I would price. There must be an interchange by which the material like to have seen tin plate, which is the very foundation of so men sell to a prosperous manufacturer from whom they can read­ many industries, which is that particular material tbat turns the ily and profitably purchase. So that at the very foundation of waste of the farm, of the sea, and of the rivers into the rich all inquiry about t:1xation is the question, what is that system products upon which people feed during the winter, and gives of taxation which will make our manufacturing enterprises suc­ assistance to men in more different vocations than any other cessful? How ca.n our fires be lighted? How can our wheels be material. I would have been glad to have seen no duty in that put in motion? How can our products find a market? And I bill higher than 30 per cent. But, take it all in all, it is a step believe that the committee has found the true answer-untaxed in the progressive advance by which such reformation has to be material for the laborer to put his sweat into. made. It is not for the advance guard-not even for the great I need not go over the argument so admirably put by the chair­ body of the army, that we are to frame our legislation. The man of our committee [Mr. WILSON of West Virginia]. that the timid, the halting, the doubtful, the uncertain, are our brethren. higher wage necessarily accompanies the lower price. The very The conservative is our colleague; those who feel a divided duty progress of civilization may possibly be put into the apothegm deserve our consideration. They repre.sentconstituencies. We that it has been a series of lowering prices and increasing wages. depend upon voting. We can not reverse the decisions of thirty­ It is the p::tra4ox of economical truth that the lower the product five years immediately. sells for in times of prosperity the higher is the wage of the man Great interests clamor at our doors; they have influence. who makes the product. Cobden never said a wiser thing than Great industries think they will be hurt; they have friends. that prosperity based upon plenty is permanent prosperity; Therefore it is not so much a question of how much we ought to based upon scarcity it is always precarious. The amount and do in the end as it is a question of how much we can do with the quality make the true test of the wage. The quantitrand qual­ assistance of our friends, with the support of our party, with the ity of the product give the amount that the laborer gets. The approval of the conservatives. [Applause on the Democratic higher the skill, the higher the intelligence; the higher theca· side.] And for one I am willing to remit that question to this pacity, necessarily the higher the wage and the greater the quan­ committee, <;omposed of eleven gentlemen from every section of tity and the finer thequality. the country, whofor five months ha-vo givenit their earnestand Mr. MARSH. Will the gentleman allowme to ask himaques­ undivided attention. For myself I am willing to keep, as I have tion? kept in every speech that I have made upon this floor, my own Mr. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. Yes, sir. personal record clear. I am for ultimate free trade. I am for Mr. MARSH. Is the converse of the ge~tleman's proposition the possession of the oceans byfree ships, freed from all the nav­ true, that the lower the wages the higher the product? igation laws which now hamper and embarrass us. Mr. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. As a rule, it is not so in I am for taking possession of the greatJ long seacoast and our day, because the lower the wages the meaner is the product; making it fruitful by annexing thereto the oillows which unite and the want of good quality gives to it a certain lowness of and do not divide us from other countries. There is no ex­ price. And therefure-- tent to which men can go to which I am not willing to go with Mr. MARSH rose. them. But, on the other hand, I am willing to lag side by side Mr. BRECKINRIDGEof Kentucky. Let me answer. There­ with my brethren who agree with me on general principles. We fore, the low-priced labor is itself incapable of making a high­ are a country of sections, and I am willing to let Louisiana with priced article; for l).e who has to b~1 y that fabric of low-priced her sugar cane, and the Northwest, with her attemptatsorghum labor buys an article that is necessarily inferior. and beet sugar, com~ and be heard, and to be tender with them, Mr. MARSH. Whatdoesmyfriend thinkaboutthecostlyand so that they may nqt feel that we have slaughtered them. magnificent shawls which are made in India? Does he call them I am willing that Connecticut, with her tobacco and various a mean and low product? districts with their peculiar interests, baheard in our-councils- ~r. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. As a rule what I have - 712 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11, .I

stated is true. -The gentleman forgets that comparison of price Mr. WALKER. Will the gentleman allow a question? of wao-e is an element which is of course to be· t!l.ken into con­ Mr. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. Yes. sider~tion. _As a rule the very hbor which is put upon those Mr. WALKER. I would like to ask the gentleman who he fabrics is the highest priced labor in the community in which alludes to when he speaks of the "Americ.m -shark." • they are produced, and as to other la bor is its superior. What Mr. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. I beg the gentleman's I do mem to say in the light of the nineteenth century (and he p~rdon. I did not mean to hurt his feelings, at any_ rate. who denies it is simply lagging in the past) is that the skilled !Laughter and applause on the Democratic side.] laborer receive3 a larger share of the price of the product thm M~·· WALKER. I ask the gentleman from Kentucky if he e1er before; that his labor is cheaper to his employer than ever cons.!.ders that a proper answer to an entirely candid question? - berore, and his product is, in compari on, lower in price than it Mr. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. Well, the gentleman ever was before. To the employer· che:1per labor, to the toiler and I will not quarrel about whether it is or not, as I have but better wages, to the consumer lower prices. This is the neces­ little time. sary result where the bases of supply and demand have untram­ What I call the American· shark is the representative of those meled pLay. This must be true! in the m.tu1·e of the case, if un­ gentleman who took advantage of the peril and distress arising wise and selfish legislation does not obstruct. It is so in spite from a great war; who solemnly came into this Congress and in of our foolish legislation to an extent that has given much com­ the name of patriotism burdened American labor; who, when fort and happiness. ~ I care not what you cJJ.l it. You can now things began to assume their ordinary shape and substance, re­ go from Porihnd, Me., to California on the best-equipped rail­ pealed such laws as created intern:1l-revenue taxes, and in­ roads with every appliance, for a tnere song comparEd with what creased the burdens of tariff taxation· those gentlemen who, in it once cost. The comforts of life m•e in ordinary times every­ the secrecy or the conference committee chamber in 1 8~:3, passed where in the hands of the skilled laborer; and to him no tariffs a bill that had not received the approval of either House of give anything-. Take the locomotive of Baldwin, the sewing­ Congress; those gentlemen who, in the Fifty-fil'st Congress, by machine of Singer, the implements and instruments of Rhode modes and methods I care not to describe, wrote a new bill, writ­ Island. the watches of W altham; wherever brain and skill enter ing into it the provisions that would enrich themselves: those into the nee ssity of the fabric, it goes everywhere without re­ gentlemen who have purchused ballot boxes, who took the seat gard to tariff. [Applause on the Democratic side.] from William R. Morrison by bribery-those are the gentlemen Wherev.er thero are skill and intelligence, there is a constant of whom I speak. [Applause on the Democratic side.] And.{ che:.pening of the article and a constant rise in the price of do not me::tn to include therein my venerable friend from Mas- wao-es. And this is a truth now so well established that no gen­ sachusetts [Mr. WALKER]. · tle~an who prides himself on any learning or intelligence will Mr. WALKER. Will the gentleman now allow me one fur­ undertake tJ dispute or deny. Vanderbilt discovered it when ther question? he bought a railroad run down, and which could not make money Mr. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. I have not time to yield at 6 cents a mile on i ts passenger traffic. He put millions of dol­ for a speech . lars in it, charged 2 cents a mile for passanger traffic, and by .The CH.AIRMAN. The gentleman can ~ot be interrupted this means made a great fortune. Stewa;rt discovered it when w1thout h1s consent. - he made a multiplicity of sales at small profits, gaining a great Mr. WALKER. I understand the gentleman from·Kentucky foL·tune, instead of lar g-e profits on small Bales. The mills at to yield. · Lawrence underst3.nd it, when on millions of yards of calico one­ Mr. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. Does the gentleman de- third of- a cent a yard gives them a profit, an amount so small sire to ask me a question? that it seems to be scarcely appr·eciable, but when counted by Mr. WALKER. I do. the millions it makes enormous dividenas for the men who un­ Mr. BRECKINRIDGE of Kentucky. I will listen to it. derstand that intelligence and skill .combined with quantity and Mr. WALKER. BeinganAmerican manufacturer, and being quality are the representl.tives of fortune. (Applause on the one of the gentlemen who helped make these tariffs, I ask the Democratic side.] gentleman from Kentucky if he includes me in the number? Let us understand, therefore, Mr. Chairman, that when we Mr. BRECKINRIDGE·of Kentucky. If you are within the give to these men untaxed material, we are giving them wh1.t description that I gave, it is with exceeding great regret that is necess:try to conqu _rthe world. (Applause on the Democratic you have drawn your own picture. I did not do it. [Applause side.] Gentlemen, we forget th:tt we are legislating for seventy and laughter on the Democratic side.] I have said nothing, Mr. or seventy-five millions .of people, soon to be .one hundred and Chairm:tn, that was personally offensive to anybody. I trust :fifty millions. We forget that we h ave the richest, the most that nothing I shall say will be held personally offensive. If I for.ile land, and the :finest advantages nearly in the world. Our have overstepped whatwould Eeem to be the boundsof the kind­ rivers run silently to the sea, when they ought to be melodious est discussion of these questions, no man regrets it more than I, with the sound of commerce-bearing steamers. Our forests are and surely my Rensith·e colleague from Massachusetts [Mr. mere solitudes, when they ought to b-3 rich wi ~ h factories to­ W ALKER] has no reason to be offended at what I s:1id. day; and the reason that they h&ye not been established is be­ But, Mr. Chairman, when you go through that great city of cause we have chained American labor to the wheel of high Boston, when you see her great buildings, when you see even tariff, and have given the commerce of the world to the British · her schools of charity, and when you go deeper and find that Government. [Applause.] they are based on the tariff on copper, the tariff on this article To-day 12 per cent only of our carrying trade is under our own and on that, you can not help having in your heart a certain flag. Do as England did forty years ago, free our shipbuilders feeling of regret that those pr·ncely fortunes did not rest up·on from the embarrassments of tariffs, turn the ores of the world the golden rule of doing unto others as you would have them do and the forests ·of the world over to the enterprise of our people, unto you, instead of upon the principle of getting out of others and you will find that Cramp with his genius will EOon be mak­ something for which you gave nothing in return. [Applause on ing ship3 that will C:l.rry our flag, without subsid.v or deadhei d­ the Democratic side.] ism, to every p:1rt of the world. The principle that lies at the Mr. Chairman, regretting this episode in this economic dis­ foundation of this bill, as it is at the foundation of all our enter­ cussion, I resume. prises, is: No m!ln ha!:! a right to avoid paying his share of our I represent a district largely agdcultural. It is to the inter­ burdens, and l.iO one has the right to confiscate from the poor est of my district that taxation should be so laid that labor mans pocket a single cent for the purpose of helping him to should be profitable· for it is only when labor is profitable that bear his burdens. LApplause on the Democratic side.] th .3 agriculturist can sell his product at a good price. I repre­ Let us for once underatand that principle and practice brack­ sent a section, n9arly all of whose products have their price eted together bring wealth in their tra.in. These will give us fixed in a free-trade market. The 9,000,000 bales of cotton which safe mar kets; and this, Mr. Chairmn.n, is not theory. We have are below me do not represent so much money, my colleagues seen it tried. We have free raw ~aterial in certain things, and from the Nor t,hern States, I beg you to remember. In each bale they have always prosper.: d. Ninety per cent of our industries of cotton is written the p 3S..C3 of the white and th9 b ~ ac k race, are untouched by the t:l.riti and h ave always prcr.;pered. It is is written the friendship of those two races. In it is enwrapt the only when we come to those things which are burdened with education of th3ir children, the devalopment of that country, tariff exactions that we fi nd they can not carry themse ves with t he hope of its future. The price of that b .1le is fixed .tt Liver­ the same degree of s u cc e s ~ . I do not mem to say th:1t it does pool. not give a certain ma.r !:.\ et. Indubitably inside of the circle, Is it unjust for those people to ask that when they come to within the b::trrier , the sh ark can fatten himself on the smaller commute that price, when they want clothing for their children fish. But if you give the same shark the wider m:u·ket, being and fo od in their houses, when they want home.:. and education, an American sh:I.rk, my judgment is that soon he will feed. as that the price of the things they buy shall not be fixed in a high­ well or better on the foreign fish than he now does on the home tariff market, but that th :~y may commute their labor, which is fish itt the American market. [Applause on 'the Democratic represented in the cotton bale, into the comforts of life, which Bide.] I have not the slighest prejudice-- · are represented by various materials that sh'lll not be taxed 46 to l894. ' CONGRESSIONAL RECOR~HO.USE. 713

190 per cent out of the cotton on the one hand, to pay for what they want it to come, as far as possible, as w~ll consid~red taxes of need on the other hand? Can you not give us better than that? themselvesr isol?-ted from embarrassing reiation to industries; Our tobacco, enough of it exported abroad for some of cert~in when they will be nothing but taxes, and will have rio other con­ qualities to have their prices fixed abroad. Our wheat hJs .1ts sideration than the amount of revenue necessal·yfor the support price fixed in Liverpool. Is it asking too much that you g1ve of the Government. . to the grower of wheat, cotton, and tobacco, the same market in Now, Mr. Chairman, having taken more time than! expected, which to buy as that in which he sells? When I use the words I have only to ada, I came to Con~ress eight years ago with the "The same market" I do not mean the same locality, the same hope that the time had·come when economic questions could be walls, I mean it in the higher sense of a market in which the discussed dispassionately. J have avoided as far as possible, al­ same prices are to be given. - together I hope, a di~cussion of sectional questions. yvhatever Where is a m~n's market, my colleagues? Is it where he buys may have b ;:en my past, I look solely to tile future, unto a coun­ or where he sells? I sell cotton at Liverpool, and I buy at New try in which my children and your children are to work .out the York. Which is my m::trket? That in which I have sold my destinies of the greatest people in the world, l believe in the product or that in which I spend my money? If they be pre­ success of federated republicanism. I saw the confederation of cisely alike, with the same laws, the same burdens, the same Canada formed from separate provinces, and I hope to live to see taxation, it makes no difference: but if in the one I am tolled on the dJy when it and we will be united in some organic union that my purchases,-and in the other I am burdened on my sales, I will wipe out customs lines from the mouth of the St. Lawrence have the loss of both markets and the ad vantages of neither. to the mouth of the Columbia. [Applause.] . Now, I plead for a home market in its true sense. I pl~ad I hope to live to see the day when the continent will be one that the sweat which is necessary to make a home comfort-able for freedom,·and in that day our children will look back upon shall buy where it sells, on the same basis and under the same these discussions as we look back upon some of the old discus­ advant:=1ges. [Applause on the Democratic side.] And that is siena about the relations of the union of church and state, or the what this bill does. question of slavery. We have free speech~ free thought, free There is another provision in this bill which, if it was left locomotion, and beyond that, we will have free t rade. We will alone and everything else in it met with my disapproval, !would recognize that the primal curse "by the sweat of thy face thou cordially vote for it. It is the change from the specific to the shalt eat thy bread," is the primary right of mankind; that the ad valorem mode of assessing taxation. I know that it is now right to labor, the ri£"ht to work, the right to support his fam­ considered scientific for a specific duty to be laid! for in the pres­ ily, carries with it tile right to spend the fruits of his labor ent voc:t bulary of our friends scientific taxation means that under wherever he wants to, for whatever he pleases, according to h~ the cover of -which there can be a large profit diverted from the own will. This is freedom; that he who works has the freedom Treasury into the pockets of the manufa.cturer; but the ad va­ to work for whom he pleases without burden, to spend its recom­ lorem system, with. certain defects incapable of being applied to penee where he pleases, for what he pleases. And this is the everything, is a just, reasonable, and imp::trtial mode of taxa­ mission of the Democratic party. We are the friends of the tion, and I would be inclined as a legislator to tax nothing that laboring men; aye, we are the artisans of toil, in whose n Jme we could not be taxed according to the ad valorem system. have taken possession of sovereignty, for whose benefit we labor, The answer to the question as to how it can 't2e done wit):wut whose freedom we will secure, and when the end shall come, in difficulty is one that presupposes that the legislative will can humble homes that name will be the sweetest that can be ut­ not be intelligently expressed, and official duty can not be intel­ tered. [Loud applause on the Democratic side.] ligently performed. There is no mode of taxation that an hon­ Mr. RICHARDS Mr. Chairman, when the bill under present est and intelligent official c1n not cJ.rry out, and that a legisla­ discuesion was first reported I expected to remain silent and leave ture with brains c~n not formulate into a shtute. It is a mere the arguments upon it to other gentlemen of this House; butiam sham a pretext for obtaining fraudulent undervaluation; this one of those who believe that in this greatest of legislative bodies whole idea. is conceived that specific taxation is necessary. The there should be no shrinking; that every member should be a man enemy of high tariff is undervaluation in the dishonest importer, of decided Qpinions with the courage to express them, and hav­ substitution and adulteration in the dishonest manufacturer. I ing carefully studied the economic questions now before us, I be­ do not mean to say that atl American manufacturer-s do adulter­ lieve it to be my duty to myself and to the people of the great ate their goods, but I no mem to ·say-and I think I proved it district which I have the honor to represent upon this floor, to in the last House in the little speech which it did me the honor give the reasons which will direct my votes upon the pending to listen to on the wool question-that the shoddy and adulterat­ measure. ing manufacturers of the North had always made money when The measure before us has long- agitated the country and is the real wool manufacturers had not. bounded by party lines. One's convictions on the tariff qucJtion I am not going into that question again to-day~ but the ad va­ determines to a great degree the party to which he belongs. lorem mode tends to the discovery of false valuation, and there­ If a man believes in a high tariff he is a Republican, while if a fore aids the honest importer, and secures better chance for fair man believes in levying only an amount sufticient to defray the competition by the honest manufacturer. • expenses of the GovernmenJ; ''economically administered" he I find my time slipping away, and the question has bee~ put to is, on that point at least, a Democrat. me, If you pass this bill, where shall we g-et our revenue? For one, I am glad that it makes a deficit. It is no obstacle to my But we must not forget the main question before us. It is not one of protection or free trade. It is that of tariff reform. That support that the expenses of the Government outrun a re~ona­ ble briff taxation. I am glad we have reached the point when was the battle-cry of the Democratic party in 1892. That was we have to assort our taxation under the necessities of a deficit. the demand of the people as expressed at the polls tb at year, Where can we . raise them? How can they be made lighter? and that is the doctrine that this Congress·is o1.lled upon to· en- From what sources shall we find them with least burden to the force by appropriate legislation. ' . · community? Believing in an economic administration of the Government, These are questions for the country to take up and answer. and that only' an amount of revenue should be taken from the These are questions that the Democratic party should solemnly, people necessary to that end, having a majority in both branches seriously, and intelligently consider. Where shall we find our of the National Legislature, and an Executive of correct opinions revenue: With 70,000,00lJ people, with so rich a country, with on this question who has so forcibly shown that he has the cour­ so many sources of wea,.lth, where shall we find it? Left to me, age to assert his convictions, now is the time to act. I would probably have found it not where this committee has The people of this country for many years have been unneces­ found it. I would have repealed the bou~ty on sugar. I would sarily burdened with taxation, especially indirect taxation, and have temporarily restored a part of the duty on sugar. I would s'eeing the Republican -party in virtual control of the tariff barons have increased the duty on spirits, on cigarettes, on cosmetics, they turned to that great party for relief whose wards have ever and on various other luxuries; but I am ready to go with them been the com_mon people-the gt·eat masses who form the great in the experiment of an income tax; I am ready to try those sys­ bone and sinew of a nation. ~ tems of taxation that build up no industry at the expense of Working with that due caution and deliberation becoming another; that burdens no m:tn for the benefit of a rival; that ca.n this great body, aiming not merely to change the tariff, but to be taken off without anybody crying that it destroys industries; reform it, bringing to bear the learning of those who by special where it shall baa tax, and nothing but a tax; where it shall not study have come to be considered authority on the su'biect, study­ be obscured with the glamor of activities; where it shall not be ing the effects of high ancllow tariff in otl:ler countl-ies as well confused with the cry of laborer's wages. as in our own, comp.tring the conditions under different tariff I want to reach the day·when taxes are taxes which! laid by acts, not losing sight of other modifying factors, we will not be the American Congruss, can be relieved when there is no further ju&tly subjected to the appellation of "tariff tinkers," and the necessity for the r~venue3 derived from them; when we shall act we shall pass while not, perh:.tps, perfect, will stand the test have burdens as burdens, contemplated as burdens, lightened of time, and insure to the people a me:i.Sure of prosperity that when our revenuts allow them to be lightened. Call it income can not exist either with a very high or a constantly changing or suc~ession tax, or tax on spirits, or tax on any other thing, I tariff. - 714 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11,

THE QUESTION STATED. sire increased protection. John Randolph said in the debate A revenue tariff is constructed with the object of raising the upon this bill, "The merchants and manufacturers of Massa­ required amount oi revenue at the minimum cost to the people, ?huset~s and New Hampshire repel this bill, while men in hunt­ but with no reference to reducing importation. A protective mg-shirts an.d deer-skin leggings and mocca.sins on their feet tariff has for its primary object a reduction or prohibition of want protectwn for home manufactures." And this prosperity -importation forthe purpose of favoring the home producer, thus and firm establishment of cotton manufactures was due mo~e to lessening, and in some cases entirely cutting off, revenue. t~e introd~ction of the .power loom than to protection, for not­ To accomplish the object of a protective tariff only such arti­ Withstandmg the contmued protection, they were never in so cles as are produced both in our own as well as in foreign coun­ prosperous a condition before. tries are assessed, and in this way the consumer is forced to pay Although the encouragement given the ''molen manufactures more for any given article, for he will either be obliged to buy was very moderate, yet, after the crisfs of 1819, this industry the foreign article at a price enhanced by the duty or buy the also developed, and the introduction of machinery had aboutthe hom:~ article at about the same price. The price of the protected same e~ect upon it as upon the cotton manufactures, and during artlcle being raised to correspond with that at which the im­ the perwd from 1821 the number of woolen factories greatly in­ ported article is sold, the home manufacturers thus receive the crea-sed, especially in New England. Thus we find that both the benefi.tof the protective ta~iff. ' cotton and woolen manufactures were firmly established and in no But a strictly revenue tariff being raised principally from !lr­ need of protection some years before 1828. Yet in that year the ticlea that are only produced abroad, the increase of price by strongest and most complicated protective tariff bill so far framed tariff goes into the national Treasury and not to individuals or was passed. corporations. None of our revenue tariffs have, hc;.>wever, been What was accomplished for cotton and woolen manufactures strictly confined to this class of articles. The best example of a by the introduction of machinery, including the power loom, purely revenue tariff has existed in Great Britain for thirty w.as, some years later, a;ccomplished for iron manufactures by the years; £100,000,000 annually being collected from sixteen articles, diScovery that anthracite coal could be used in the blast furnace. five of which yield 98 per cent of the whole. A p~t.ent for this process was taken out in 1833, and was in ex­ THE HISTORY OF THE SUBJECT. tensive use before 1836, leading to a rapid increase in the produc­ Before the Declaration of Independence it was resolved by a tion of iron. vote of Congress, April 6, 1776, to throw open the _ports of the T~us in the development of these three great industries we thirteen colonies to the trade of the world": In the language of see .that other fact<>rs besides tariff enter into the question of Bancroft, ''absolute free trade took the pla-ce of hoary restric­ their growth. The tariff of 1828, called the ''tariff of abomina­ tions." After the Declaration of Independence, during the war, t~ons, :' did not long continue in operation. Some of its provi­

and time 10f the Confederation, there was little restriction placed Sions w~re change~ in 1830, ~nd .another tariff act was passed in upon foreign exchange. A treaty of alliance and commerce was 1832 doing away with the obJectiOnable features of the "abomi­ made between France and the United States in 1778, the basis of nation tariff," making the protection about the same as in 1824. which was" the most perfect equality and reciprocity." Our But public opinion was adverse to even so modified a form of Government endeavored to have some provision concerning com­ protection, and in 1833 the compromise briff act was passed. merce embodied in the treaty of 1783 with England, but failed to This bill provided for a gradual reductio·n of duties to 20 per accomplish it. cent. It went into effect, popular sentiment in faver of protec­ During the revolutiona~ war many industries were started tion disappeared, and the compromise tariff lasted for nine for the purpose of furnishing our people with articles formerly years. obtained from En15land, whence our supply was cut off. When The tariff of 1842, called the" Whig tariff," was stronaly pro­ the war closed these manufactories feared that they coUld not tective, and was a purely political measure. It lasted but four endure the competition of England, and if ever protection was years, when the tariff of 1846 was passed by the Democrats. needed it was at this time. Yet we find that in 1789 we had This tariff, called the "Walker tariff," from the fact of its hav­ manufactories of iron, glass, paper, leather, flax, hemp, copper, ing bean framed by Robert J. Walker, Secretary of the Treas­ hats, sugar, and cloth, which had become strong and prosper­ ury under Polk, is' often spoken of as a free-trade measure. It ous, notwithstanding ten years of English competition, and en­ was not, although it discriminated between articles that could tirely without protection or legislative assistance. and those tha~ cou~d n~t ~e produced in o.ur own country. It was When the first Congress convened the first question brought a revenue tariff with mmdental protectio-n. In this tariff the to its consideration was how to raise money for the payment of theory was proved to be true that moderate duties yield large the public debt. The necessity of levying duties on imported revenues. It produced so large a revenue that in 1857 there was goods was conceded, but protection was the contToverted point. found to be a surplus in the Treasury; and for this raason all Some thought it better to pay direct pounties or premiums from parties were agreed to a further reduction of the tariff. This is the Treasury rather than make the duties protective or prohib­ said to be the first tariff legislation since 1816 that was not af­ itory, and thus the idea of a revenue tariff preceded that of a fected by politics. protective tariff. HO\vever, when this our first tariff bill was The Walker tariff lasted fifteen years-longer than any tariff passed it had an avowed protecti e principle. It intended to in the.whole history ol the country-long enough to demon­ secure a prosperous sbart to our infant industries. It was a very strate ~he effect of a revenue tarifi upon the condition of the mild bill, the duties on the whole list averaging about 8 per country. Though new tariff acts were passed frequently, they cent, and it was to end in 1796; but instead of ending in seven all, from 1816, had been prot-ective in principle. And in makina years it lasted twenty-seven years and underwent seventeen mod- a comparison of the condition of the country under the two kind~ ifications. , of tariff we may consider the time from 1816 to 1833 as one con­ This brings us to 1816. During the latter part of this period, ~ii~ued period of prot.eotion. That the res~lt of the comparison the nonintercourse act and the war of 1812, by shutting our ports IS 1n favor of the period under revenue tariff can not be denied. to foreign goods, greatly stimulated domestic manufactures, and That this was the most prosperous period of our historv has been to perpetuate these industries the tariff of 1816, sometimes called acknowledged by both p..'l.rties from that time to the p~resent. "the Calhoun tariff," and which is g-enernJ.ly said to mark the The tariff of 1846 p1·odnced such good results that, as we have beginning of a distinctly protective policy, was passed. Its high­ seen, by 1857 the Whigs were willing to unite with the Demo­ est rate of duty was 20 per cent, and this increase over previous crats and vote for a still further reduction. They saw the great acts was caused by the heavy interest on the public debt incurred prosperity of the country and were honest enough to acknowl­ by the war. edge the low tariff as its main cause. That other factors also After the crash of 1819, a stronger popular movement for pro­ entered into this condition, we do not deny; but that they tection set in than had been known before. This demonstrates were only secondary is abundantly proved by the fact that both a disposition, always prevalent in the popular mind after a finan­ parties acknowledged the tariff as the cause. Let me quote from cial crisis, to seek in legislation a remedy for its consequences. some prominent men on the other side. Senator (afterwards At this time the interests of the different sections began to be Vice-President) Wilson in a speech in the Senate in 1857, when manifest, and the protective movement was strongest in New the proposition to reduce the tariff of 1846 was pending, said: York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky. These I wish to say to the Senate and the country, that the Commonwealth I :rep­ were the great agricultural States and felt most keenly the resent has a d~p interest in the modification of the tariti of 1816 by this Congress. They are fm· the reduction of the revenue to the actual wants of loss of a foreign market for their products and were desirous of an economical administration of the Government; for a free list embracing a home market. New England was divided, and the South hav­ articles of prime necessity we do not produce; for mere nominal duties on articles which make up a large portion of our domestic industry, and for ing changed its views since 1816, was now strongly against pro­ such an adjustment of the duties on the products of other nations that come tection. The clashing of the different sections caused the fail­ in direct competition with the products of American capital, labor, and ure of the bill for increased duties of 1820. skill, as shall impose the least burdens upon that capital, labor, and skill. A protective tariff was passed in 1824, carried mainly by the And in tbe same speech he said: )V~stern and Middle States, party lines having nothing to do We of New England believe that wool, especially the cheap wools, manlla, with the question. At this time the manufactures of cotton hemp, flax, raw silk, lead, tin, brass, hides, linseed, and many other articles goods were in such prosperous condition that they did not de- -Used in our manufactures can be admitted duty tree, or at a. mere nominal 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 715 '

' duty, without injuring to any extent any considerable productive interests In 1871 and 1872, when the surplus revenue, after paying all of the country. appropriations and the interest on the public debt, amounted to a. Mr. ALLISON, in this House, March 2:1:, 1870, said: hundred million dollars annually the people became more earnest The tariff of 18!6, although confessedly and -professedly a tariff for rev­ in theirdemandsforareductionof importduties. Consequently, enue, was. so far as regards all the great interests of the country, as perfect a bill was introduced in this House by the Ways and Means Com­ as any that we have ever had. mittee, which, in the wm·ds of the chairman, was intended Mr. Garfield said in this House in 1878, in answer ·to the merely " to divest some industries of tha superabundant pro­ charge that the year of 1860 had not been one of prosperity: tection which smells of monopoly, and which it was never in­ The fact is, Mr. Chairman, the decade from 1850 to 1860 was one of peace and general prosperity. Yet, to suit a theory of finance, we are told that tended they should enjoy after the war." This bill provided for 1860 was a year of great distress and depression of business, equaled only by a reduction on wool, woolens, and cottons of 20 per cent, pig iron the distress of the present year. I hold that the tacts I have l'ecited estab­ $1 a ton; coal, salt, and lumber, tea and coffee, aJdin fad ~ost lish, in so far as anything can be established by statistics, that the year 1860 was a year not only of general peace, but of very general prosperity in the all dutiable articles, were to pay less. United States. This bill, it is hardly necessary to say, was bitterly oppo3ed Mr. Blaine, in his Twenty Years in Congress, says: by monopolists; but finding that the tariff reformers were much The tariff of 18!6 was yielding abundant revenue, and the business of the in earnest, it was deemed expedient to yield a little rather than to country was in a flourishing condition. arouse too much opposition· consequently, a bill was passed which Money b2came more abundant after the year 1849. Large en­ had been introduced in the Senate, providing for a 10 per cent t€rprises were undertaken, speculation was prevalent, and for a horizontal reduction. Mr. John L. Hays, secretary for many considerable period the prosperity of the country was general years of the Wool Manulactw·ers' Association and president of and appar~:mtly genuine. The principles embodied in the tariff the tariff commission of 1882t was here at the ti.nle of the passage of 1846 seemed for a· time to be so entirely vindicated and ap­ of this act' as agent for the wool manufacturers. He claims in a pro-v ed that resistance to it ceased, not only among the people, speech delivered shortly after, to have been the author of" this but among protective economists, and even among manufactur· wise and foresighted policy.'' The tariff reformers, not so" wise ers to a large extent. So general was this acquiescence that in in their generation," thong h t they had gained the victory if they 1856 a protective tariff was not suggested or even hinted by any had not received all they asked for, and were quiet for a time. one of the three parties which presented Presidential candidates. Without following up this history in detail, we will say: the Much more testimony of the same kind might be adduced, but I act of 1872 was repealed in 1875, thus putting us back to the war deem this sufficient for the present. tariff again, and as no tariff act was passed in the next eight But this prosperous condition was not to last. A Presidentml years, we find the war tariff of 1864 in operation in 1883. After election was coming on, and the Republican party, wishing to the resumption of specie payments in 1879 there was a general curry favor and obtain votes from States where the protective revival of business and an increase of imports causing a corre­ principle was strong, introduced a bill increasing importdnties. sponding increase of revenue. After 1879 the surplus revenue ·- This, known as the "Morrill tariff act," passed the House in the averaged over$100,000,000annually. Thisstate of affairs caused session of 1859 and 1860, but did not' pass the Senate until the another demand forr~venue reform. The Government being in nextsession. The most important changes made by the Morrill the hands of protectionists, a tariffcommission of their own ilk bill were increased duties on wool and iron, and a substitution was appointe:i to examine into and report upon the subject. of specific for ad valorem duties. In 1861 the civil war began, This was like a jury trying a case m which each juror had and immediately were the import duties again increased. We great financial interest-and all the interests being on the same need not follow the various steps of tariff legislation; suffice it side. You all know how the tariff bill based upon the report of to s!:ty that it t:t.xed our resow·ces to the utmost to furnish funds this commission was put throug-h. It is not necessary to enter • to carry on that war. into the details of this bill; it is a part of our current history . In 1862 two important acts were paE~sed. The first of these Its general character may be inferred from a letter written was an internal-revenue act, by which specific ~es were im­ by the presidentof the tariff commission, John L. Hays, shortly posed upon the production of iron, steel, leather, paper, coal, after the passage of the act. oil, etc., and an ad valorem duty upon manufactured articles; a This letter was published in the Wool Manufacturers' B'..llletin. general income tax upon railroads, express companies, and He says: Reduction in itself was by no means desirable to us; it was a concession licenses were required for many kinds of business. On July 14 to ;public sentiment, a bending of the top and branches to the wind of public of the same year a tariff act was passed for the avowed purpose opinion, to save the trunk of the protected system. In a word, the object of compensating the manufacturers and producers for the in­ was protection through reduction; * * * We wanted the tariff to be made teYnal revenue they were forced to pay. This was a protective by our friends. measure, and levied heavier duties than was necessary e\en to In this act the tariff on some things, as wheat, corn~ oats, beef, offset the heavy internal taxes. As the war continued more pork, hams, bacon, lard, cheese, and butter, was not changed. monev had to be raised and more internal-revenue and tariff On barley it was lowered at the request of the brewers. On silks taxes~were consequently levied. there was a reduction from 60 to 50 per cent, pig iron from $7 to The most important of these acts were passed in 1864. Three $6.72 a ton. On cheap cotton goods, which we export in large revenue acts were passed at the same time. The first provided quantities, there was a reduction. On those weimport the duty for an" enormous extension of the internal tax system." The was increased. The same may be substa.ntialty said of woolen second for an increase of duties on imports corresponding to and goods. On the finer qualities, as dress goods, the ·duty was in­ compensatory for those of the first act, and the third authorized creased; on coarser qualities, which we did not import because a loan oi $400,000,000. Everything was taxed and to the utmost. the duty was prohibitory, it was slightly lowered, but still left The average rate on all dutiable wares was 47.6 per cent, and on high enough to be prohibitory. On wool the reduction was so some articles 50, 60, and 100 per cent. slig-ht as to amount to nothing. - The passage of these acts was made possible only by the state Thus we see that the tariff of ·1883 was still a high protective of the public mind regarding the war, and thatthe protectionist tariff; in fact, it was substantially a continuation of the war element had control of the Legislature. It would be supposed tariff. It was just such a piece of legisl.ation we would expect that the country would have been relieved of such enormous under the circumstances then existing. To reduce the average burdens as soon as possible after the war, but such, unfortu­ per cent upon the whole schedule, the duty was lowered on some nately, was not the case. The internal taxes were gradually re­ articles, but, as we have seen, in doing this the class of goods duced, and by 1872 all those for which compensatory duties had.. and rate of reduction were so selected as to accrue to the ad van­ been enacted were abolished. No one but the Government had tage of no oue; further, though the condition of the Treasury any interest in their continuance. But the import duties-which and the sentiment of the people demanded a general reduction, were mainly, it was claimed, to compensate for the internal taxes yet the duty was increased on many articles where, from a pro­ were continued. Not only so, they were increased, and are to-day tectionist standpoint, such increase" would do the most good." the foundation of our present tariff system. As was foreseen, this farce reform bill, neither relieved the The protected interests had derived so much wealth from this people of the burden of indirect taxes nor prevented the accu­ measure that they would not willingly let it go. On the other mulation in the Treasury. Consequently, the very next year, hand the reconstruction problem, as well as the great suffering 1884, a bill was introduced looking to a real reform of the tar­ and sorrow brought to many homes, made the people less alive iff; but the sam.e element that passed the bill of 1883 was still to these abuses than they should have been; and very unfortu­ dominant in Congress, and this attempt at reform was a failure. nately so for, at so early a period, they might have been cor­ The same may be said of the bills or 1886 and 1887. The constant rected. When the matter was agitated in a mild way the de­ agitation of the subject, however, showed how alive were the mand was appeas3d by reducing the duties on what are called people to the existing wrong. Had the act-of 1883 even in p:1rt revenue articles; that is, such goods as are imported but are not corrected the conditions which it proposed to correct, the coun­ produced in our own country; thus reducing the Government's try would have settled down to quiet, and to a measure of pros- income while not interfering with the gains of the manufacturer perity commensurate with the relief so given. - who it is plain is only interested in the duties on the protected ln_l890 the protectionists assumed a bold front and passed the ar'ricles that he produces. most radical protectionist tariff in the history of the country. . 716 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE.

For it there-- was neither the pretext that the country needed American · market without any protective duty whatever, but . revenue nor th1t an overtaxed people needed compensatory du­ under this system, which lays tribute upon the great body of the ties. Yet the rates were as high and in somecd.Ses higher than people for the benefit of the few, this wrong was brought into when both these conditions-obtained. · This law is still in force existence and it is now demanded by the Republic·m party that and· wor.king great injury to the country, first, by restricting it be perpetm.ted. It was not until 1887 that public attention commerce an:i diverting- revenue from the public Treasury into wa completely aroused concerning these organizations, but they the coffers of corporations; second, it fosters monopolies and ha ve gone on defiantly believing that by working upon passion trusts, and these, by limiting production, work the double injury and prejudice they can continue their work of reaping ill-gotten of depriving the l!:.tborer oi work and he!:.tping up high-prices to gains. the consumer. That..a high protective tariff is a boon to some Only a little while ago, in the face of the fact that the Wil­ classes we can not deny; but laws should be enacted for the peo­ son bill would become a law, the Bethlehem, the Carnegie, and ple of the whole country and not for a class. It is a benefit to the Illinois companies manufacturers of steel rails, agreed to the m anufacturer of protected articles. It enables him to amass pay the Pennsylvania Steel Company $400,000 as the estimated millions, and by combines and trusts to control the commerce profits of one year if it would close and keep closed during the and business of the co untry like an autocrat. twelve months of 1894 the great works at Sparrows Point, Md. What for the laborers in the mills at Spa.rrows Point, the in­ MONOPOLIES .AND TRUSTS. . terests of whom these gentlemen ostensibly desire to guard so This bill will sound the de:.tth knell of monopolies and trusts, well? It is enough for them that in the face of this contempla­ monster evils begotten by protection and organized to prevent ted legislation these three mills can afford to pay the profits o! competition in farnishing the people the necess1.ries of life, thus another's works if 1t remains idle and noncompetitive an amount making those articles decrease, and robbing the people by en- equal to the total earnings of a large number of. employes. The . hanced prices for the benefit of a few. The agitatiol}of this bill railroads will p3.y for the rails, the people will pay the railroads . began at once to affect the stocks of these infamous concerns, The 4,000 employes of the Maryland Company can go, while whose organization was against the best interests of the people, the wealthy m".lmbers of the steel trust who have amassed their whose existence was against public policy, and which under the fortunes under the cry of protection to American labor will add fostering influence of a high protective hriff grew and flour­ to their ill-gotten wealth. And now these trusts-the white­ ished, defying the people, defying legislation, and defying the lead tr.ust, the whisky trust, the sugar trust, the coal·tr·ust; and courts. all the others of this infamous band of plunderers of the people, A trust has been defined as "a combinat.ion to restrain com­ are opposing thi.s bill and endeavoring to prevent its passage petition among producers, formed by placing the various pro­ unless it sh!:lll be so tinkered a.s to still permit these leeches to ducing properties (mills, factories, etc.) in the hands of a board feed upon the public. There should be no wavering in the Demo­ of trustees, who are empowered to direct the operations of pro­ cratic line. Now is to be struck the first real blow at the life duction and sale as if the properties were all under a single of monopolies, which will not yield without a struggle~ -but to ownership and management." whom the people must no longer be compelled to pay tl'ibute in Active foreign competition being shutout by a high protective order that the wealth of the nation may be accumulated in the tariff, the different firms and companies who had heretofore hands oi a few. [A pplause.l - competed with each other, by this cunningly devised scheme, WOOL. kill competition, arrange prices to suit themselves, and regulate It is claimed that this product of the farmer especially needs production according to dem:mds at their extortionate price. protection; that unle3s a heavy import duty is levied on foreign The first was the Standard Oil Trust, formed in 1869 by a com­ wools the article can not be profitably grown in this <'Ountry. bination oi refiners of crude petroleum in Ohio and PenD:_sylva­ This subject demands careful examina-tion at our hands, to the • nia. Next, branches of the iron and steel trade combined and end that we may determine whether or not this assertion is sup­ formed a trust, and next came the g_reat "American Cotton-Oil ported by facts. I deem it my duty to stand with my party and Trust." So closely had this hydraheaded monster wrapped his to vote in accordance with the views of the majority; for if each slimy folds around the industries of the American people, that of us insisted that some particular view of his own must be in­ by 1888 it bad almost completely in the hands of trusts, petro­ corporated in this bill ere it received our votes, it could never leum cottonseed oil, and cake, sugar, oatmeal, pearl barley, be ~ ome a law. But let us examine the subject. straw, board, castor oil, linseed oil, school slates, oilcloth, whisky, II protection benefits the'wool-growingindustry, then it must ·rubber, steel steel rails. steel and iron beams, nails, wrought-iron follow: First, that the higher the dutylev'ied upon foreign wool pipe, iron nuts, stoves, lead,copper, envelopes, paper b~gs , paving the higher will be the price received bythefarmerfor the home­ pitch,cordag-e, reapingandbindingandmowingmachines, thrash­ grown wool. Second, that 'wool-growing becoming more profit­ ing machines, plows, glass, and shortly white lead, jute bagging, able under a high protective tariff, the number of sheep would lumber, shingles, fric ion matches felt, lead pencils~ cartridges be increased not only absolut-ely, but relatively to the increased and c1rtridge shells, watches and watch cases, clothes-wringers, population. If wool-growing were a more profitable business carpets, coffins and undertakers' supplies. dent3J tools, wall-paper, under a high tariff than under a low tariff, each flock master sandstone, patent le:.tther, and other articles. would increase his number of sheep, and persons not before in Th .... very purpose of these organizations has been to advance the business would enter it. That the first of these propositions prices and check competition, thus placing the people at the is not borne out by facts, and that the price of wool has constantly mercy of these combinations, which have reaped enormous prof­ increased under a low tariff and decreased constantly under a its at their expense. A burning ·iniquity, a t:Lx for the benefit higher tariff, is shown by the following table te.ken from the of the few upon the whole people; a wrong which would be im­ special report on" History and present condition of the sheep possible of consummation save under a high protective tariff. industry of the United States," published by authority of the Take, for example, the lin ~ eed...oil trustformed inJanuary,l887. Secretary of Agriculture. To this t able showing the price of The price per gallon of linseed oil rose from 3 cents to 52 cents, wool from 1824 to 1890, I have added the price for the last three and was kept up during-1888. Thus every p3rson h :1ving paint­ years, bringing it up to date. ing done pa.id to the members of this trust for every gallon they used 14 cents over and above the sum he would have paid if com­ Year. Price. Year. Price. Year. Price. Year. Price. petition had been freely allowed· and estimating the consump­ I tion of linseed oil at 3U,OOO,OOO gallons a year, the trust so in­ 1824 ______$0.53 1842 ______$0.42 1860 ______$0.50 187 .45 creased the price that it took from the people four and half mil­ 1825 ______1843 ______1861______.43 .30 . 40 18d()1 8 79~~~ _____~~~=__ .35 lion of dollars per annum. 18:!6 ______.43 1844 ______.30 1862 ______.50 . 55 One of the most noted, also, of these concerns is the sugar 18...<>7. ______.32 1845 .. _____ .40 1863 ______.68 l &H .• _____ .49 18:?8 ____ ·--· .30 1846 ______.35 1864-_, ____ _ .78 1882 ___ _ .. _ . 46 trust, whose very life will be hken by this bill. 1829 ______.45 1847 ______.40 ].8(j5 ______1.00 1883 ______.43 It was supported by a duty of one-half per cent per pound on 1830 ______.38 1866 ______. 65 188

·., 1894.· CONGRESSIONAL RECORD--_ HOUSE!

·being admitted free. Although in this period there was one bad grades of goods can not be made from wool produced in this coun­ year ( 185~ ) , arising from a panic in the money, market which try, and some not from any one grade of wool; and if the manu­ brings down the average, yet during these fifteen years medi?m facture of such articles should be attempted in disregard of this wool brought a·n average of 4115 cents per pound. And durrng fact the result would be a mere imitation, something we all de­ the three years that I have mentioned, omitting the panic year, spise, and needing no expert to detect. In a reprint from the wool was 50 cents, and in 1859 52 cents per pound. This is more American Wool and Cotton R 9porter of an article by Ed ward than the average price for the l1st fifteen years, and much higher D. Page, of New York, I find this subject discussed. Mr. Page, than any year since the McKinl€y hriff has been in operation. speaking of woolen manufacturers, says: Would not the wool-grower be willing to exchange the prices I fear that many of them do not fully reallize even now how improvement under the McKinley tariff for the average of 41( cents per pound, and economy can be accomplished by making these goods from a mixture of 5 the stocks, most exactly suited to the qualities the goods are to possess, in­ under a low tariff, or even for the 50 and 52 cents per pound when stead of the makeshifts which our meager market has hitherto a.J!orded. wool was practically on the free list? In a letter from the Manufacturers' Club, Phialdelphia, to the He further Says: I have been shown in an English manufacturer's wool house a mixture or Ways and Means Committee, under date of September4, 1893, blend of no less than fourteen distinct and different varieties of wool. from we :find this acknowledged in the following sentence: which he made a simple fabric in which at home not more than two or three Wool, for example. is much lower now than it was in 1890, or than it was qualities are used. Each of these fourteen varieties was found to lend some e>en so recently a.s one year ago. desirable peculiarity to the fabric, perceptible only in the finished piece, or else to economize the cost. And I was told that the blend used had been sub­ What magnanimity on the part of these manufacturers! They stantially the same for thirty year3. The goods manufactured from it were claim that the duty on woolen goods is to compensate them for the perceptibly superior, in selling qualities, to our own. higher price they are obliged to pay for wool on account o~ the Some of these qu3lities are durability of color, fineness, and dut:V upon it. Yet this very letter from which I have quoted is softness of finish-all very desirable qualities. Although the written to persuade the Committee on WaysandMeans to con­ import duties are very high on these fine qualities of woolen tinue the present duty on manufactures, while at the same time goods, those who can pay high prices will have them. And we it acknowledges that they get this raw material cheaper than can easily understand that if we could import wool free we could when it was on the free list; asking that the duty on imported buy as much of these fine wools aa we desire, thereby·making woolens 'he kept up in order that they may keep up higher prices. these beautiful fine goods in our own country, and being able to Verily, the manufacturer is not extravagantly bedecked with sell them at such prices that many if not all could afford to wear the jewel consistency. But if he were, perhaps he wo~ld not them. This would be a great advantage and great saving to the live in a ~uxuriant mansion, surrounded by servants: and ride in consumer. And as our home:.grown wools could by mixing with his beautiful carriage driven by liveried coachmen, while the the itnported wools ba used in a gre~ter variety ·of fabrics, a wages of the toiling laborer whom he pretends to love so well home market would be created f9r more than is now produced, are from time to time cut down even to starvation point. And and "the :flocks would increase on a thousand hills." · · the farmer, whose prejudices he endeavors-to enkindle against An increased demand would increase the price, and i!e farmer the party which is hifl best and truest friend, gets lower prices would be benefited in a twofold manner. Nor would the manu­ for his products and pays higher prices for the wares of the facturer b3 left to suffer. True, he would not be able to charge manufacturer. • s'uch high prices, but he would sell more goods at home and One would hardly expect that under any circumstances, i~ could export them and find an abundant market where he would peace, wool would reach the high prices or war times, when the not have to pay duty.· He would not make money so fast, but demand was so great to supply our immense armies with cloth­ he would make it honP-stly. A great weight would be lifted ing and blanket3. Yet, in 1867, the duty on wool was so far in­ from his conscience that has rested there, for Jo, these many creased above that of the war as to be 50 per cent on clothing years. And we certainly would be doing the greatest good to and combing wool. Yet the price continued to f.all, until1872, the greatest number. when a 10 per cent horizonttl reduction was made in the tariff. Here leaving this subject, let me quote from a few authorities. · And as will be seen by the bble wooi immediately went up· and Senat.or SHERMAN said in 1883: remaJned high until1~75. In that year the tariff act of 1872 was . In the table which I have now before me, it is shown that in 1867 the price rapealed, putting us back to the high tariff of 1867. Again wool of wool was 51 cents a pound; in 1870 it was 46 cents a pound; in 1876 it was 43 cents a pound; in 1880, which was an abnormal year, 48 cents a pound. fell and has decreased totbepresenttime • .Theslightreduction But to-day I am told that these wools are sold in Ohio at from 36 to 40 cents of 1883 ·ca.n not be responsible for this. For the decrease, wj.th a pound. So the result or protecting the wool-growers has been, a.s it nas the exception of one y~ar, 1880, was as steady before asafter .th~t been in all industries, to gradually reduce t·he price of domestic wools. date; nor did the increased duty of 1890 put any check to the Again ·he said: steady fall. Under the operation of .the tariff of 1867 . the price of wool has gradually I therefore say, Mr. Speaker, that a clear examination will gone down. This was the result of the policy of protecting (P) the wool­ furnish conclusive proof to the unbiased mind of the correctness grower~togradually reduce the price. of this proposition, that a protective tariff does not increase Senato~ FRYE, of Maine, a protectionist, said: the price of wool. Domestic wools have come down in price from the time the tariff of 1867 In examining my second proposition we must consider the sec­ was enacted until to-day. tions of country east and west of the Mississippi separately, In short, foraign wools are imported not to compete but to as entirely different conditions are found in regard to the wool­ combine with ours, and unless the manufacturer can g"et a higbe · growing industry. West of the Mississippi are great tracts of price for his product he will pay less for our wool; and when for­ land that can be had at little cost, and Government land that eign wool is purcha.sed to be mixed with our wool, if foreign can be- used free. wools cost more, ours will bring less. ·

In many sections whole :flocks live out of doors all winterwith­ CLEVELAND, OHIO, 8eptem1Jer 131 1893. out other food than the pasture provided by nature. And where SIR: ll you want to suit this mill, kindly put wool and all raw materials shelter and food are provided for the most severe weather, it is on the free list. Should this be done, we are willing to have the tariff on manufactured goods gradually reduced 25 per cent, which is suffi.cient. This done at a comps.ratively small post. Consequently, very large country can never compete successfully with European manufacturers until :flocks can be kept and wool grown at a profit when the price is it gets free wooL - so low as to be ruinous to the industry where different conditions The proper thing for your committee to do is to act quickly and settle the matter for a year or two, and whether or not you reduce the taritr the mills obtained. ·That the number of sheep has increased in this sec­ will start up, as they will know what they have to figure on. tion is natural. East of the Mississippi, however, the number Yours, respectfully, of sheep has greatly diminished. - BECKMAN & CO. In the work on Sheep Industry, from which I have already And, as showing the methods of some gentlemen, I incorporate quoted, we find on page 696 that in this section1 notwithstand­ in my remarks the following letter from one of my constituents: ing the enormous increase in population, there were two million CHILI, OHIO, January 6, 1894. less sheep in 1890 than in 1860. And in my"()wn State, Ohio, one DEAR Sm: Inclosed you will find a copy of a petition sent me by Messrs. of the most important wool-growing States in the Union, there Justice, Bateman & Co. No doubt the House of Representatives will be flooded with such by signers. I concluded to send you it in blank. This has been a falling off of one-third the number of sheep during house is doing a wool commission business, but of late years have connected the high-tariff period, although the population has increased politics with it. They are well known by all shippers of wool. 'l'hey have during that time over 1 ,000,000. This falling off can not in any made a fortune in wool, but mostly at the expense of shippers. They con­ tributed heavily to the election of Ben. Harrison in the campaign of 1888, way be due to overproduction. It is estimated that we consume and were connected with John Wanamaker in raising the $600,000 campaign annually about 6,0UO,OOO pounds of wool, while we produce less fund, and when confronted with the foregoing statement never denied the than 3,000,000. In 1878, after ten years of high tariff, Ohio, same. It appears they desire to control t.tte Democratic party a.s well as the _ Republican party, only through other means. It is my earnest wish and Michigan, and all the great wool-growing States, had only about desire that the Democratic Representatives in the House, as well as the half a,s many sheep as they had in 1867. Before 1867 the num- Senators in the Senate, will not go back on the Democratic platforms, which . ber of sheep had been increasing more rapidly than our popula­ are for reform of the ta.itf, and have been so ever since 1876, when Samuel J. Tilden was elected on a tarttr-rerorm platform. It is my opinion that all tion. Since then the raverse has taken place. this howl now made about the revision of the tartlf and the lying idle of Again, we are told by manufacturers that some of the best woolen.manufactories is to intimidate the Representatives of the people in

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718 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE. JANUARY 11,

order to continue the mulcting or the masses for the privilege or classes. Many years ago these seven companies formed the famous an­ Although you have been stead!ast in your past action. and supported the Administration in the repeal bill, and we have not the le~st. doubt you thracite coal pool by which they agreed to maintain a uniform w11I oupport and vote for ta,riff reform, I did not think it amiss to express selling price at all impor1fmt distributing points where two or the nentiments which I did, and believe every true Demo£ra.t around this more of the companies carried competition-cities within an neck or the woods will indorse. Yours, respectfully, hour's ride of the miners were compelled to pay as much as those JOHN LORENZ. hundreds of miles distant, and while this pool is a thing of the Hon. J. A. D. RICHARDS. past on account of the passage of a law in Penn ylvania making SRODDY. their acts illegal and punishable, there is a secret agreement be­ But there is a wicked, insidious enemy that interferes with tween these companies to-day, and where two or more roads meet the price of wool, while at the same time it deprives the Ameri­ the same prices for coal are quoted. Hundreds of thousands of can people of the substantial woolen clothing which they are en­ people of the North and Northwest must pay for coal, this neces­ titled to and that is shoddy. The manufacturers of woolen goods siti of life, whatever the managers of a single corporation de­ gave so~e very interesting testimony-I do not say spontaneous mand. and voluntary-on this subject before the Ways and Means Com­ We have seen the .}.fissouri P acific Rail way Company working mittee last fall. Among other things they disclosed the fact through subsidiary companie-a, encircling the coal tields of Mis­ that under the high protective tariff, before the McKinley bill souri Colorado, and the Indian Territory, and compelling pri­ w passed there was 1 pound of shoddy used in so-called woolen vate operators to sell coal a~ the company's pri.ces in the m_arket; goods toe v~ry 4p01mdsof wool; since the passage of the McKin­ the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe· the Chicago, Burlmgton ley bill there is 1 pound of sb.oddy to every pound of wool, four and Quincy; the Denver and New Orleans; the Union Pacific, times as much as before. and the Denver and Rio Grande Railway Companies reaching Thus the McKinley tariff, while it compels the manufacturer out for the Colorado, and the Union Pacific, the Chicago and top.1y higher prices-for foreign wools necessary to blend with Northwestern, and the Chicago,. Burlington and Quincy, reach­ our domestic wools to make the better grade of cloths, and by ing out for the Wyoming coal fields. While the Oregon Railway its d.uty on woolen goods enhances the price of proper clothing, and Navigation Company, having a monopoly on the Pacific it invites the manufacturer of shoddy to the field. And instead coast, from time to time kept prices at San Francisco just below of placino- upon the backS" of the people the pure, healthy prod­ the point at which it was profitable to import Australi.an coal. uct of the"Sheep,clothesthem withshoddymadefrom the ground­ We have seen the Hocking Valley and Toledo Rail way Com­ up rags of the slums of the earth. These makers of bogus wool pany in Ohio grasping the great Hocking Valley coal fields of stand in mortal fear of the era of free wool. the State. The coal of Alabama seized by the Louisville and F rom 1870 to 1890, under trre protecting care of Republican leg­ Nashville, and the Norfolk and Western Railroad Company and islation they enjoyed prosperity, but since1890, when, under the Chesapeake and Ohio seizing the coal fields of West Virginia. McKinl~y act foreign wools necessary to mix with our o~n were These facts go to show that the consumers of coal are at the driven awtty and our people compelled to wear s-uch kinds of mercy of corporations. dear clothing as could be contrived from our wools, or from old Let me quote from an article by Henry D. Lloyd in the North rB.oD"B ground up and wove and stuck together in the form of American R.eview, June, 1886: • shoddy. The business of these gentlemen has been a bonanza. Last July Messrs. :Vanderbilt, Sloan, and one or two others out of several Need I say to the American farmer that if clothing is made from hundred owners of cballands and coal railroads, met in the pleasant shadows wool instead of shoddy it is better for the wearer, and also for of Saratoga to make a binding arrangement for the control of the coal trade. "Binding a.rrangement." the sensitivecoa.l presidents ~ay, they pre!er to the the wool-grower? Cheap real woolen goods would destroylthis. word "combination.'' iniquitous bus-iness, and the maker of this spurious stuff would The gratuitous warmth of summer sugges~d to these men rather hear the rolling of thunder or the sound of cannon than the need the public would have of arti.ticial heat at artificial the bleating of a lamb. prices the coming winter. It was agreed to fix prices and to It has even been said that one of these conscienceless mortals prevent the production of too much of the raw material of once actua-lly blushed when he discovered a sheep looking him warmth by s-uspensions of mining. In anticipation of the arrival in th3 face. Yet, as showing which policy is aider and abettor of the cold wave from Manitoba, a cold wave was sent out all of their business, we find in 1888 seventeen rag and shoddy over the United States from their parlors in New York, in an, dealers isseing a circular, which was distributed by the Repub­ order for half-time work by the miners during the first three lican national committee, asserting that free wool would en­ 11 months of this year, and for an increase of prices. Th"8se are tiTely ruin their business, declaring a~ainst the "froo-trade. the means this combination uses to keep down wages-the price party of Grover Cleveland an~ fo~ Harrison and Morto~. Their of men, and keep np the price of co:l.l-the wageB of capital. election was declared "to be mdlSpensable to the mamtenance Prices of coal in the West are fixed by the Western Anthracite of our business;" and now, ina petition to this Congress, wherein Coal A sociation, controlled entirely by the large railroads and th"8y protest against the placing of woo!s Qn the free list, they mine owners of PennsyLvania. The associatit=>n regulates the have the effrontery tq declare that the number of ~lants en~~ged price west of Buffalo and Pittsburg. and in Canada. in the shoddy business'' is nearly one hundred, with a commned Our annual consumption of anthracite is now between 31,000,- capital of millions." 000 and 32,000,000 tons. The West ta.kes between 5,000,000 and I s&-y to this House, "choose you this day whom ye will 6,000,000 tons. The comp:mies which compose the combination ser\e "the maker of shoddy,·who deprives the American far­ mine, transport, and sell their own coaL They are obliterating mer df a proper price for his wool by manufa{}turing cloth fr om other mine-ownet·s and the ret:liler. The Chicago and New York ground-up and woven rags, and who cheats the people by placing dealer has almost nothing to say about what he shall pay or what upon the market this stuff now constituting a large part of our he shall charg_e, or what his profits shall be. The great com­ clothing, or will you serve the cause of common hon~sty, c~ll panies do not let the little man make too much. Year by year a halt in this iniquitous business,- and by proper tariff legis­ the coal retailers are sinking j.nto the status of mere agents of lation give our farmer a better price for his. wool and our people the combination, with as little freedom as. the consumer. a be"tter kin-d ol cheap,. warm, woolen clothmg. If there be one Combination is busy in those soft-coal districts, whose produc­ of the- children of this Republican sys-tem more unlikely than the tion is so large that it must be sent to competitive markets. A others, Shoddy is the ugliest ~rat begotten by that fo~ parent, pool has just been formedeo\eringthe annual product of 6,000,- pet~ High Tariff. View the offsprmg of your monopohes, com­ 000 tons of the mines of Ohio. Indiana and Illinois ar~ to be bines, trusts, pools-Shoddy. [Applause.] bl:'Ought in, and it is. planned to extend it to all the bituminous COAL. coal districts that compete with each other. The appearance of Coal is a necessity to our domestic mrd manufacturing uses, Mr. Vanderbilt last December in the CleJ.rfield district of Penn­ and O' reat is the store of this fuel laid up for our use in bygona sylvania at the head ot a company capitalized for $5,000,000 was ages, and yet this boon to civilization, this needed article, is the first entry of a metropolitan man into this field. virt ally in the hands of monopolies. Mr. Vanderbilt's. role is to be that of producer, carrier, d.ealer, Th.ch ye:1r there is used in the United States about 120,000,000 and consumer all in one. Until he came the distr1ct was occu­ tons of eoal, which , at an average price of $4: per ton, lS n:a.arly pied by a number o[ small companies and small operatorsr as $500,000,000 or more than $8 per annum for every man, woman., used to be the case in the anthracite fi elds in the old days. But and child in th.e country. the man who works himself, with his sons, in a small mine, The enormous coal fields are widely· distributed, producti-ve cutting perhaps from 20. to 40 t ons a day, can: not expect to sur­ mines being in operation in many of our States. Anthracite vive the approach oi' the Manhatbn. capitalists. The small coal1 howeverronlyoecurs in a limited areain Pennsylvania bat Clearfield prod.ucers, looking at the fate ~f ~eir I?-nd in. tb.e an-. the deposit is of wonderful richness. The total area of these thracite country, greeted ~. Vanderbilt s arrival With tha fields is about 300,000 acres, of which about 200,000 acres are question, "What is to become of us?" "If the small operator," owned by a few (seven) railway corporations. These companies sai-d one of the- great man's lieutenants., "goa:~ to the wail, that dlrectly, or through subsidia-ry companies, controL the market, is his misfortune, not our fault." carry on mining operations, carry the eoa.t to mark et and sell it~. ..And this kind of misfortune has, alas, overtaken many poor

' . 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- ROUSE. 719 men that the supply might be kept down, even to the extent of such portion of them as they may specially designate for the purpose, be empowered and directed to investigate, at the earliest practicable mo­ creating a coal famine, with all its concomitant horrors for the ment, whether the alleged combinations of the Philadelphia and Reading poor; for a coal famine isalways so managed as to happen in the Railroad Company, the Lehigh Valley Railroad Company, the Central Rail­ severest winter weather, and when added to insufficient shelter road Company of New Jersey, and the Port Reading Ra.ilroad Company, or any combination between any of these roads and any other roads or canals and insufficient clothing it brings untold suffering. ' We have or producers of coal. for any illegal or improper pUTpose, exist and, 11 such heard each party arraign the other for closing public works and combinations do exist, the e!fect thereof on the production, transportation. putting out the fires of the furnaces, thus depriving the laborer distribution, and price of anthracite coal, and upon commerce among the seve1·al States, and to report to the House any and all facts in relation to the of work. subject-matter of the investigation which the committee of investigation But what shall b3 said of the man who "puts the fire out" herein provided for may ascertain, and to make such recommendations as on the pdor man's hearth in the deadof winter regardless of the the said committee may agree upon; and that said committee be authorized to sit during the session of the House or dUTing the recess of Congress, and half-clad sufferer, who perhaps has crawled from her bed of at such place or placPs as It may find necessary; to employ a clerk or sten­ rags to hover O\er the few scanty coals? And all that the price ographer, to administer oaths, issue subprenas, compel the attendance of of coal may be raised in the interests of a Vailderbilt, thus taking witnesses and examine them, and compel the production of books and pa­ pers; and that a sum, not to exceed $10,000, sufficient to pay the expenses of the few pennies that should have bought a loaf of bread as the the committee herein provided for shall be immediately available and pay­ additional price of a pail of coal. Anyone who has visited the able out of the contingent fund of the House on the order of the chairman poor quarters of our large cities during a coal famine, and I hope of said investigating committee; and all vouchers for any such expenditures shall be likeWise certified to by the chairman of said investigating com­ many of you have, and seen the wretched, starved creatures buy­ mittee. ing coal by the pail or half pail know that the picture of their The subjoined is a copy of a resolution offered in the House of Represent­ sufferings can not be overdrawn. And in t.he interest of such, atives on the 12th of February. 1892, by Mr. Stout and refen·ed to the Com­ I ask you to do away with a tax that makes possible a monopoly, mittee on Interstat~ and Foreign Commerce. which is the mOBt grievous of burdens to the alrea-dy over­ "FEBRUARY 12, 1892. "Mr. Stout submitted the following; which was referred to the Committee burdened poor. on Interstate and Foreign Commerce: The testimony hken before the Ways and Means Committee "Whereas the Reading Lehigh Valley, the Jersey Central, Delaware. shows that it is only the operators of the Eastern coal mines Lackawanna and Western Railways, operating lines in different States. and representing a nominal capital of $600,000,000, the plant of which could be that fear competition in case the duty is removed from coal. duplicated at one-half the sum, have combined their capital: Therefore, And the only coal dealers they mention as competitors are those •· Resolved, That the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce of Nova Scotia and Canada. Yet it is brought ou_t in the testi­ be 1·eq_uested to investigate the facts of the case and report whether sul:h consolidation should not be prohibited by national law; and whether a bu­ mony of these men that their mines supply coal to Canada in reau or interstate transportation should not be organized, headed by a Cabi­ face of the duty of 67 cents per ton we pay for selling coal in that net officer, known as the Secretary of Commerce. Dominion. Also that these s:1mecoal dealers, who are so afraid "Attest: of competition with Nova Scotia coal, claiming that they can "JAMES KERR, Clerk." The subjoined is a letter from the Interstate Commerce Commission in barely hold their own with the duty of 75 cents per ton, and if reply to an inquiry addressed to that Commission by the Committee on In­ this duty were removed the competition would be rwnous to terstate and Foreign Commerce, as t~ whether the Commission has entered their business-these same coal dealers were forced to admit in upon any such investigation as is contemplated in the resolution of Mr. their testimony that they ship their coal all the way to Cuba, Stout, printed herewith: "INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION, where it comes into direct competition with Nova Scotia coal, "OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY, where it pays no duty. And that this competition is successful " Washington, March 31, 1892. and the trade profitable to American dealers is evidenced by the "The Committee on. Interstate ana Foreign Commerce, vast amount they ship to Cuba every year. · • House of Representatives: If this can be done, after paying freight for such a long dis­ "Sm: Your communication of the 29th instant. inclosing copy of proposed tance, as a matter of course it can be done at home. And the resolution directing your committee to investigate and report concerning claim that the wages of the i!liners will have to be reduced is all the recent consolidation of the Philadelphia and Reading with other rail­ roads, and requesting to be informed whether this Commission has entered buncombe, calculated to excite the sympathy of the uninformed. upon any investigation of such consolidation, is received.. They claim that the cost of coal is mainly labor; that being the "The act to regulate commerce does not give the Interstate Commerce case, Canada and Nova Scotia coals cost as much as ours, for Commission jurisdiction of matters which relate only to dealings between railroad companies and have no bearing upon the rights of the public to im· their miners, it is acknowledged in the testimony of these oper­ partial treatment and reasonable and equal charges in the transportation ators, receive the same wages as do our miners. These being of interstate commerce. The magnitude or the railroad deal referred to is the facts in the ca.se, free coal can work no injury to the miners calculated to arouse grave apprehensions of resultant injUT!es to the public welfare, but until the attention ofthe Commission is called to some contra­ and laboring men. The extensive operator of the Eastern coal vention of the interstate-commerce law, caused or made possible by the fields will not reap such large profits, and will not be able to combination of railroad interests, no grounds appear to exist upon which Hmit the output and increase the price and deprive the miner of an investigation of the consolidation could properly be instituted by the work at his own sweet will. Commission under that law." IRON. I append a report of the 8ommittee on Interstate ~nd Foreign Commerce made to this House on June 10, 1892, which is as fol­ At the beginning of the war, we hnd iron ore among unclas­ lows: sified articles, upon which a duty of 10 per cent was assessed. [House Report No. 1630, Fifty-second Congre&s, first session]. But as no ore was imported either then or during the war, we find the rate remained the S!tme up to 1870, when it was raised INVESTIGATION OF RAILROADS COMBINATIONS. to 20 per cent. As soon as it began to be imported to some ex­ June 10.1892.-0rdered to be printed. tent, it attracted the attention of the protectionists; who were Mr: WISE, from the Committeeon Interstate and Foreign Commerce, sub­ looking for new fields, and the duty was raised in 1883 to 75 mitted the following report (to accompany Mis. Doc. -): cents per ton. which was about 35 per cent ad valorem. But to The Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerpe have considered a resolution, a copy of which is hereto subjoined, offered by Mr. Stout, in the present this branch of the subject clearly and concisely, I can House of Representatives, on the 12th of February last, and referred to them, not do batter than to quote from the testimony of the president and respectfully report: of the Pennsylyania St.eel Company before the Ways and Means That while tha.t resolution may be inaccurate in some of its statements, it furnishes sutJlcient grounds for an inquiry by Congress into a transaction Committee, when Mr. McKinley was chairman of that commit­ which probably vitally affects the interests of the people of the United States. tee and they were taking testimony with a view to reform the It is very generally and confidently alleged throughout the country; it is tariff: - · asserted in suits at law and bills in equity pending in the coUTts; it is CUT­ rentlybelieved on the exchanges, in which such things are most narrowly The demand fo1· tree ore, in my judgment, can now be presented from a watched, that a combination of the three leading anthracite coal roads, the commercial standpoint, which can not fail to convince all fair-minded per­ Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company, the Central Railroad Company sons that innumerable benefits to our country would follow-, without work­ of New Jersey, and the Lehlgh Valley Railroad Company, together with the ing harm to a single interest which is legitimately connected with the pro­ companies which these several roads control. and a combination of this com­ duction of American ore, iron, or the products proceeding therefrom. To bination with the Port Reading Railroad Company and other transportation systematize this permit me to present the following iacts: and producing companies have been e.IIeeted; and that these combinations are First. That only ore which is suitable for the manufacture of steel is eyer for the pm-pose of creating a monopoly in the production and transportation imported; and if competing at all, can only compete with the like quantity of anthracite coal and to control its price in the market; that the market of domestic Production. price has already been advanced without any other excuse than to fm•ther Second. The whole qmmtity of ore suitable for Bessemer pig iron which the interests of the monopoly (and this at a season of the year when the con­ it will be possible to produce in this country during the year 1890 will not sumption of anthracite coal is at its minimum), and that said combinations exce£>d 5,000,000 tons. This estimate includes every ton of ore _th~t c~ be_ propose to ad vance the price stm further from time to time. raised by hook or crook. Three and one-half millions tons of pig Iron, It is And as it is apparent that State legislation or action is insuftlcient to cope estimated, will be required to supply the wants of. the steel m~nufacturers with these combinations, extending as they do. if they exist, over several in this country dUTing the present year. -To manufacture this amount of States, and constituting a menace to all the prople of the United States, it pig u·on, 6,fl00,000 tons of iron ore of suitable quality will be required. One 1s of vital importance to ascertain (1) whether the alleged combinations, or and one-half millions tons of Bessemer steel ore must therefore be imported any similar combinations exist; (2) whether any law of Congress and par­ into this country by- OUT steel manufacturers, or their works will remain ticularly whether "An act to protect trade and commerce against unlawful idle one-foUTth of the year. restraints and monopolies" (chapter 647 of the Supplement to the Revised Statutes) have been yiolated by the companies and collateral companies He further says that one-half million tons will come from said to form, or which may be fonn.d to form, the said combinations; (3) what Cuba, where the mines are owned by an American company; additional legislation in such case, on the part o! Congress, may be necessary, expedient. and proper: Therefore, and that the importation of this ore is the direct means of secur­ Resolved, That the Committee on Interstate and: Foreign Commerce, or ing the exportation to the West Indies and South Ame'!'ica. of .-- 720 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD--HOUSE . JANUARY ll,

American coal, as return cargo in the steamers which bring the mit to reductions-they lock them out and employ the so-called ore to this country: pauper labor imported from other countries. If protection In 1839 the export of American coal has been almost equal ton for ton to caused wages to be higher, then in those countries where pi'O­ the importation of iron ore. There is no reason why, by using these steam­ tection exists we would always find wages to be higher than in ers, thlS countr y cannot so develop her coal business ~n the West Indies and those countries having a low tariff or free trade. But that this South ,America that she will absolutely drive English coal out of those mar­ kets. One million tons will be imported from the Mediterranean and the three is not the case is shown by the following table, taken from the hundred and fifty steamers that will be required to bring that quantity of report of the United Stat-es Tariff Corr:mission, volume 2, page ore ro·this country wilfleave onr sbores laden wit.h wheat, cotton, and corn, 2388: carrying this outward cargo more cheaply on account of the freight re­ ceived for bringing the iron ore. - Protection. j Free trade. He says further: Occupation. Practically the whole of the imported .iron ·ore is used in the furnaces located at or near tidewater. Seventy-five cents per ton on these ores rep­ ~~y. France. { g~~~- I ~~~~ resents the cost of hauling one tone of ore 100 miles. Removing this duty, ------~--- 1 ------therefore, onl;s; enables iron ore to enter 100 miles farther into t_he !interior Bricklayers ______. ______than it does to-day. On the other hand, it will enable my company as ex­ Masons .. ____ ------______$3.45 $4. 00 $6. 00 $8.12 porters to go 800 or 1,000 miles by sea to compete with our competitors abroad. Carpenters __ ----·- ______4.00 5.00 6.00 8.16 The condition of the supply and demand for Bessemer steel raw material Rainters ______.. ______... ______4.18 5.4~ 5. 40 8.25 has not materially changed in this country for the past five years. This 4.60 4.90 4. 20 7.25 Plasterers ______------___ _ 4.35 5.40 8.10 country has never since the introduction of the manufacture of Bessemer Blacksmiths------______------• 3. 90 steeL imported less than 25 per cent of the material consumed in the manu­ Cabinetmakers . ______5. 40 8.12 facture of the steel output, and the prospect for the future, judging by t-he Dyers ----. ______------4. 95 4.80 7.70 past, is that the national growth or the country will keep pace with and Weavers ______3.30 7.00 probably more than absorb the increased output of native steel raw material 3.00 5.41) arising from the new developments that are and have been constantly pro­ CommonGrinders inlaborers glass works ______------·- ___ _ 4.87 10.92 jected. It used to come here in the form of pig iron, but as this country in­ 2.60 5.00 creased her furnace capacity the steel manufacturer now seeks to bring ~t here more and more in the form of ore. This table. shows that the weekly wages paid by free-trade That is, all the ore we import is of a kind of which we. do not European countries is much above the wages paid by European produce enough to supply the demand of our immense iron and countries in which a protective tariff exists. But it is neither steel trade. Not only so, but being brought here as ore and mJde fair nor honest to say that because of protection the wages in into pig iron by our furnaces, is thus supplying more work for the this country are higher than in a free-trade European country, American laborer. And Joseph G. Butler, of Youngstown, and when the statement is made that wages are higher here Ohio, in his testimony before the.same com~ittee, says that if than iii England. where free trade exists, itoughtalso to be stated it were not for the great development of tne pig-iron industry that they- are still further above the wages of France and Ger­ in this country he does not know where wecouldgetour pig iron. many, where protection exists. Mr. Powderly says that one "We could not importa. ton." Yetatthesame sitting, in answer good labor organization does more to keep up wages than all the to a question, he says: proteQtive tariffs in existence, and Mr. Frick~ in his testimony I say the present tariJI do~s not cut any figure. before the tariff commission, acknowledged-that tariff has noth- And again: ing to do with the question of wages. · · We want this tariff on everything we can produce in this country. We do ~ It was the boast of the Republican party that the passage of not want to import anything. · · the McKinley bill would increase the wages of the laborer. Where and when have they been increased? Has not the manu­ _Yes; and wants the tariff on pjg iron, of which he says we c:m faeturer, instead ot the workman, derived all the benefit to be not import a ton. What does he want tariff to protect in this had from this law? Now, Republican speakers and Republican case? Very evidently he wants the tariff to protect highprices. writers, during the campaign of 188_8, proclaimed their love for As to steel rails, none are now imported: the duty is as prohibi­ the laborer. They loved h ;m with a love passing that of David tory as when it was $17 and $28 a ton. The cost of transportation and Jonathan, and their chief desire in keeping the Democratic of steel rails is from $2 to $4 a ton. All the difference above this party from power was, tha.t they might do something for him. transportation cost is caused by the tariff tax. In 1891 the price All. that they asked for their guardian-ange1 duties w:as, that was $8 higher in this country; lastyear the price was$12high'er. the workingman might be benefited. The workingmen flocked If steel rails were admitted free of duty they would not, owing to the polls and voted for Harrison and Morton, and having per­ to the cost of railroad transportation, be used, exGepting near formed what they considered-their pa.l·t of the arrangement they tidewater. sat down and waited for the Republican bosses to throw op~n the WAGES. gates of the Garden of Eden and invite them to walk in. One of. the most important, if not the most important, ques­ Harrison and Morton were elected, and the McKinley bill, in­ tion of the tariff controversy is that of wages. The great ma­ creasing duties to so high afigure thateverywage-earner in the jority of the population in all countries belong to some branch land was taxed, was enacted. The manufacturer counted his in­ of the laboring class. That -the prosperity of a country largely creased profits by thousands, but no .increased benefits came to depends upon the condition of this class is a self-evident fact. the laborer. In 1892 these same wage-earners arose· in their Were all of this gr:eat class employed at remunerative wages, might and rebuked the partythathad thus betrayed them. The this one fact would conduce more to the prosperity and happi­ cry of tariff reform was in the air, but these nabobs were not to ness of the world than all' other conditions combined. There be so easily defeated.- Jacob when hungry sold his birthright would be no poverty, and, best of all, no strikes and no lockouts. for a mess of pottage, and how easy to crush out the very life of But to this Utopian condition we never can expect to attain. Of the laborer by pinching hunger. To-day, under the pretence all the factors ent9ring- into the wage question I believe the that if the tariff is in.terfered with they can not compete with most potent factor is supply and demand. Where there is more foreign markets, they send the honest workman, from whose work to be done than there are laborers to do it, there will toil they have grown rich, to tramp the streets for employment wages b3 extremely high, as in the case of the opening up of and to want for food. Mea.nwhile, American manufactured some new field in-a distant part of a country, as in the early his­ goods, made by these same workmen, are sold in Europe cheaper tory of our Western mines. than in America. Wb.en the supply equals the demand, a normal condition, then An instance of the love of these gentlemen for the working­ wages will become lower; and when the supply exceeds the de­ man was illustrated not long since at the Havemeyer Sugar Re­ mand then there will be fierce competition and wages will be re­ finery in Brooklyn. A committee of the firemen requested that duced. We find that in our own country wages have always been during the heated term of three or four months the~ might be high. This is owing to our vast domain and to the fact that there allowed to work eight hours a day instead of twelve. The heat havealways been new enterprises developing, such as the opening is so unbearable that last year in that refinery over 500 men were -of mines, building of canals and railros.ds, reducing vast tracts overcome by it and about 100 died. It is a veritable slaughter of wild lands to agricultural purposes, building new towns and house, and the only way to save the men from death is to allow cities, etc. Lately the advocates of protection have claimed that them shorter hours during the hot weather. But how was their we owe it to their policy that wages are higher in this than in request met?. By a refusal. What if eight hours were enough some other countries. "in that seething hell of heat to exhaust the stoutest man; what This assertion would not be worth noticing were it not for the cared these protected gentlemen for the long line of funerals, fact that many persons will believe a bare statement without and the widows and orphans they were making. These men proper proof to back it up. But high wages have existed in our must work and die while the American people protect the trust country regardless of the rate of the tariff. Whether it was and put millions each year into its coffers. . high or low has made no difference, with the exception that _The McKinley bill abolished the duty on ra~sugar, and thus in the protected industries the owners of such works will some­ gave the trust free raw material, but, at the same time left a times lock out their workmen because, not that they refuse the protection of one-half_cent per pound on refined sugar, which higher wages protection makes, but because. they refuse to sub- enabled it to extort just so much from the pockets of the people. .1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 721

will be subjected to fewer frauds than the injustice and frauds incident to When it is remembered that a difference of one-sixth of a cent specific duties. · One of the most prolific sources of the violation of our reve· per pound in favor of the trust takes $2,500,000 from the pockets nue laws .has been, as everybody knows, the effort to get goods of a finer of the people each year, we can form some estimate of its power quality and higher value admitted under the lower rate of duty required for those of a lower value. But it the duty were laid ad valorem, there could for evil. ' be no motive for such an effort, and the fraud, in its present form, would The McKinley t!tl'iff does not protect labor. It enters from have no place. foreign lands without restriction. Its importation is free, and is a menace to the standard of wages and to the continuance of em­ But even under the McK. inl~y bill more than two hundred and ployment. The manufacturer protests against the introduction fifty ad valorem duties are levied. In the sche:lules of ".Mis­ of any goods from abroad to compete with his, or which might be cellaneous manufaotures of leather," "Leather and manufac­ bought by his laborers at a lower price; but he demands that the tures of,'' in the button industry, in the wo·od-pulp industry, in laborers from all the earth may be brought in fre'e and dumped Schedule L, pertaining to the silk industry, in Schedule K, re­ at American factories and mines, and in front of workingmen's lating to wool and manufactures thereof, we find the levying of homes, so.that when increased wages are demanded or reductions ad valorem duties. resisted these raw recruits may step in and fill the places of the THE AMERICAN FARMER. old hands. This importation of labor forces wages downward Goldsmith wrote long ago: while a high hriff, combines, and trusts produced thereby, force Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey, the price of good~upward. In this way w:age-ear:ners are de­ Where wealth accumulates. and men decay. prived of the recompense they would otherwise recmve, an~ from Princes and lords may flouri8h or may fade- their hard-wrought earnings are compelled to pay extortionate A breath can make them, as a breath has made; rates for articles of everyday consumption. · But a bold paa.s3.ntry, their country's pride, The protection of labor is in organization, and every working­ When ~nee destroy'd, can never be supplied. man well knows that throughout the country there has been a It is admitted by all economists tha,t the prosperity of the agri­ systematic effort to throttle labor organizations in order to effect cultural cla.ss is essential to the welfare of a country; and history -the diminution of wages at the pleasure of the employer, whose teaches that neglect of agriculture hRs been the cause of the de­ allegedloveforthe wage-earnerisashamandafraud. Have wage­ cay of the most powerful nations. That it bas baen the founda­ earners already forgotten that at the time of the pass'l ge of the tion of our own prosperity is proven by a glance at our early his­ McKinlev tariff act they were told it would bring tbem higher tory, and in all the st:tgesqf our growth we need only to inquire wages; that after it became a law, while the m ·.umfacturer prof­ into the condition of our farmers to ascertain if the nation is in ited immensely, determined e ffort was made to take the life of a prosperous condition. . . labor organizations: how wages were cut down,· and hojV the This is illustrated bv what occurred in 1880 and 1881. There earth of Homestead drank up the lifeblood of the laborer who was a complete stagnation in ma,nufacturing and commercial in­ resisted the attempt to Grush out the right of American laborers dustries, and more than one mlllion mechanics and laborers were to protect themselves? · · thrown out of employment, and in their destitution and conse- .AD V .ALOREM AND SPECIFIC DUTIES. quent misery they took to tramping in sear.ch of work. . But crops were good, although prices were not what they The champions of monopoly and high taxes attack us be­ should have been, yet the farmers were enabled to relieve the cause we are friendly to the levying of ad valorem duties, and depressed condition of the whole country. Can as much be said to heg,r them shout in horror one would suppo::,e that it was a of the prosperity of any oth'3r class? Manufacturers have had. new devi0e of the present Congress. Specific duties gro ~! p a many years of prosperity; so have the owners of extensive mines; number of articles too-ether and charge upon the cheaper as b nt can we say th9,t the prosperity of either of these classes has much as upon the mo"'re costly, thereby t9.xing the poor man assured the prosperity of the whole country, much less rescued upon his cheap aJ·ticle as much as therich man upon his luxury. it from such conditions as existed in .1830 and 1881? The pros­ They tax by the yard, pound, or gallon, compelling the poor perity of these only redounds to the interest of the few. · who use cheap goods to pay as much taxes a8 the rich who use For the prosperity of the farp1er two things are necessary­ dear goods. They tax cloth that costs 50 cents per yard the good crops and good prices. For the first .. a bountiful Provi­ same as cloth that costs $5 per yard. It is equivalent to taxing dence has done all that is necessary. With our vast acre:1ge, land the same price per acre whether located in the heart of each one who desires it can have an abundance of land to till, New York or Chicago or on the Western prairie. and the diversity of-climate allows of such variety of products When the same specific duty is collected on a low-priced as on that each may choose the line of agriculture be prefers, and be a high-priced- yard, pound, bushel, or gallon, it is self-evident sO.re that in most years, if he does his part, he will hn.ve abund­ that the consumers of the low-priced goods are paying an undu~ ant harvests. But the prices are not so assured; they belong amount of taxes. Tariff should be charged on what a. thing is neither to the domain of Providence nor do they depend upon worth. Those who are able to pay a higher duty and purchase the ability and industry of the farmer. But thatsarnething ex­ the higher:priced goods, should pay more than the poor man erts an influence over prices is conceded by all; and by a very­ upon his low-priced goods. large majority, if not by all, that something is believed to be Upon this subject, Henry Clay, in a speech made by him in legislation. . 1842, after nine years' experience under the compromise tariff True, the Government can not fix a price for any certain arti­ of 1833, said: cles; out by proper legislation it can remove such restrictions What are the other principles of the act? First, there is the principle that as hinder their regulation by the natural law of supply and de­ a fixed ad valorem duty shall prevail and be in force at all times. For one. I am willing to abide by that principle. There are certain vague notions mand, and repeal or reform . such laws as require the farmer to afloat as to the utility and necessity of specific duties and discrimination, bear the burden of or be taxed for the interest of other classes. which I am persuaded arise from a want of a right understanding of the But. that such burdens are a great impediment to the peosperity subject. We have had the ad valorem principle practically in force ever since the compromise act was passed, and there has been no diJII.culty in ad­ of the farmer is illustrated by comparing the statistics of a manu­ ministering the duties of the Treasury on that principle. facturing with those of an agricultural,. State, ta}ren from the It was necessary first to ascertain the value of the goods and then to im­ United State census report: pose the duty upon them, and from the commencement of the act to this day the ad valorem principle has been substantially iu operaGion. Com­ These will show that the aggregate wealth of the StatJ of Pennsylvania pare the difference between specific . and the ad . valorem system of duties, in 1850 was $313 per ca-pita and that of lliin,ois wa.s much le~s. During the and I maintain that the latter is justly entitled to the preference. The low-tariff decade from 1850 to 1860 the State of Pennsylvania increa sed her one principle declares that the duty shall be paid upon the real value of the aggregate wealth to $4l:!'ipercapita. while the State of Illinois increased hers article taxed; the specific principle imposes an equal duty on articles greatly to $509 per·capita. From 1860 to 1870, under the high protective r.al'iff, when unequal in value. by action of Government the exchangeable va.lnes of her main prrouct were Co.tle~. for example (and it is an article which always suggests itself to my enhanced from 40 to 50 :per cent, the State of Pennsylvania in(: r ease:l her thoughts), is one of the articles on which a specific duty has been levied. wealth to $1,081 per capita; while the State of Illinois, whose exchangeable Now it is perfectly well known that the Mot:ha coffee is worth at least twice value of products was regulated in foreign markets. increased hers only to as much as the coffee of St. Domingo or Cuba; yet both pay the same duty. $835 per capita, and during the following decade of high protection for the The tax has no respect to the value, but it is arbitrarily levied bn a~l articles Pennsylvania product that State increased her wea.lth tt• $1,25:.1 per capita, of a specific kind alike, however various and unequal may be therr values. while that of the tributary State of illinois inereased to only $1,005 per capita., I say that in theory, and according to every sound principle of justice, the ad valorem mode of taxation is entitled to the preference. There is, I admit, Let me call your attention to the opinion on this subject of some one objection to it; as the value of an article is a matter subject to opinion, and as opinions will vary, either honestly or fra.11dulently, there is some diffi.· leading men of both parties. Joseph Medill, editor of the Chicago , culty in preventing frauds. But, with the home valUation proposed by my Tribune, the leading RepubUcan paper of the Northwest, says: friend from Rhode Island !Mr. SrnMONSl, the ad valorem system can be adopted with all practical safety, and will be liable to those chances only of Where, then, is the remedy from the heavy burden of a 50 per cent tax on fraud which are inevitable under any and every system. What has been the the necessaries of life, both imported and domestic? There is only one ele· fact from the origin of the Government until now? . mentor class able to remove it, and that Samson is sleeping in the lap of The articles from which the greatest amount of revenue has been drawn, Delilah and will not awaken. I, of course, mean the farmers.:....the plun­ such as woolens, linens, silks, cottons, worsteds, and a few others. have all dered, unprotected twenty-five million of geese-like farmers who_permit been taxed on the ad valorem principle, and there has been no diiDculty in themselves to be plucked of almost every feather by a hundred. thousand the operation. I believe, upon the whole, that it is the best mode. I believe "protect.ed" monppolists. · · that it we adopt a fixed rate ad valorem whereve.r it can be done, the revenue While t.he plowmen act like Issachar's a::ss and crouch between two XXVI-46 .

• 722 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-- HOUSE-. JANUARY 11,

bUJ•dens, both will b& kept on their backs. The fabricants Uve focalized in exaggeration, th.e amount of tax being rather under than over the cities and plot and scheme for the pt·omotion of their selfish interests­ and brtng their united lobby in1luence to bear on members of Congress; estimated. whereaFtthe farmers live isolated and scattered and can not or do not com­ Table showing prices. of commodities. with protection, without protection, and bine in tlefense of their interests. Hence they are unprotected, unrepre­ manufacturers' tax. ' sented, and unconscious of what keeps them poor. They are captivated by the specious cry of "protection to American industry," though they g~t Prices none of it, and of the value of the "protected" home markets to them, as If Prices without Manufac- . protected monopolists e~ any more than other men. with pro­ proteC'- turers' tection. tion. tax. The president of . the National Farmers' Alliance, Mr. L. L. Polk, said before the United States Senate Committee on Agri· culture, April22, 1890: MATERIALS FOR FARMHOUSE. JJomestic manufactures-. We protest, and with all-reverence, that it is not God's fault. We-protest that it is not the farmer's fault. We believe, and so charge, solemnly and 6,000 feet joists and scantling ______.____ _ $78.00 $66. OQ $12.00 deliberately, that it is the fault of the financial syst{lm of the Government­ 5,000 feet flooring ____ ------·---·-----·- 80.00 60.00 20.00 a system that has placed on agriculture an undue, unjust, and intolerable 1,200 feet common boards-__ -·--·-·-·--··-·--- 15.00 13.20 2.40 proportion of the burdens of taxation. · 3,500 feet sid.ing ______--·- __ --·· -·-·------·- 77.00 70.00 7.00 12,000 s1lingles _____ ·---...... ______··-- --·- __ 30.00 25.80 4.20 It is the present system of taxation that has been cheapening 25 doors and windows------~·· 150.00 130. ()() 20.00 not only farm products, but the price of land itself. If it exists 450 feet base-boards. ______.... ___ _ 12.60 11.60 1. 00 · Front stairs ______·-···------45.00 35.00 10.00 much longer is there not danger that the prediction of the New Plaste'l', lime, hair, and lath------·----·--- 161.00 131.00 30.00 York State assessors will come true? And- 182 :feet cornice. ______------___ _ 92.00 85.64: 6. 36 . Paint ___ ------·------50.00 30.00 20.00 In a few years you will see the present owners of farms in many instanees Glass ___ ----·------·------'- ______25.00 18.00 7.00 tenants on them. The cities are prospering, though. New York City bas ---- added $50,000,000 property to its real value the past year; Brooklyn, between Tota.l ______·------______816.20 6'76.24 139.96 $20,000.00Dand 830,000,000; Buffalo, $5,000,000; Rochester, 'between$2,000,000and $3,000,000. MATERIALS FOR BARN. 1======1======1:===== The following is taken from the United States census reports: 3,000 feet siding ______------··---·---- __ _ 75.00 69.00 6.00 1,500 feet rafters ______--·- ______22.50 21 .00 1.50 Of the total wealth of the country in 1850 the farmers owned 300 feet sills ____ -·--- ______4.00 3.40 .60 ... nearly $4:,000,000,000, or more than one-half. In 1860 the farmer's 300 feet stringers ______·------·--- ___ _ 4.00 3.40 .60 share was still one-half. In 1880~ though half the population 150 plates ______-·------·--- 2.00 1.70 .30 was still on farms, his share of the total wealth was $12 00(),000,- 400 posts ______----··------______7.00 6.20 .so 1 2,000 feet sheeting------·------·-·------35.00 31.00 4.00 000, or a little more than one-fourth. That is, while _the agri· 1,300 fee1i upper floor ___ -·------'---- ___ _ 33.00 30.40 2.60 cultural half 9f our populationincreased theirwealth$4,000,000,- 2,500 feet lower floor------·------25..00 20.00 5.00 1,600 feet lower joists------20'.00 16.80 3.20 000 the other half increased theirs $23,600,000,000; and this- im­ 1,300 feet upper joists __ ------______16. co 13.40 2.60 mense amount is mainly in the hands of a few millionaires and not 2,000 feet bin lumber------·-·-·------50.00 46.00 4.00 16,000 shingles ______~- ______distributed among the many~ as is the amount belonging to the 48.00 42.00 6.00 200 pounds nails ....•. ______-~ · ----·- ____ ·-__ _ 6.00 3.50 2.50 agricultural class. , · Hardware ______-· ··--_~ ______5.00 3.00 Every farmer knows that he is more prosperous whe-n he has . 2.00 enough products of his farm to exchange for all the clothing, TotaL ..•.. ___ ------. ______.··------352.50 1 310.80 41.7'0 groceries, and other necessaries his family may need for the year FENCING. than when he has t.o draw the money out of the bank to pay for them, or give his note in case he has no money in the ba,nk.. Ouuiae.

Now, our country has to buy many things from other countr-ies 1 22,000 feet :fencing lumber_----·- ____ ... ___ ._ 1 440.00 396.00 44.00 that we do not produce, and when we pay for them" in trade," 2,000 fence posts·------200.00 160.00 40.00 as the farmer would say, we are more prosperous than when we 200 pounds fencing nails------6. 00 3.50 2.50 have to pay for them with money. That is, it is a ma.rk of na­ 2 pairs hinges ______. __ ·------1.00 1.00 r ------·2.00 l1 ~~-~-- tional prosperity when, instead of paying for our imports with Inside. gold, we pay for them in exports of agricul tura.l products, manu· I factured articles, etc. It follows that the commercial policy that 5,000 feet fencing lamb~r ------·------100.00 00.00 10.00 1,000 :fence posts ______-----··-·------100.00 ' 80.00 20.00 admits of the most exports is the mostconduciveto the prosper­ tOO pounds fencing nails ------______3.00· 1.80 1.20 ity of the country. History shows that our exports are always 2 pairs small hinges ____ ---·-·-- __ ---···-- ___ _ 1.50 1.00 .50 2,000 pounds barbed wire----·--··---·--·---- 12-.00 6.00 6.00 larger under a low tariff than they are under a high or protect­ 500 pickets ____ -·---- ____ ------·-______5.00 4.00 1.00 ive tariff.- 300 feet, planed 2 by 4 __ -·----·----·-- --·- ··-· 7.00 5.60 1. 40 - Between 1850 and 1860, tlnder low tariff, uur agricultural ex­ tOO feet, planed, 12-inch lumoor______·-·- 2. . so- 2.00 .50 20 sawed posts __ ------____ ·---·--- __ 5.00 3.50 1.50 ports increased 25per cent yearly. Since then, under protective 1----: tariff, they have increased only 3 per cen~ yearly. In the same Tot~l ______------l====F====884.oo 1 754-.40 I====129.60 low-tariff decade manufactured articles increased 171 per cent; and only 20 per cent in the next twE.nty years under protective FARM MACHINERY. tariff. 1 wagon __ -·------·---- ______75.00 60:00 15.00 The exports of the manufacturers have largely increased, while 1 reaper. __ --·- ______--·-·------'- ______350.00 275.00 75.00 the exports of the farmers have larg-ely decreased. 1 mJre ______------__ -··- 25.00 20'. 00· 5.00 1 wh ' a1i drilL_-----·------50.00 35.00 15.00 their agricultural mMhinery and carriages and other articles to 1 corn planter ______------__ 25.00 20.00 5.00 Europe and Australia at prices competing with the nations of 1 fanning milL_------~-- 25.00 20.00 5.00 the world, underselling them at a fair protit. while they charge 1 feed cutter ______-----· .. ____ --·-··-- 15.00 12.00 3.00 l wheelbarrow--·-·---·----·-·-·---·-----·--· 5.00 4.00 1.00 the American farmer as much.- more for their goods as they 1 grindstone ______----·------·-----·--- ___ _ 3.00 2.50 -50 charge the foreigners as the b.riff will permit. TotaL ______------·- __ :------·:------1------England exported to American countries south of us in 1880 s23. oo 1 651.50 171.50 $51,285,000, while our exports to the same countries were $3,899, FARM IMPLEMENTS AND SUPPLIES. 400. Let us reflect w4at prosperity the reverse of these figures would bring us. 3 sets double harness------·------___ _ 100.00 75.00 25.00 2 halters------···------·------·--·--- 2.00 1.50 .50 Not only is there a greater demand for our products under a 2 bridles-·------_____ ------·-- ______3.00 2.25 .75 low tariff, but better prices. We have shown that wool was 2 saddles __ ------·----.••••• :. ... ------· 20.00 14.55 5.45 made higher under a low tariff. From 1842-1846, under protec· 2 hoes_------·-----·- •.•. ___ -·-...... ___ --· 1.50 1.20 .30 l spade ______-··-----··-- ______··---- 1.00 .70 .30 tion, wheat was 82 and corn 48 cents; 1846-1850~ low tariff, wheat 1 garden rake ______------___ -·-- ___ ----- . 50 .30 .20 $1.10, c.orn 57 cents. After twenty-five years high protection, 3 nitehrorks -----····--·--·------·---- 4.00 3.00 1.00 in 188'1, wheat was 70 and corn 39 cents; the price has become 1 scythe __ ---·----···------·------3.00 2.25 .75 1 hatchet ______---·-----··----·------.5\l .35 .15 lower and lower every year until the present time, under the 2 saws_------·------·---______2. ()()- 1.25 .75 McKinley tariff, it has reached the bottom. 1 d:rawingknife_ ------_____ ------·-- 1.00 .65 .35 But the duty being removed or reduced on manufactured arti­ 2 pumps ______------= ------______20.00 16.00 4.00 1 ax------·------1.00 .75 .25 cles the farmer would buy them much cheaper~ I~ the follow­ 1log chain ______------5.00 3.00 2.00 ing tables the articles are taken that would be needed by alarmer -6 pairs trace chains __ ------~------6.00 3.00 3.00 ·commencing on a farm with everything to buy. These tables 3 dou.bletrees and whiflietrees ______2.50 2.00 .50 1 brush ______------·------~ .50 .38 .12 were compiled by Mr. Lieb inl888frommarketreports and mer· .20 .15 .00 chants' price ·usts, and particular pains has bE}en taken to avoid ~~~~-~~~:~~~:~:~~~=~::::::~~~~=~==== .50 .36 H

/

• 1894 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 723

Table showi-ng prices of commodities, etc.-Continued. Table stw·wing p1'ices of commoditi-ta, etc.-Continued. _

Prices Prices ~i~<;~ . Manu- with pro­ with pro­ protec- facturers' tection. I tection. tion. tax. FARM DIPLEMENTS AND SU.RPLIES-con­ HOUSEWIFE'S WARDROBE-continued. tinued. 3 pairs cotton hose------1.00 .71 $0.29 3 pairs wool hose ______.... ______1.50 .00 .60 1 woolen cloak .. ______...... ______...... 12.00 8.11 3.89 1 woolen shawl------6.00 3.21 2. 79 1 woolen hood------.... ______---- 1.25 .71 . 54 1 straw bonnet ____ ------1.00 .77 .23 2 pairs shoes ______------______.. ______4.00 3.20 .80 HOUSEHOLD FUR~ITURE. 1 pair rubbers ______------______.50 .40 .10 1 parasoL______2.00 1.60 . 40 1 veil .. ____ . ______------____ .. ___ _ . 70 .46 .21 5 yards- ribbons __ ------______.. .. .50 .33 .17 3linen collars ______.. .. .50 .38 . t•)"" 3 pairs linen cuffs ______.. ____ ------__ __ .60 .46 .14 3linen handkerchiefs ______------.75 .55 . 20 1 tuck comb ...... ______: ______.... ______· .25 .18 . O't 1 tooth. brush------­ .35 .'Z'l .o Lpair wool mitts------.50 .29 . 21 Lpa.ir gloves ...... ______.. ______1.25 .78 .47 1 ------~------1 ------TotaL ... _.. ______.. ______. _.. __ 61.90 40.14 21. 7ti I ~===F====~===== TWO BOYS' WARDROBES. 1· 2 work suits ______10.00 6. 76 3.2! 2 good suits .. ______.... ______30.00 20.70 9.30 2overcoats ______. ______------30.00 20.70 9. 30 6 flannel shirts------6.00 3.42 2.58 6 white shirts------4.00 3.25 .7:) 4 pairs wool drawers------4.00 2.28 1.7~ 6.pa.b:s wool socks ... ·------______2.00 1~14 .so 2wool hats------4.00 2.28 1. 7~ 2 wool caps------___ _ 2.00 1.14 .8ii 2 pairs boots ______--·-- ____ . ______8.00 6.40 1. 6~ K1TCHEN FURNITURE. 2 pairs suspenders ______.... ___ _ 1.00 .72 .28 2 pairs rubber boots ______--·------7.00 5.60 lAJ 1 cook stove ...... -----~------·--· 30.00 18. oo 12. oo 2 pairs rubber shoes ______...... 4.00 3.20 .8!1 llotcookingutensils •...... ------' 3.00 2.CJT .93 2pairs wool mitts--- ~------1.00 0.67 .33 2 pairs buck gloves ------2.00 1.25 .75 i ~~~e~er:Je:~~==~~=:===~===:======: 1 ~:~ ~:iW - :~ 2 silk neckties ______.50 .33· .17 6sheet-iron pans------·------6-.00 3.52 2.48 4linen handkerchiefs._____ .,______1.00 .74 .2\) 1lot iron cooking utensils------2.00 1.30 .70 2 neck comforters _____ ...... ---- ______... , 1.00 .fiT . 3".., 6 ash buckets ------. 75 . 44 . 31 1------1---- ljoint stovepipe . ...•• ------~------.60 .35 ..25 TotaL...... ______------___ _ 117.50 81.25 36.2:> 1 table------.. ------5.00 3:70 1.30 6 chairs ...... ------.. 3.00 2.22 • 78 ldozenknivesand.forks.______3.00 2.22 .78 TWO GffiLS WARDROBE. 2dozen spoons ...... ------2.00 1.48 .52 4 calico dresses------___ _ 3.00 2.50 .50 1 butcher knife------.50 .37 . I3 4 calico anrons ______:-______------1.00 .85 .15 1 coal-oil can.------.---.. ------. W . 34. .16 18.00 10.60 7.40 6 flatirons ------____ ---- ____ ------1.50 1. 00 .50 2 alpaca dresses __ ------·------1 wash boiler.______1.25 .73 .52 2 wool dresses------~------s.oo 5.00 3.0.1 2 balmoral skirts------3.00 1.90 1.10 2 tubs ...... ·---.... ----.. ------.. ------1. 50 1.11 . 39 4 cotton skirts ______3.00 2.00 1. ()o) 2pails ------~ ------.60 .44 .16 4 suits flannels ______------______------5.00 2.86 2.14 1 churn _____ .... ____ ---- .... ____ ------"------1. 00 . 74 . 26 4 suits cotton underwear ____ ...... ------4.00 2.13 1.87 6 crocks ____ .... ------1. 20 . 96 . 24 6- pa.:irs cotton hose ______2.00 1. .42 .58 2washboards (zinc)------.70 .42 .28 6 pairs wool hose ______2dozen dishes, assorted______lD.OO 6.45 3.55 3. 00. 1.80 1. 20 30.90 20.28 - 9. 72 2tablecloths______3.00 2.22 .78 2 woolenwooren croaks------shawls ______2lotsglassware ..•...... ______3.00 2.01 .93 10.00 5.33 4.67 2woolen hoods------2.00 1.20 .80 1 glass lamp ...... ------. 50 - . 34 .16 2.00 1.54 .46 1 --~----4------1 ------2 straw hats---.------TotaL.______85.60 55..8.6 29.74 4 pairs shoes .. ______------8.00 6.40 1.60 2 pairs rubbers------1.00 .80 .20 2.80 ,70 HOUSEHOLD.ER'S WARDROBE. 2 parasols ------3.50 2 veils ______------1.50 1.00 .50 12 yards- ribbon------1.20 .80 .40 1 work suit .... __ ------__ ------___ ---- 7. 00 4.73' 2:27 6-linencollars ... _____ .... __ ------______1.00 .71 .23 1 good suit------20.00 13.52 6.48 L20 .92 .28 1 overcoat------15.00 10.15 4.85 .30 .22 .08 2flannel shirts------.------1.50 .86- .154 ~E~~~~~=--=~~::~=~::==:::======~~ ~ 2ftannel drawers ______1 1.50 6 handkerchiefs------___ _ 2.00 1.48 .5~ .86 .64: 2pairs wool mitts ______1.00 • . 57 .43 1 woolhat ------3.00 1.7l 1.29 6 wool socks ______.. ______------2. 00 1.14 .86 2 pairs gloves· ------______200 1.25 .75 1 wool cap ______-______1.00 .57 .4-3 2 toothbrushes------______.50 .39 .11 1 ------~ ------1 ------1 pair boots------5.00 4.00 too TotaL ..... __ ..... __ ..... ____ . ___ .. __ . ---- 117.20 76.81 40.39 1 pair shoes------3.50 2.80' 0.70 1 pair rubber boots ------3.00 2.40 .60 1 pai~suspenders ------.50 .36 .14 DOMESTIC SUPPLIES. 1 pair buck gloves______1.00 .63 .31 1 pair wool gloves______. 50 .29 . 21 Sugar. ______------______------__ __ 1.00 .68 .32 1 wool scarf ..... ------_------. 50 .29 .21 1 rubbercoat______.. ------50 :r. 2:69 .81 Tea------~ · ------·----'------.50 .50 ---- ... ·----· 1 umbrella ______------______1. 00 .66 .34- CoJiee ------~- _____ ------__ _ .50 .50 ------:i5 3linen handkerchiefs______1. 00 .74 .26 Molasses .. ------·------~-- .... ______.50 .40 1 silk tie------.50 .33 :17 Salt.------...... ______1.00 .74 .26 1 r azor ______------__ ------.... ____ ; 125 .83 .42 Vmega.r-.. ----·-----·------.... ____ ------.50 .37 .13 1 pocketknife .. ------·---- t. 25 .83 . 42 Rice •. --- ______----·-----...... ------...... 1.00 .43 .57 1 shaving brush •. ------·------____ . 35 .26 . 09 Soda. ______------______.... ____ ... . .25 .14 .11 1 case shaving soap ____ ------.15 11 .04 Soap-castile. ____ ------~---- __ ------___ _ .25 .16 .09 1 neckcom.tort .... ____ .... ____ ...... ____ ------. 50 .29 .21 Wire clothesline ______------____ •. ______2.00 1.00 1.00 4 cotton shir-ts ______·------3. 00 2.25 .75 Starch ...... ______\ _____ . ______------.25 .13 .12 2 pair cot. ton drawern ____ .. ______.. ------1. 00 .69 .31 Ca~et tacks ______------___ _ .25 .14 .11 1------1 Nails ___ ------______.50 . 31 .13 TotaL ...... ______78.70 53.99 24.71 Thread ______------· _____ : ... ______1.00 .65 .35 Needles.------.... ______.25 .20 .05 H01JSEWIE!E'S W ARD:ROBE. Pens __ ! ______.10 .07 .03 Ink .. ------.10 .07 .03 3 c.allco dresses ... ___.. __ .. ____ ...... __ .... __ . ~ 2. 2:) 1.75 .50 Paper ___ ...... ______.. ------._ .... .10 .08 .02 3 calico aprons ______.50 .40 .10 .10 .02 2 woolen dresses .... ------______16.00 9.40 6.60 .10 .07.08 t . 03 2 balmoral skirts .... ____ .. ______..... 3.00 1.90 1.10 .:;~~i-ns~~~:=~:==::~=====~======~===:===:Glycerine ______. _____ -~- __ .... __ _. .50 .30 .20 2 cotton skirts ______------____ . __ _ 1. 50 1.25 .25 2 Sltitstlannels .. ______.. ______.. ______--·------: ------~------3.00 1.71 1.29 TotaL __...... ____ ...... ____ .. ---- 10.75 1 7.081 3.67 21fUit.scotton underwear------2.00 1.42 .58 724 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY ll, ·- Table alLowing prices of commodities, etc.-Continued. Again, a financial crisis had been brought about by evil legis­ SUMMARY. lation at the hands of the Republican party, and the dire effects of which had been predicted by Democratic leaders. A hungry Total Amount man has no heart to reason from caU3e to effect, and many amount Manu- paid on blamed the Democratic party for the calamity which had been w~~~~~ facturer's account brought upon the country by the Republic:tns. facturer's tax. of the No general can win a victory with troops in ~ympathy with tax. tax. the enemy, and an administration to win complete success should have officers and men desirous of its welfare. MATERIALS FOR PERMANENT IMPROVE· MENTS.a THE CIVIL SERVICE _ l!o _ may be defined to be a piece of legislation which enables Repub- Materia.lsforhouse______1&676· 24 $139· 96 ""'16_20 licans to oust Damocratsfromotfice during a RepublicanAd- Mat.erialsforbarn ______.____ 310.80 41.70 352 50 • . • d . . Materials for fence------754.40 129.60 884.00 mm1stratwn,an to retainRepubhcans m o::fice during a Demo- 1----1----1---- crc1tic Administration. Looking to the Pension Office we find 311 26 2 052 70 Total------1·741· 44 · • · 1,300 Republicans to 247 Democrats, and 412ladies. Four-fifths FARM M.ACTIINEr.Y .AND SUPPLIES.b of the members of the board of review are Republicans, and two- thirds of the board of revision are Republicans. In the medical Farm machinery ______------______.... 651.b0 171. !iO Implements and supplies. ____ ...... ---- 13!. 09 47.61 ~~:ro division we find 85 Republicans to 26 Democrats; and 30 ladies, 1------1------1------and as these Republican bodies move along with a snai.l's pace Total ______---- ___ .... _---- .... ------785.59 219.11 1,004.70 in the adjustment of claims, while the old veterans whofollowed FURNITURE.C their country's flag to the battlefield, ready to die if need be for the Stars and Stripes they love so well, many of them war-scarred, Household furniture .... ------171.94 67.66 2~:~ broken in health, diseased, in actual want, watch and wait in Kitchen furniture ... ____ ------___ _ 55.86 29.74 great anxiety f_or the pensions d l.!e them. Total ------______------227.80 I 97.40 325.20 Mr. Chairman, the Democratic majority in this House was !======i======l,===== sent here upon the issue of tariff reform, and every Democrat ARTICLES OF DOMESTIC CONSUMPTION.d who deserts his party now relinquishes the chief principle of Householder's wardrobe .... ------53. 99 24.71 78.70 Democracy. The Democratic party must not fail the people. Housewife's wardrobe.---- ______.. ___ _ 21.76 Two boys• wardrobe ______40.14 61.90 Four years of the prior administration of our party placed in the 81.25 36.35 B~:~ Treasury an available surplus of over $60,000,000. The annual '.l' \VO girls' wardrobe ...... __ .... __ ------76.81 40.39 Domestic supplies.------7.08· 3.67 10.75 revenues were nearly $100,000,000 in excess of the Government's 1----1---- Total ______..... ___ . ---- .... __ .... ___ . _ ne ~ ds. We had accumulated $98,0·.., 0,000 of gold above the re­ 259.27 126.78 385 05 serve of $100,000,000. Business flourished and labor was well employed. The Republican party came to power. It passed a Increased cost on account of manufacturer's tax, 18 per cent. the bullion-pur0hasing a.ct of 1890, which in one year sent $68,- b Increased cost on account of manufacturer's tax, 28 per cent. c Increased cost on account of manufacturer's ta.x, 43 per cent. 00U,OOO of our gold to Europe, decreased the free gold in our d Increased cost on account of manufacturer's tax, 49 per cent. Treasury at the end of Mr. Harrisor:.'s· terin to $\HO,UOO, and the evil effects of which have almo.st bankrupted the country. A careful study of these tables and a comparison of them by These are fe .:trful, turbulent, angry streams into which the the farmer with his vwn account books will· serve to enlighten Republican party has carried our National Government, but·if him why the manufacturer has constantly grown richer, although we act as faithful pilots and steer the Ship of Shte free from the his works were often idle on account of s rikes and lockouts, dangers that surround her, the threatening rocks and sbo:us while he, though toiling early and late and living very frugally, will be passed in triumph, and we shall glide with renewed h · s constantly grown poorer, and was perhaps driven by dire vigor upon the ocean of happiness and pr03perity. ·rhen may . ne:::essity to put a mortgage upon his farm. · we sing the song of an American poet: · THE LATE ELECTIONS. Sail on, 0 Ship of State 1 Sail on, 0 Union, strong and great! But it has been said by {!·entlemen on the other side of this Humanity with au its fears, House that at the elections last fall the Democratic party was WithIs hanging all the breathless hopes of future on thy years, rate! overwhelmingly defeated, and hence that the people at the polls Our hearts, our hop.Js, our pra.yers, our tears, have repudiated that reform of the tariff which they so earn- Our faith triumphant o'er our rears, estly demanded in 1 92. That ·the· Democratic party was de- Aie all with thee-are all with thee. feated in 1893, I admit; that the people have abandoned their d~- [Applause on the Democratic side.] mands for tariff reform, I deny. . M~. DI~GLEY Mr. Chairman, the ~itle of the pending tariff· Mr. Chairman, let us as Democrats look the situation squarely b1ll1sannsnomer. It purports to be a bill to provide revenue. It in the face and inquire the cause of that defeat. is in fact, however, a bill to abolish revenue. It proposes to sur- The first reason was the continuance of Republicans in office render seventy-six millions, more than one-third of the revenue who all their lives had worked for the destruction of the Demo- derived from customs. cratic party. All over this land there are townships where the The party which is responsible for it has, in season and out of sole boon asked by the sturdy Democrats is that they be per- season, denounced the Republican tariff policy which has been ; mitted to receive their mail from a Democratic postmaster; but in force for thirty-two years, as one which s.:tcrifices revenue in thisboonisdeniedandtheRepublicanappointee,whohascursed ordertomainbin protection of home industries. The Demo­ and attempted to destroy from year to year the p:lrty which cratic party now in possession of full power fo r the first time they loved so well, still holds rule at the post-office where he since 1...60, proposes as a substitute a so-called revenue tariff keeps hanging on the walls pictures of his party leaders. Look which sacrifices revenue in order to overthrow protection. around you; a year has ne::trly past since the present Adminis- Moreover, this sunender of seventy-six millions of revenue tration came to power, and a Republican who found especial de- from custJms is proposed at a time wh :!n the Secret:.try of the light in removing hundreds upon hundreds of the brightest and Tre1sur_v, representing the party in power, official!y informs most active Democrats from office, solely because they were Congress that for the next fiscal year nearly every dollar of Democrats, is still the General Superintendent of the Railway revenue that might be expected from customs duties, without Mail Service. When we remember that within 30 days after change of existing laws, will bs required to meet the ordinary the inauguration of President Harrison on March 4, 188~, every expenditures of the National Government,-the internal-revenue division superintendent of the Railway Mail Service in the tax on tobacco, cigars and whisky being substantially sufficient United States was a Republican· that between March i <'uD.d to pay pension obligations,-and when any reduction of revenue August30, 1 89, more than two thousand Democratic postal clerks 1 from customs will assuredly leave a deficit. Instead of a tariff for we1·eremoved for purely partisan rea.sons, while most of those revenue only, what is proposed is in fact a tariff for a deficiency who remained in service during the Harrison Administration only. were reduced in grade to make room for Republican clerks of 8uch a wholesale reduction of revenue from customs duties is inferior qualifications, can you wonder at the apathy of Demo- proposed, indeed, in the face of the official report of the Secre­ cr·ats? tary of the Treasury that in the first six months of the present Another reason for the result of those elections was an ill-ad- fiscal ye:tr there has been an actual deficit of more. th

I 1894. CONGRESSIONAL REQORD-HOUSE. ,725

Six years ago a distinguished Democratic leader, then and market in consequence of the encouragcme~t given home in­ now occupying the exalted position of the Presidency of the dustries by protection, he invariably reduces his prices and United States, justified far less sweeping and revolutionary tariff thereby practically pays in part or in whole the protective duty, legislation than t~ (which wasmostemphaticall~ condem_n~d in in order to hold his position in such foreign market. the national electwns of 1888) on the grounft that'' a cond1t10n," From 1883 to 1891! during which time there was a revenue­ to wit, the necessity of reducing the revenue, ''and not a theory, only duty of 1 cent per pound on imported tin plate, under confronts us." It might have been supposed that the reduction which no tin plates could be ma~e in this country, the average of tlie revenue sixty millions in 1890 by removing the duty on price, including the duty of $1.08 per box, was $-1. 86 per box. sugar so that revenue and expenditure became subshntially July 1, 1891, the duty was increased 1.2 cents per pound, or equal-every dollar of the surplus created before the reduction $1.:15 per box. Yet it is stated by the gentleman from Pennsyl­ of the revenue having been devoted to the p.1ymen t of the interest­ vania [Mr. DALZELL], who has investigated the subject, that bearingdebt-wouldhave satisfied such a yearning for tariff revis­ the average price of tin plate to t~e consumer in this country ion. But it is evident from the recent message of the same distin­ h as not been raised by the increase of duty. No one claims that guished Damocratic leader indorsing the pending bill, as well as the increase has been over 25 cents per box. The Welsh man­ from the defense which its advocates make on t ais floor and in ufacturers, finding that under the new protective duty tin plate the majority report, that the argument which did duty so v:ocif­ was being successfully ma~e in the United States, lowered their erously in 1888 is reveesed for the present exigency. It lS no price, which had been previously fixed as they pleased, in order longer the actual "condition," but only the "theory" often for- to meet the new competition in this country and hold their . mulated in Democratic platforms that is allowed to confront American markets, thus practically paying into the Tre:t.sury of the Democratic vision. the United States about $5,000,000. In their zeal to overthrow If the actual "condition" of the national finances ancl not a the protection which has already est3.blished between forty and blind pursuit of a partisan "theory" controlled the course of fifty tin-plate manufactories in this country, producing tin plate the Democratic_majority, they would hesitate long before d_is­ at the rate of many million pounds per annum, and whh.~ h within turbing the admirable balance between national outgo and m­ five years wo-.1ld have furnished all the tin plate we require at come which existed in 1892 and 1893, under existing laws, which reduced prices, the framers of this so called revenue tariff pr.o­ would have existed the present fiscal year if industries and busi­ pose not only to cripple our own tin-plate industry, but also to ness had not been paralyzed by the distrust caused by the antici­ surrender six and a quarter millions of revenue to the Welsh pation of revolution ~ ry tariff changes, and which, according to tin-plate manufacturers. the Secretary of the Treasury, would exist in the next fiscal year While it is more difficult to show so definitely in other schedules and the years subsequent, in case there should be no change in in which the duties have been r educed, as the circumstances enar our existing revenue system. ble us to do in the case of the reduction of the duty on tin plate, WHERE REVENUE IS SURRENDERED. that there is a large class of imported articles similar to those that we are enabled to m .1ke here on account of protective duties, on Mr. Chairman, the friends or the proposed tariff revision de­ which the foreign manufacturer pays a part of the duty in order fend it on the ground that it reduces the taxation of the masses to meet the new competition here and hold our markets as far • of the people. as possible, yet there can be no doubt of the fact. The increase This claim invites an inquiry into the character of the im­ of from 10 to 15 percent made by t~e tariff act of 1890 in the duty on ported articles said to be used by the masses, on which it is pro­ certairi kinds of fine cottons and woolens did not increase their posed to reduce duties and surrender revenue. I read from the price to consumers here. The foreign manufacturers simply re­ comparative tables presented by the Democratic majority ofthe duced their prices to the ext.ent of the increase of du y, and thus committee, which show how much revenue has been remitted practically themselves paid all the increase of duty. No wonder on each imported article, on the basis of the importations of last they are rejoiced at the proposal of the majority of the VY.ays year: and Means Committee to remit so much of their contribution On Havana and other foreign cigars and leaf tobacco------$3,303,207 toward our revenue, not only in the woolen, but a;lso in the -g~ l~~~~r:n<:iembroiiieries~~~~~~~=====~===~::::::::::::=~~~~~=:::::::: ~:~: ~ cotton, mektl, agricultural, and lumber schedules, and give them On silks and silk plushes ____ -·------______------3, 196,631 a better opportunity to send their goods to our markets to take On kid gloves and jewelry ____ ------1,2J8, 797 the place of domestic goods. On ostrich feathers, downs, artificial flowers, etc. ____ ------· ---- 2.i0, 165 There is remitted to Canada $1,445,983 in abolished or reduced On opium for smoking------400,073 On plate ~lass and china ware ------890,~ 9> duties on lumber and over $2,000,000 in reduced duties on Cana­ On paintmgs and statuary ______.... ------339, '" 6 dian animals and farm products competing with our farm prod­ On perfumery, cosmetics, and fancy articles for fsmokers ------101,250 ucts, not to mention over $8,000,000 of revenue r emitted on Oa the assumption of the majority of tbe committee that all of imported wool-over $1l,OOO,OOD remissions of revenue now paid the dutvis added to make thepric ~ here, thetoilingm'1ssesmust into our Treasury by foreign farmers and wool-growers seeking be greatly relieved by the surrender of $14,112,397 of duties on our markets. these articles! [Laughter.] Indeed, so far as I have observed, the only rejoicing over the But these are by no means the only imported luxuries or arti­ prospect of the substitution of the pending hriff bill for the pro­ cles of voluntary use (on which all statesmen have heretofore tective tariffs of the past thirty years, has been in C r~. nad a and thought it wise to impose the heaviest duties), where reductions Europe. In this country up to date the public expressions have have been made by this bill. been mainly those of condemnation. It will be observed that more than half of the woolen goods imported last year were goods of fine quality used by the well­ INCREASED IMPORTATIONS EXPECTED. to-do, indeed ¥enerally demanded by a class of our people of lib­ Mr. Chairman, the Pre3ident in his recent message and the eral means who are not content with equally good American report of the majority remark that notwithstanding the pend­ goods at a)ower price, but will have foreign goods-they are ing tariff bill would result in a loss of revenue to the extent of English, you know -and who are entirely willing to pay the hig b­ $76,000,000 and a deficiency even larger, on the basis of the im­ est duties to obtain them. Of the $21,723,788of revenue surren­ ports of last year, yet th1.t this would only t e temporary, aa the dered by the reduction of duties on manufactures of wool, not reduction of duties would. in their judgment, increase the im­ less than $11,000,000 is on fine woolens of this character, which, portations, and the lower duties on increased importations would under the circumstances of their importation and use, are prac­ soon of! set in part,.and ultimately all, the apparent loss of rev- tically artic.es of luxury or of voluntary use, and are therefore enue. ' articles on which the highest duties should be rehined. It is well for Congress and the people to face the results which A very large proportion of the imports of manufactures of the Democr.ttic majoritv who have framed this bill avow they cotton, on which the bill proposes to remit$3,448,020 of revenue are laboring to b ~ ing about. They defend their policy on the by a r eduction of duties, is J]ne and fancy cottons in the nature ground that it is intende to so increase importations of foreign of articles of voluntary use; and the same may be said of many prod i. cts to take the pl:lce of domestic products-for it must be imported articles in other schedules on which duties are re­ remembered that duties are reduced mainly only on articles duced by this bill. that nan be produced or made here-as to make the reduced Not far from $ ~ 0,000,000 of the $76,000,000 of revenue surren­ duties yield as much revenue as the higher duties which they dered by this bill comes from articles of luxury or voluntary supplant. use. · Have gentlemen considered fully what this me~ns? The value This bill also proposes to surrender $6,284,259 of the revenue of the dutiable merchandise imported last year was about $:1:00;- received last year from the duty on imported tin plates, nearly 000,000, which paid a duty of only a million and a h alf less than all of which is practically now paid by the foreign manufacturer $200,000,000, the remaining importa.tions ($444~000,000 ) having and exporter, notwithstanding the ridicule which the free-trade been free of duty. (Parenthetic3lly! I may remark that the fact theorist hes,ps on the contention of the friends of protection that we now import nearly $400,000,000 of d u tb ble goods, three-fourths where the foreigner finds that he is in danger of losing a foreign of which we can and ought to make for ourselves, does notseem. 726 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11,

to sustain th~ free-trade assumption that we are now manufactur- every nation is its own home market. Even the United King­ ing far more than our people can consume.) - dom, which on account of its contracted insular position is com­ The same dutiable merchandise imported under the pending pelled even to wage war to capture foreign markets, sells $136 I bill would yield$76,000,000less revenue. Now,in order to offset of its production of $172 per inhabitant in its home market, this loss, there would have to be an increase in the importations and only $36 in the markets of the world. And the United of about $250,000,000, foreign valuation, as the average duty of States, which produces $200 per inhabitant, sells $183 of this im­ the pending bill on duti~ble merchandise is ab?ut 30 ~er cent. mense production, more than Great Britain exports and con­ This would be a sudden mcrease of 60 per cent rn the rmporta­ sumes at home, in our home markets, the best in the world. tions of foreign goods which we can make here, and would neces­ Experience shows that under protection, which maintains our sarily suddenly diminish the demand for domestic goods and for home market for our own industries, and thus increases the labor to produce or make them to this extent. Do our friends prosperity and consuming power of the masses, we are able to buy on the other side-! mean the other side of this House, not on and import more of articles which we do not produce than we the other side of the Atlantic; they underst!lnd it and are chuck­ otherwise could, as well as produce more; so that the net result ling over it-do our Democratic friends appreciate fully what is a larger foreign trade and larger exports, brought about by disasters to all our American industries would follow such a the increase of consumption and importation of free goods which wholesale loss of American markets? we do not produce, and the increased production caused by the For example, the imports of woolen goods last year were about encouragement of home industries. Our foreign trade has been $37,000,000, on which it is proposed t-o surrender a revenue of 50 per cent more per inhabitant in the last fifteen years than in nea1•ly $22,000,000 by a reduction of duties. Now, in order to the fifteen years of revenue only tariff from 1846 to 1860. On the offset that loss there must be an increase of importations of other hand, the increased importation of articles which we can woolens to the extent of about $60,000:000, foreign valuation, and ought to produce for ourselves, as proposed by the pending which would suddenly raise the importations of woolen goods to bill, even if far less than contemplated, would result in depleting nearly $100,000,000 instead of $36,000,000. Imagine what a wreck us of our gold and piling up a mountain of debt. of American woolen mills there would be with such a loss of Undoubtedly the increa..'>e of importations, although large their home markets. enough to cripple our industries and business, would not be large ''But what of that?" exclaims the free-trade disciple. "Do enough to offset the revenue lost by reduction of duties, for the you object to having $250,000,000 more wealth come into this reason that existing' industries would struggle to meet the new country?" I reply, if it is wealth that we can not produce at foreign competition and retain the home market by a reduction all, or only with an expenditure of a larger amount of labor of wages, and would to a certain extent succeed, thus leaving a than elsewhere, and we want such products for consump­ permanent loss of revenue from customs; and, worse still, per­ tion, we do not object, but on the contrary desire it. But if manently diminishing the ability of our people to consume prod­ it is products which we must pay for and which we can and ucts, and permanently impairing the value of our home market, ought to produee for ourselves, and whose coming here will as well as the prosperity of the people. _ deprive our own industries and labor of the opportunity to produce or make here, then we do not want them to come into TAXATION OF DOMESTIC INTERESTS PROPOSED. our market because their coming diminishes to that extent the I am aware, Mr. Chairman, that it is proposed to add to this productive opportunities of our own people. bill to abolish revenue from customs another measure which, it I am aware that the free-trade school of economists affirm that is estimated, will raise by an income tax thirty millions, and by it is be~ter for us to import $250,000,000 in goods which we can an increase of excise and internal taxes fifteen millions, yet all make here in exchange for our exports, than it is to import a together less than two-thirds as much revenue as is surrendered similar amount of gold or money. It is sufficient to say in reply by the reduction or abolition of the duties on foreign imports. ' that when gold is imported it does not take the place of goods This of itself would be a comnlete revolution in the revenue which we ought to make here and thus injure ourownindustries system which has prevailed in time of peace since the foundation -and productive capacity, as is the result when we import such of the Government. The duplex nature of our Government­ gosds; but on the contrary, not only permits our industries to federal ma.chinery for national affairs and State machinery for go on without disturbance, but also increases the capital on local affairs-unlike the British system under which Parliament which production depends and adds to the basis on which our legislates and authorizes taxation for local as well as national currency rests. ends, which the framers of this bill are feebly imitating, demands "But these $250,000,000 additional of imported goods will not that there should be a sharp and well-defined line of demarcation come here unless we have an equal amount of products to between objects of Federal and of State taxation, especially in exchange for them,'' says the free-trader, "and this implies time of peace~ that the labor formerly employed in manufacturing industries The Constitution of the United States reserves exclusively to have gone to producing something else that they can produce the Federal Government the right to raise revenue by the im­ to better advantage." I reply, that for a time, or until our position of duties on imports; and up to the present hour, ex­ consumptive capacity was impaired, the goods would come cept in time of war or to meet expenditures like pensions made in excess of exports, as they did for thirteen or fifteen years necessary by war, when excise and other internal taxes have before the war, in return for our gold or for our evidences of been added, all the expenditures of the National Government indebtedness, which would in the end lead to a collapse as it have been met by duties on imports and miscellaneous receipts. did in 1857-'58 and '59. It would be impossible also for us to all So strenuous on this point was Jefferson, whom our Democratic go to the farm or into the crude industries, as the free-trade friends claim as their political father, that when he came into programme contemplates without lowering- the prices of prod­ power in 1801 he insisted on the repeal of the excise tax on ucts of these industries, diminishing the value of our produc­ liquors, which had been imposed by the Adams Administration tion and consequently our earning and consumptive capa.city. to pay the expenses of the anticipated war with France, and In other words, the free-trade policy would lead to disaster. maintained the doctrine that in time of peace Federal expenses

11 should be met by duti6s on imports, and other objects of taxation THE "MARKETS OF THE WORLD. left to the States. However, our modern Democrats follow Jef­ But ah! listen to the siren song of the President's message ferson by indulging in eulogiums of him on the stump and in and the majority report. They comfort our industries with the party organs, and ignoring his teachings everywhere else. - promise, as did one of old, not perhaps of possession of the king­ Thus far there has been a large number of voters of protec­ doms of the world, but of the capture of the markets of the tion instincts retained in the Democratic ranks because they world, as compensation for the loss of so much of the markets at believed it impracticable to raise from duties on imports two home. , hundred or more millions of revenue required annually for Markets for manufactured goods? Where? How? The whole current expenditures of Government outside of ;r.ensions with­ world outside of the United States imports only ninety millions out incidentally protecting home industries, as if it made any of woolens, which, even if we could capture every dollar of these difference whether protection was called incidental, intentional imports, would not compensate for the woolens that would have or accidental, provided protection was there. The framers of to be imported to supplant our own goods in our own markets in this bill propose to cut the ground from under any such lodg­ order to prevent a loss of revenue by the reductions of duty pro­ mentfm· protection by deliberately changing the policy of the posed by this bill. What chance do we stand to capture these Government. They propose to raise only one hundred and markets more rapidly than we have already been doing, in the face twenty-one millions from duties on imports, and transfer sev­ of the fiet·ce competition of Great. Britain, France, Germany, enty-six millions from external to internal taxation. The inci­ Italy, Austria, Switzerland, and other machine-using nations dental protection Democrats have had their guns spiked by this with cheaper labor? [Applause on the Republican side.] bill. Why surrender our own markets in order to capture other Our brief exp~rience with the income tax as a war measure markets? How could this help us in competing for the markets showed conclusivelythat it is not suited to our situation, because of the world? It must be remembered that the chief reiiance of of its inquisitorial character, the expense and difficulty of ad- 189.4. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE~ 727

;ministration_, and its practical tendency to encourage pe:rjury. which imposed duties mainly on artwles which we can n~t pro­ rif :resorted to at all, it should be used by the States for State pu,r­ duce, like tea, coffee, etc., and which therefore must ba entirely poses, so limited as not to result-in double tu:ation, and not for imported without possibility of any home production; and which Federal purposes for peace expenditures. so rar as it imposed duties on articles that can be produced or The difficulties which the Democratic majority have had in made here, would place these dutiea so low as to give the for­ devising sour-ces of taxation of our own people to take the pla.ce eigner the advantage over our home producers, and thu~ insure of the legitimate revenue from duties on imports which they the importation mainly of such_articles from abroad rather than have surrendered in their warfare on protection of home indus­ their production or manufacture here; because the theory main­ tries, have been such that, so far as known, they are still thirty tains that whenever the duty is large enough to re::~trict the im­ millions short on their own uncertain estimates, and undoubt­ port::ttion of such articles and thus encourage their production edly much more in fact. here, the Government loses the revenue and the private producer It is proposed to increase the internal tax on whisky from 90 practically pockets it, and much more. c-ents to $1 per gallon, which it is estim.a.ted'will yield $10,000,- And_yet professing to sincerely believe that protection is 000 for the next fiscal year; but, as the syndicate that own the "unconstitutional" and "robbery," the Democratic majority whisky in bond will undoubtedly withdraw substantially the en­ -who have framed this bill, in their report, say: ti:re amount that will enter- into consumption in that period be­ The bill on which the committee has expended much patient ancl a-nxious fore the increased tax goes into effect, the practical effect of it labor is not ofrered as a complete responsC\ to -the mandate of the American people. It no more professes to be purged of all protection than to be tree will be to put $10,000,000 into the pockets of the syndicate in-.. of all error in its complex and manifold details. * * * We are forced to stead of into the Treasury. consider that great interests do exist Wh()se existence and prosperity it is no And as the increased bx is coupled with a most extraordinary part of our reform either to imperil or to curtail. privilege, extending t.he bof.!ded period from three years to eight, Does this great tariff reform bill, then, propose to spare "great its practical effect will be to grant extension of time to the interests," gigantic "monopolies," as we have been told, "rob!' whisky syndic&te to that unpreced.ented extent for the payment ber barons," as I have so many times heard manufacturers styled of the tax on whisky-practically a loan for five years without by the other side of the House, that are engaged in the " uncon­ interest,-while the whisky is aging and improving in value. stitutional'-' employment of "robbir:g "the people? Are we to un­ Instead of being a proposition in the interest of the Governme~t, derstand that the Democ:ratic members of the Ways and Means it is in fact one to postpone the payment ef the whole tax andm Committee., who have been for years singly and in pairs here the interest of. the whisky syndicate. and elsewhere. denoun.cing protection as ''unconstitutional" and REASONS FOR HESITATION. "robbery-," now that. they are in full power bke the ~round that It would seem, Mr. Chairlilan, as if in the presen.t condition "it is UO-part of our-[the Democratic] reform either to imperil of the Treasury, with such difficulty of supplying the revenue o:r curtail"" rubbery" of the people by some" great irl.terests?" which it is proposed to surrender by a reduction of duties on [Laughter.] imports-a difficulty which can not be overcome except by most This astonishing suggestion can not fail to raise more than a doubtful internal taxation,-the Democratic- majority, even in suspicion. that the gentlemen who have been denouncing protec­ pursuit of the "theory" which has for some years haunted them, tion as 'J robbery" cannot really believe what they have been say­ would hesitate to overthrow an economic policy unde-r which ing, for if they do they would not make themselves accessories the country has. so signally prospered for more· than thirty in. so grave a_ crime as " robbery." They have been making years, especially in view of the fac-t that an apprehension of such these reckless. charges for partisan ends-in a Pickwickian sense revolutionary tariff changes as are proposed has already para­ that they did. n.ot suppose anyone, except the poorly informed, lyzed industries and business to such an extent as to entirely or whose votes they sought1 would believe. partially shut down thousands of manufacturing-establishments, The majocity of the committee evidently appreciate the con­ reduce wag"s, deprive millions of workingmen of employment, tradictory position in which they are placed, for they add: and bring distress and want into every community. When the In dealing with the t:J.riJI, a.s with every other long-standing abuse that has interwoven itself wlth our social or industrial system, the legislator Democratic national :platform ot 1892, in the face of the unexam­ must always remember that in the beginning temperate reform is safest, - pled prosperity then prevailing, for partisan enns falsely de­ having in itself the principle of growth. clared that protectioh fosters no business so much as that of the The idea which runs through this defense is that the framers sheriff, it unwittingly forec3.Sted with accuracy what has· already of this bill have begun their work of extirpating protection oro proved to be a sad result of the anticipation of the tariff policy "robbery,» as they style it, by somewhat reducing the amount which the pending bill proposes. of the "swag," and that othe:r limitations on this policy of It mio-h t be supposed that the overwhelming Democratic losses "robber-y n will _come hereafter. For exam~le, they say to the and Republican gains in the recent elections, after six mont.h..;l' cotton-manufacturers of the United States: 'You have hereto­ experience of the results of the efforts of the country to antici­ fore been permitted w 'rob' the people to the enormous extent pate the practical application of the Democratic tariff theory to of 55 per, cent of the entire consumption of domestic cottons in our industries-a change so extraordinary that if those elections this country, according to our theory of the effect of a protective had been for Representatives to this Chamber and had extended duty. Hereafter you must be content to' rob' them only to the to all the States with corresponding results, a Democratic ma­ extentof 38~ percent." And this is what is styled by the Demo~ jority of ove1· 90 in this Rouse would have been converted cratic maj<>rity of the committee as" temperate reform, having into a Republican majority of over 501-would raise mol'e than in itself the principle of growth." [Laughter.] a suspicion even in the minds of our friends on the other· side, .What astonishes me is that gentlemen claiming to sincerely that the verdict of the people in 1892 was not intended to be a believe that a protective duty on an imported article similar to condemnation of the protective policy, as they have supposed, that produced or made here without natural disadvantage, is a or at least was given under a grave misapprehension, of which tax on like domestic articles to the extent of the duty, should the people have already repented. stultify themselves by paltering with any such mel1Sure or any THE DEMOCRATIC "THEORY." such defense. · Mr. Chairman, the tariff "theory·" which the Democratic ma­ UN.TUST DISCRIMINATIONS. jority of the Ways and Means Committee, under instructions of Mr. Chairman, an examination of the schedules of the bill the Democratic national convention, have undertaken to em­ shows that the objections to itgo much fa:rther-than this. If it bndy in the pending bill is that a protective duty on an im­ had uniformly reduced protection, or as the majority style it ported article-i.e., a duty which covers the difference of money "robbery," all along the line, while it would have been open to cost of production·and distribution here and abroad of an article serious criticism fron;t the. standpoint of the revenue-only whic-h can be p:roduced or ma-de here substantially to the extent theory, that it had only reduced what ought to have been abol­ of our wants without natural disadvantage-is "unconstitu­ ished, yet it would_ have had the merit oi treating all alike. tional" and" robbery." But the bill in fact makes discriminations which are not ex­ This theory rests on the assumption, which runs through the plicable on any economic or other just basis. It preser-ves..cer­ report of the majority of the Ways and Means Committee and tain industries by abundant protection; it cuts up by the roots every speech which has been made in defense of this bill, that certain other industries from which all protection has been su.ch a duty is a tax which increases the cost of every article to withdrawn. Such unequal and unfair discrimination is unjust which protection is applied, whether made at home or abroad, and reprehensible, whether a tariff measure is framed on the to the extent of the duty without compensating benefit to any protective or the revenue-only basis, and all the more repre­ on.e but the producer or manufacturer of such article. hensible when it 'is evident that partisan, local, or personal Now if I believed this theory to be sound-which I do not-no reasons must have dictated such favors. consideration on earth would induce me to support any protect­ The marble quarries of Tennessee are by this bill -protected ive duty. II I believed that protection was "robbery," as the by a certain specific duty equivalent to 21 per cent ad valorem Democratic majority who have framed the pending bill say they on imported marble in rough block!:!, and 41 per cent on marble do, the only tariff measure which I could support would be one paving blocks and marble sawe.d or dressed; while the. granite . . - 728 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11:, .

quarries of New England and the freestone, sandstone, and lime­ ore, ~nd . stone in the hills, the actu!l.l "raw materials," are as stone quarries of the Middle States and the West are deprived cheap and abundant here as anywhere in the world, and the only of all protection against similar products of the cheaper labor reason they cost more here in money, not as estimated in labor, of Ca.nada and Scotland by having imported granite and other after the hand of man has transformed them into lumber, coal, kinds of stone in blocks placed on the free list, and an uncertain iron ore, granite or sandstone blocks, is not because it requires ad valorem revenue-only duty of but 20per cent placed on dressed more labor here than elsewhere to so transform them, but be­ or polished granite or other stone, and , even finished monu­ cause that labor here receives higher wages for doing this work. mental work. - This is inaeed the chief reason why anything costs more in money Cleaned rice is protected by a certain specific duty equivalent here than abroad. · to 83 per cent, notwithstanding it is an important article of food, Now, what the so-called raw-material theory embodied in this while the farm products of the States adjacent to Canada are bill does is to apply one principle, that of free trade, to the left to compete with similar products of Canadian farms culti­ laborers who produce t.he articles thus designated, a..rld another vated by cheaper labor, with uncertain revenue-only ad valorem principle to the laborers who t9.ke the completed product of the duties varying from 15 per cent on imported vegetables to 25 per so-called "raw materials" industry, and furthel' ad vance it. cent on beans and peas and 23 per cent on hay, while all kinds This is a discrimination utterly indefensible, provided it costs of imported Canadian dressed meate, bacon, hams, pork, lard, more in money to produce the so-c..1lled raw materials here than tallow, eggs, and app'es are placed on the free list. abroad, on account of our higher wages for labor, as the authors Hoop iron made in to cotton ties for the cotton-planter are of this bill assume that it does when they declare that b_y im­ placed on the free list, but on hoop-iron wire made into ties for porting iron ore, coal, s:twed lumber, wool, grar.aite blocks, etc., Northern hay a duty of 30 per cent is imposed. free of duty, it will cheapen the articles made from them or bv The manufacturer of so crude an article as common building their use. But if this argument is sound for one class of prod: l'irick is protected by a duty of 20 per cent on competing im­ ucts then it is mund for all others. ported brick, and the mmufacturer of hydraulic cement by a The gentleman from West Virginia [Mr. WILSON],in his open­ cerbin specific protective duty equivalent to 24: per cent, while ing speech in this discussion, undertook the dangerous feat of the manuiactarer of lime, who with the present duty of 29 per making an argument for the latitude of the Virginias and Mary­ cent-131- cents per barrel, which is onlythedifferepceofmoney land, that placing these so-called raw materials on the free list cost of production -is subjected to severe Canadian competition, would not be a discrimination against these industries, because is practically denied all protection by having the duty on im­ these articles are produced and sold in this country as low as in ported lime reduced to 10 per cent ad valorem, which is not over 4 any other competing country. He evidently overlooked the fact _ cents per barrel. Ana the only suggestion for this reduction that in his majority report, as well as in another part of his and consequent destruction of the lime manufacturing industry speech, he had contended that all these raw materials would be in this country which appears in the published hearings of the made cheaper to our advanced industries if they could be imported Ways and Means Committee is contained in a memorial of Hon. free of duty from Cana.da and other countries where labor is Frank Jones, the Democratic member of the national Demo­ paid less wages. One or the other of his arguments needs re­ cratic committee of New Hampshire, who informed the com­ vision. mittee that he and his-associates had invested C!l.pital in Cana­ The effort of the majority report to create the impression that dian lime quarries instead of in the numerous unworked quar­ free raw materials will enable our indust r ia~ to secure foreign ries of this country-presumably because the wages of labor are markets and thus give a larger employment to labor here, ig­ lower in Canada than here ($1 to $1.25 in Canada and $2 to $2.25 nores the fact that their policy proposes to surrender to foreign­ here)-and desired freer access to our markets. ers a large part of our own market-the best in the world­ The following p:tragraphs from the memorial ofMr. Jonesand in order to engage in the chase after foreign markets already his associates read as though the petitioners thought they were gorged; ignores the furthe~ fact that under the existing tari.tf addressing the Canadian Parliament instead of the Congress of any manuhcturer may import, almost free of duty, m.tterials the United States: -. - however advanced for making articles for export; and also ig­ The above petitioners represent that, with possibly one or two exceptions, nores the additional fact that even where we have the materials, they are all citizens and most of them residents of the United States; that as for example cotton, as cheap and even cheaper than our for­ they have a large amount of American capital invested in lime properties across the line at Dudswell, near Sherbrook, Province of Quebec. and at St. eign competitors, we are able to export but comparatively few John. New Brunswick. consis1jing of lime quarries, lime kilns for the manu­ goods, in competition with foreigners-only twenty-four mil­ facture of lime, and vessels for its transportation. * * * lions, against an export of four hundr ed and twenty-five millions They would call attention to the fact that after the erection of the kilns most of the expense of the pro:luction of a barrel of .ime is the cost of the by England-for the reason that our labor-employed in making labor and the cord wood consumed in the burning of the lime rock. * * * the advanced manufactures receives from 50 to 100 per cent mot·e Your petitioners therefore respectfully pray your honorable committee to pay for a given amount of human effort than the foreign com­ recommend the complete remission of this duty, so that they may light up petitor pays. their (Canada) kilns and set to work the capital now locked up since the en­ actment of the McKinley law. * * * PROGRESSIVE W .AR ON PROTECTION. As a matter of fact, lime on the market went lower after the passage of the McKtllley bill than it was before. Your petitioners will not deny the Mr. Chairman, notwithstanding some industries have been truthofthis statement, butit1seasilyexplained. "' * Yourpetitioner~>aver wholly or partly protected by thi3 bill, as well as some sent at that they themselves have still been manufacturing some lime in a small once to the wall, yet the rule has been to so far reduce duties as way, running some four to six kilns out of thirty, and putting said lime on to the market at a loss, for the purpose of making a price. to increase foreign competition and import:::t tions, leaving the do­ mestic industries affected an opportunity to m!l.ke the reduced It seems ~trange to see an American citizen asking the CQn­ dutie:l. protective by lowering wages, until another reduction of gress of the United Sta.tes to legislate so as to encourage indus­ duties foreshadowed shall follow. tries in C::tnada and discourage them ·in the United St::ttes; but There runs through the report of the majority, and through this is just what this bill doas, not only in this respect, but in the indorsements of it by the tariff re.orm or free trade its treatment of the lumber manufacturing industry, farm prod­ clubs, the idea that this bill is only one step in the process of ucts, coal, the fisheries, etc. Indeed, what this bill grants reduction, although made with unfair discrimination, to be fol­ Canada without asking any return could have been made the lowed by other steps, until all the. duties sh"'!.ll be absolutely basis of a reciprocal agreement that would have secured the ad­ for revenue only, and every chance of possible protection re­ miasion of many manufactured articles into Canada either free moved. The gentleman from West Virginia was frank enough of duty or at favored rates. to tell us in his opening speech that, while he had treated many THE RAW MATERIAL THEORY. industries tenderly in this bill, he believed that the time would - Mr. Chairmm, gre1.t stress is laid in the majority report on soon come when any remains of protection would be uprooted. the fact that this bill placee on the free list imported articles Indeed, the woolens schedule puts these steps into law by pro­ like coal, iron ore, wool, flax, sawed lumber, granite and other viding that there shall be an annual1 per cent ad valorem re­ stones in blocks, which are designated raw materials. This duction of the low duties provided by the bill for five years, thus policy is defen:led on two grounds-first, that it will ~nable our at the end of that period bringing down the duties on woolen advanc3d industries which use th ~ se articles as their materials goods-the most ditlicult of all the textiles to manufacture-to to successfully compete with foraign producers of manufactured rates varying on the face from 20 to 23 per cent for flannels and articles in foreign markets; and, secondly, that it will cheapen blankets and to 35 per centfor cloths and dress goods. Although such articles to our. own consumers. no other schedule has this do wnward sliding sc.'lle, and woolens By the use of the term "raw materials" it is sought to convey are therefore specially discriminated against, yet it is not to be the impression that the articles thus designated are material supposed that it would have been applied in this case. where the objects which have sprung into existence like Jon.1h's gourd or highest duties are needed. if the purpose had not been in the early been store·d away by nature in the recesses of the mountains, future to apply it all along the line. In this lightit is amusing, without the use of human labor, instead of being the completed if it were not so serious, to have some of the ad vacates of this manufacture of one industry ready for a new transformation by bill ~rguing that it h ts the merit o : offering stability to our·in­ a more advanced industry. Timber in the forest, and coal, iron dustries, espe_cially when it is remembere~ that Ior thirty-two 1894~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE.'- -729'

years-there has bean one continuous, stable tariff policy, that of forded a big premium for the continuation of uch undervalua­ protection. tion. AD VALOREM DUTIES. The example cited by the majority is really an argument for But, Mr. Chairman, the reduction of duties which appears on instead of against specific duties. the face of this bill has beeri in fact largely increased by the gen­ Indeed, every Democratic Secretary of the Treasury, from eral a.doption, except in some con-3picuous inst::tnces where fa vorl:> Gallatin, who served in this capacity under Jefferson, to Secre­ have been extended to IJ3srticuhtr industries, of ad valorem du­ tary Manning (Walker alone excepted), has maintained that ties in lieu of the specific or mixed duties of the present tariff. specific duties are essential to prevent fraud3 against the Gov­ An ad valorem duty, as the name indicates, is levied on the for­ ernment and discriminations against honest importers. The eign price of an imported article, and as th3.t price is in most fact, however, that an ad valorem duty opens the door for a re­ cases practically determined by the foreign manufacturer in his duction of duties beyond what the law provides, and diminishes invoice, as a rule such article is undeevalued, and the duty thus protection as prices go down in unfavorable times when-protec- - reduced below what was intended by the !aw. A specific duty, tion is most needed, seems to have commended it to the framers of on the other hand, is a fixed ch::~.rge leviea on each pound, yard, this bill. or other unit, and can not be avoided. Nothing can be more misleading than percentage dutie~ on The art of undervaluation so as to reduce ad valorem duties invoice value, especially in comparing duties at different perwds has been carried to such an extent that honest importers have and under different tariffs. Where the duty is specific, percent­ been largely driven out of the business, and import3d goods are ages rise with decline in values, although in fact the duties are largely sold duty paid by the agent of the manufacturer m this unchanged. Indeed1 I notice tha.t the ,Protective specific duty of country. Hcent3per pound on rice, imposed by this bill, gives an equiva­ When I was in Europe last summer, an English manufacturer, lent ad valorem of 71 per cent duty on the imports of 189~, and who exports largely to this country, said to me that he dii not 83 per cent on the imports of 1893· an apparent advance of 12 per care what our dutias might be made if we would onlymakethem cent ad valorem in duty by percentages when there is no change ad valorem. in fact. This shows the misleading character of ad valorems. It is the judgment of well-informed manufacturers that the The gentleman from New York LMr. COOMBS] called attention actual duties which will be realized by the Government in case to t"!::le duty of 1 cent per' pound in the tariff of 1~90 on hoop iron, the pending bill should become a law, so far as woolen goods, and informed us that hoop iron is selling for 1.2 cents per fancy cottons, and many other goods of a varied character which pound· pretty good evidence that the protectivedutyisnotatax are made e:3pecially for our .markets, would be at least 10 per which increases the price to the extent of the duty. Yet that cent if not 15 per cent ad valorem less than would be realized duty, which appears to be80ormorepercentin thetariffof 1890, with equivalent specific duties, because of undervaluations. In is less than one-third the specific duty on hoop iron imposed by other words, ad valoram duties of 40 per cent or 35 per cent, will the t9,riffs of 1828 and 1830, when it was said to be only40per cent. be found no more valuable for protection or revenue than specific I repeat, in order to show the misleading nature of ad valorem duties equivalent to 30 per cent or 2.) per cent, respecttvelv. figures, that the duty on imported hoop iron under the tariff of The only argument presented by the majority for the substi­ 1828 and 1830 was 31- cents per pound. The tariff of 1890 reduced tution of ad valorem for sp ;cific or mixed duties is th::tt specific it to 1 cent, and yet it is made to appear by ad valoram percent­ duties impose relatively higher duties on cheap grades of an ages that a reduction of two-thirds has largely increased the duty. article than on mol'e valuable grades. There is little raal force Thus notwithstanding duties expressed in specifio terms have in this argument, cert::tinly none comparable with the objec­ been _argely reduced in the tariff of 1890 below even the earlier tions, because there is no difficulty in adjusting a specific rate tariffs, yet the reductions are made to appear as increases by the to each grade which will largely overcome even the apparent use of percentage ad valorem equivalents. discrimination when expressed in percentages. Moreover, this EFFECT OF A PROTECTIVE DUTY. apparent discrimination is only seeming, not real. Percenbges aftord no just basis of comparison when the bases are widely dif­ Mr. Chairman, the real issue between the advocates of a pro­ ferent. For exampl.e, 1 is 50 per cent of 2, ·and only 10 per cent tective tariff and the advocates of a tariff for revenue only, o1" of 10, but notwithstanding it appears· ten times as larga in the Bl'itish free trade (for both terms mean the same thing in tariff latter case as in the former when expressed in percentages, yet discussion), is as to the effect of a protective duty on the cost to it is exactly the same 1 in both cases. the consumer of a domestic article, i. e., a duty imposed on a like Take the illustration given in the majority report of the duty imported foreign article eq_ ui valent to the difference of the money on so-called woolen cloth invoiced at 27 cents per pound and cloth cost of production and distribution here and abroad, where such invoiced at 97 cents. The m1.jorityreport states that the t:triff of article c1n be producedor made here substantially to the extent 1890imposes L62perc~ntdutyon theche::tpcloth "forpoorpeople" of our wants without natural disad vant1ge. and only 93 per cent on the fine cloth for the well to do, etc. Yet The majority report and free-trade advocates generally affirm as a matter of fact the d •1ty on the so-called ''cheap woolen cloth" that such a duty is a tax which incre::tses the cost to the con­ is 44cents par pound and on the fine cloth 93 cents-le s than half sumer of such domestic article substantially to the extent of the · as much on the cheap as on the fine, instead of nearly twice as dutv. The ad voc.:1tes of protection deny this. much. Of course, there is no controversy over the effect of a duty on But in9,smuch as the majority report has m1.de use of one ex­ an imported article not produced or made here, to any considerar ceptional import of what the majority call'' che.1p woolen cloth ble extent. Tn that case there is comparativelv little Ol" no do­ for poor people," valued at 27 cents per pound, to prop up the mestic production to affect the price; and as 'the article must all vicious ch•tnge to ad valorem duties, it may be well to examine or for the mo.:;t part be purchased abroad, the cost to the con­ it more fully. sumer m ust be the foreign price plus the duty. The issue is en­ It is evident on the face that there was something peculiar tirely as to the effeet of a duty on the price or cost of the do­ about this small import of woolen cloths under 3U cent.s per mestic articlP. which can be produced or made here substantially pound, valued at only $9,0 0 in 1892, and only $13,000 in 1 !}3. to the ext2nt of our wants without natural disadvant!lge. For if there are any wool cloths suit:tble for even" poor people" The usual course of the free trade or anti-protection "dispu­ to weal' that can be bought abroad at 27 cents per pound, it is tant is to assume that such a duty is a tax on the domestic certain that even with 44 cents per pound duty they would be article. and without meeting the counter facts and arguments imported in immense quantities. If the chairman of the com­ adduced by the advoc::~.tes of protection, togo on from that point mittee had inquired he would have ascertained that even in as if it were conceded. That has been the course pursued in this England, with her low wages, a pound of woo. en cloth can not be discussion by the gentleman from West Vh·ginia [Mr. WILSONj. made for less th:m about 2,) cents. That le.1ves only 7 cents, or Sometimes the assumption is fortified by such an argument as not over 12 cents, for the wool; and clothing wool, even of the this: · cheapest variety. sufficient to m9,ke a pound or wool cloth,·can not "You protectionist!'~ say that you want duties on certain im­ be purchased in London for leEs than 35 cents before it goe3 to ported articles which it is desired to produce or make here, be­ the mill. Cert::tinly-a pound of real wool cloth can not be pur­ cause they cost more to make here on account of our higher chased in England foL less than 5?> cents. wages, and the articles can not be made here and sold in competi­ Yet it seems that a small quantity of so-called wool cloth was tion with similar foreign articles admitted fre3 of duty. If, invoiced at 27 cents per pound. Certainly if this was reilly wool then, the duties on foreign articles do not enable the domest~c cloth the undervaluation must have b3en most rem~rkable. It producers or manufacturers to make the prices of the domestic does not se3m _to have succeeded to any extent-only once e :1.ch articles-substantially that of the foreig-n articles abroad, plus the yes.r to give the majority of the committee a shining example. duty, then they fail to protect. If they do so raise the price, It is evident that the specific duty of 33 cents per pound was then they are in effect a tax on the domestic article, which does found in the way of a repetition of thajob. If the cloth ha.d not E!O into the Treasury." been imported under the pending bill the ad valorem duty would The fundamental fallacy of this argument is that it uses the have made the duty only lOi cents, ~nd this cut would have af- term ''cost" in its money and not its economic sense, and thns 730 OONG RESSION AL REOORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11, ,

deals with the pr~blem as ii man were only a consumer and not they were before the industries wero established here, and fre­ a producer also. quently as low as abroad. But the prices estimated in labor or It is evident that when there is no natural disadvantage in service, as I have already said, will always be lower than any­ ,producing or making an article here-ana proteJtion does not where else in the world. Applause.] properly apply if there be such-then it requires no more Every instance in which we have applied protective duties to labor to produce or make an article here than abroad; and ii secure the manufacture of ar ticles here, which had been previ­ so, then measured in labor or service, which is the true e co~ ously imported, has thus resulted. In 1883, when we applied a nomic measure of cost, it costs no more to produce or make any protective duty to wire nails, the price was 8 cents per p.ound, such article here than elsewhere. There can be no economic and nearly all were imported. We were charged with a pur­ loss therefore, in the production of such article or articles here pose to bx the people 4 cents per pound for all their wire nails, rather than abroad. because the proposed duty we.s 4 cents. Yet wire nails never When it is said, therefore, that it costs more to produce or advancea; but as soon as we had firmly established the industry make an article here than abroad because of our higher wages, they began to decline-our competition affecting the foreign it is only meant that it costs more in money-not more in labor price,-and even before the tariff-reform cyclone struck the or service, in which nearly all men ultimately pay for everything country some months ago the price had declined to less than 2 they buy. Money is only the medium of making the exchange cents. And this is only one out of thousands of similar ex­ of labor for products. amples. Thus, the true test of the cost or price of an article in any This means that our policy of providing by protective duties country is not money cost, but labor cost. When it is said that that campetition here shall be on the basis of our higher stand­ a workingmaninEngland'can buy acoatfor $9in money and that ard of wages and higher standard of living rather than on the a similar coat costs $10 here, you can not determine which is lower Ellropean standard, as it would necessarily be under free relatively cheaper to the workingman or other person who ulti­ trade or duties lower than the difference of waO'es here and mately pays in his labor or service, or product of his labor or abroad, results in higher prosperity of the masses ~f our people efforts, until you know how much money either receives for his than is found anywhere else in the world. labor or earns by his service. When you have both sides of the equation, then you can determine which money price ia relatively PROTECTION, NOT PATERNALISM. cheaper, and not before. If it turns out that the laborer receives Mr. Chairman, this policy is not " paternalism" :aor "partner· $1 per day wages in England and $2 here, then the cost of the ship of the Government in private industries," nor "class legis­ coat to the workingman in England is n.ine days' work, and to lation," as charged by the gen.tleman from West Virginia [Mr. the workingman in theUnited Stcttes five days' work. In spite WILSON], unless indeed the establishment of colleges of agri­ of the assumption of the doctrinaire who looks only at money culture and the mechanic arts by the Government in the several price, that the workingman in England can buy his coat a dollar States for the purvose of increasing the industrial efficiency of cheaper than the workingman in the United States, the fact is the risin.g generation, which t.he gentleman and his as_sociates that the cost of the workingman's coat here in the only commod­ advocate, is" paternalism:" or unless the improvement of the ityhe has topay is only five-ninths of the co_st.to the workingman rivers of West Virginia and the harbors of the Great Lakes and in England. [Applause on the Republican side]. of the ocean, in order to enable privat-e citizens to navigate their It may be said that if such a workingman here could buy his boats and ships with greater efficiency, for which the gentleman coat abroad and import it free of duty, then he would save $1. and most of the members of his party voted! is" class legisla­ I reply that while this would be true if only on.e or a few persons tion" and "partnership of the Government in private indus­ should be granted this privilege for the reason that a few cases tries." [Applause on the Republican side.] like this would not disturb our economic system under which The distinction between.' 'paternalism" and protection. is as wide higher wages are paid here than abroad; but if everybody in as the difference between giving a man an opportunity to work this countr_y could send the money received for wages ~r service and doing his work for him. Paternalism dwarfs men; protec­ - or their products to England and buy such goods as are cheaper tion gives them the best opportunities to develop themselves. in money there and import them free of duty, instead of having Thefunctionof good government should never be paternal, but them made here, then, first, American wages would soon fall to always protective. The "let alone" theory of ~overnment, on the British standard, because of want of diversification of indus~ which free-trade ideas are bctsed, has been abandoned for the.most tries and dearth of employment outside of agriculture, which part by p1·actical statesmen everywhere, and there has come to be would be glutted; and secondly, with such an increased demand general acceptance of the view that it is the proper function, for goods abroad and withdrawal of American competition, prices aye, the duty of govern.ment to so protect and enlarge the op­ of goods there would rise. No one can have his cake and eat it portunities of its individual citizens as to enable them to use at the same time. Whether the economic system of a country their own powers more efficiently, whether by education, re­ is free trade or protection, it must be an entirety. striction of temptations to vice, building highways, improving Measured in labor, there is not a single article made here rivers and harbors, erecting light~houses, or restricting unde­ under protection-no matter whet)ler the duty on a similar im­ sirableimmigration which would tend to reduce wage::sand lower ported article is 30 per.cent, 50 per cent, or 100 per cent-which the standard of living. [Applause.] ~ is not cheaper here than in any other country in the world. Our And the protective-tariff policy, which imposes duties equiv­ free-trade friends have much to say of cheap prices of products alent to the difference of wages in production an.d distribution measured in money, and n.ever anything of cheap prices meas­ here and abroad on such imported articles as can be produced or ured in labor. Products cheapened by labor-saving devices are made here without natural disadvantage, in order to maintain a boon. Products cheapened by reducing the compensation of competition here on the basis of our high wage and high living !abo and by depriving the laborer of opportunities to work are standard, and thus secure the highest prosperity of the masses a curse. [Applause.] We are having now the free-trade para­ of our people, is exactly in the same line. dise of cheapness, and the workingman's gehenna of dearness. Our protective policy simply says to the fo reign manufac­ Prices measured in money are abnormally cheap; prices meas­ turer: "Before you can place the products of your cheaper ured in labor are exceptionally dear. labor in our markets in competition with the products of our These oboorvations have paved the way for a closer exami­ higher wage labor you must pay into our Treasury and thus nation of the workings of protective duties, which are simply contribute to our revenue substantially the sum which you duties on imports equivalent to the difference of money wages withhold from your workingmen, but which we pay our work­ of labor production and distribution here and abroad. Such ingmen." duties simply equalize the basis of competition here and abroad. It will be remembered that when the tariff act of 1890 increased The money prices of domestic products are determined by the the average duty on woolens so as to make it more prot-ect­ cost of production or manufacture under competition paying ive on the finer grades, it was assaulted all along the line by American wages, and when they cost more in money than abroad the free-trade theorists as an increase of $30 tax on every hun­ it is simply because labor receives higher wages. Even if the dred dollars' worth of the woolens and the clothing of the people. duties are more than such actual difference of cost of production The gentleman from West Virginia has repeated this assertion, an.d distribution h ere and abroad, competition inevitably brings entirely in line with the .theory on. which this bill is framed, as the money prices down to the lowest possible standard. The ob­ if facts which could have been ascert9.ined by a study of markets ject of protection is not, as the free-trader insists, to increase rather than maxims, had not already disproved it. And yet the prices, but to encourage production here by making it possible report of the Senate Finance Committee, based on statistics col­ for us to compete, and the competition thus induced tends to lected by Labor Commissioner Wright, showed that the effect of lower prices everywhere, ~ot by reducing wages, but by stim­ this increase of duty was not to advance the price of woolens­ ula ting the use of labor-saving devices. indeed the price was 5 percentlowerin1891 than in 1890-but to The money prices may be more here than abroad at the same reduce importations about twenty millions, and thus increase the time, but these money prices will be gradually reduced by the demand fer domestic goods and for labor. And the manufacturers competition here, made possible only by protection, below what state that, notwithstanding they received5 per centlyss per yard 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 731

for their goods in 1891 than in 1890, yet they did a more prosperous he comes to be an American and to gradua.lly adopt the Ameri­ business, for the reason that it cost them less to make their goods can standard of living-and no other immigran~ should be per­ in 1891 than in 1890, becauee of the larger demand, which enabled mitt-ed to come-he demands and receives American (not foreign) them to make more effective use of their machiriery. wages; and as he brings as much or more demand for products for In other words, the increased duty which restricted foreign im­ the consumption of his family as he adds to the labor supply, ports gave our own manufacturers a larger home market, made his coming does not reduce wages nor injure our own labor. it possible for them to make their goods at a lower cost, and com­ THE " NATURAL CHANNEL" ARGUliE~""T. petition compelled them to sell them at a lower price. Yet all The second answer of the free-trade theorists is that we should the gentlemen on the other side who have spoken, in the face not undertake to carry on industries in which foreign producers of such facts, keep right on asserting that a protective duty is or manufacturers have an advantage over us, but should confine a tax. which increases the burdens of the American consumer. ourselves to industries in which we have advantage over other Ex-Senator Eaton, of Connecticut, himself a Democrat, countries. This is the free-trade contention of the gentleman although he would be ruled out of the new Democratic party by from West Virginia [Mr. WILSON] and the contention of the­ the framers of this bill, when a member of the House told an majority report. anecdote of a scholastic free trader that illustrates the tendency Now, if this free-trade contention referred simply to a natural of m ~ n whose whole training has been outside of practical life, advantage; if the argument of the majority report, insisting to blindly follow theories and shut their eyes to the facts of life that we should not attempt to extend our industries and business all about them. to "artificial channels," referred to disadvantages of climate, "A cert:lin professor, a theorist of the first water," said ex­ soil, or other n3.tural conditions, it would be a~cepted as sound. Senator E.1ton, ''came up int.o a large manufacturing village in No protectionist holds that the protective policy should be ap­ my country to address the people on the tariff question. There plied to any industry which must be carried on hE>re under nat­ was a farmer standing by a post in the lecture room, and the pro­ ural disadvantages, that is, where a larger amount of labor is fessor thought he might be a good subject to operate upon. So permanently required to make or produce a given article here­ he S:iid to him' My friend, you are a farmer?' 'Yes.' 'You live than is required elsewhere, except as there may be cases where here?' 'Yes.' 'Do you know these manUfacturers in this vil­ national defense demands it. lage are robbing you?' 'Why, no; I do not know it. How have What is meant by opponents of protection, however, is not they robbed me? I came here ten years ago with only $500 and this. It is that we should not carry on any industry here in bought a farm for $2,500, and run in debt for the balance. I which .our higher wages of labor make the product cost more in went to raising truck and selling to the mill hands. I have paid money; although no more in labor or service than elsewhere off my debt and now own my farm, free of debt. ·How have where the laborer receives less pay-this, the gentleman from they robbed me?' The professor, not at all taken back, \Vent on. West Virginia [Mr. WILSON] tells us would be an "artificial • Well, I suppose you have been a hard-working· man and have channel,"-but should confine ourselves to" natural channels,' lived through it. But you pay 6 cents a yard tax for the very or such crude industries, mainly agriculture, in which we have cloth your shirt is made of. "Well," replied the farmer, "you sufficient natural advantage to offset the difference of wages. may think so, but you can not prove it unless by 1Esop's fables, Indeed, the free-trade contention-ana it is noticeable that for 5 cents a yard was all I gave for the cloth." nearly all the speeches for this bill on the other side have THE WAGES QUESTION. adopted free-trade arguments to their logical conclusion, ~nd as Mr. Chairman, there are two answers which the free-trade such have been most enthusiastically applauded by nearly all or revenue-only advacates make to this contention of the friends our Democratic friends, thus showing that the Democratic of pi'otection~ First, they affirm that wages are no higher here party no longer disguises its free-trade policy-the free-trade than in machine-using nations abroad when efficiency is consid­ contention is that where we find industries in which our higher ered. They admit that money wages per day or week are 67 per wages of labor makes the product cost more in money (although cent higher on an average here than in England as shown by not more in labor or service) than they co.3t abroad because we Labor Commissioner Wright's reports; but they claim that work­ pay higher wages for a certain amount of laborJ we•sbould drop ingmen here do enough more to offset this difference. such industries, notwithstanding they comprise nea1•ly all our It is sufficient to say that there is no evidence of the truth of manufacturing industries, and import such goods instead of this assumption. The only evidence ever adduced in this direc­ making them here, and turn the labor which has been employed tion was some statistics of the relative labor cost of making low­ in such manufacturing industries ipto agriculture or the pro· grade cottons, in which the labor cost is very, slight, at a par­ duction of crude materials in which we have natural advanhges. ticular time when we ha.d introduced some improvements in ma­ This is the policy which has been again and again enthusias­ chinery n:>t then adopted abroad. In other words, they were tically applaudefl on the Democratic side. And it is seriously statistics of the superior inventive genius of Americans when contended by the free-trade theorist, that this policy-which in protection gives us the opportunity to compete on an equal plane, fact would be going back where we were a hundred years ago­ and not evidence of the superior efficiency of our labor. Indeed, would give us the largest production of wealth, highest wages; in mn.ny industries, particularly textiles, our best skilled labor and greatest consuming capacity. Perhaps the gentlemen who comes from E\.\l'Ope. advocate this theory will be alJle to tell us what any of our farm The fact that the gates of Castle Garden always swing inward products would be worth with such a multiplication of farmers and never outward is an absolute demonstration that a given' and such an annihllcttion of nonagricultural consumers.

amount of labor receives not only larger money wages but also This is the free-trade idea1 pure and simple; this is the advice larger wages estimated in purchasing power than abroad, even which the British Cobdenites give us-to confine ourselves to if Labor Commissioner Wright's statistics of piece work ha.d not producing raw materials and let England do our manufacturing. removed this fact beyond the pale of dispute. Indeed, the gen­ It is sutficient to say in reply that any economic theory which, tleman from illinois [Mr. BLACK] charges that our protective put into practice, would prevent a diversification of industries, policy has induced excessive immigration by making our wages and especially the establishment of advanced manufactures, is and opportunities for poor men so attractive; leaving it to be in­ fundamentally wrong. For nothing is clearer in the light of ferred that he advocates this bill because it will diminish these reason or in the tea~hings of experience, than that people who wages and opportunities. so far multiply their pursuits as to give an opportunity for every Even if other evidence were not conclusive, the fact that even variety of talent, and especially the highest skill, to do most ef­ withdutiesof40percentormoreonimportedmanufacturedgoods, fective work, take the lead in agriculture, manufacturing, and foreign manufacturers find themselves able to pay that duty and commerce. A nation with advanced industries, placed alqng­ ·still sell three hundrad millions of dollars worth of their products side the iarm, produces far more per inhabitant than one which in our markets, and the further fact that our exports of manu- confines its industries to what free traders call "natural chan­ fac tured goods are mainly coarse cottons and specialties, demon.: nels." [Applause.] strate beyond doubt that the latter pay much less for a given It can not be too often pressed upon .the attention of the _ amount of labor in such industries than we do. thou!5htful citizen who listens to the free-trade argument that it "American workingmen are the smartest in the world, and is a loss of productive powerfor us to carry on industries in which not afraid to compete with the products of the workingmen of the cost of production is greater than the cost elsewhere: tha~ no Europe," exclaims the theorist. It is not a question of " smart­ protectionist proposes to do this, if by "cost" is meant cost in ness," but a question of compensation for "smartness." The labor or service. What the free trader means is that we should American workingman 1'eceives 67 per cent more for a given not carry on industries here in which, w bile they require no more amount of "smartness" than the workingman in Europe re­ labor for production here than is required abroad, we pay higher ceives. What the American objectstoiscompetition with prod­ wages for such labor. The fact that other countries pay lower ucts produced or made abroad by labor that receives 67 per wages than we do is not a natural advantage on their part; it is cent less than be does until the beneficiary of that cheaper labor an" artificial" advantage, oreated by crowding labor to the wall, has paid our Government enough duty to even up the basis of and as aresultof a system in whichmanisleft out of consideration; competition. When the foreign laborer comes here, provided and the only way in which we can prevent competition through 732 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11, •'

the products of such a system coming into our markets and fore· _ The contention made now and then by opponents of protection, ing us down to the low-wage and low-living standard of other and repeated in the report of the majority, that the revenue­ machine-using nations, is by placing protective duties on their tariff p~riod from 1846 to 1860 witnessed the great-est progress of products, so as to place competition here on our high-wage our manufacturing industries and was the golden era of the na­ · and high-living standard basis. tion, has no basis except rhetoric, and even more deceptive per­ PROTECTION HISTORICALLY CONSIDERED. centages to st1nd upon. Mr. Chairman, it is a matter of history that the most promi­ The simple fact told by the census is that in the decade be­ nent incentive to the adoption of the Constitution and the estab­ tween 1850 and 1860 the value of our manufactured products in­ lishment of a truly national government in 1789 was the neces­ creased $765,00v,OOO, or $16 per inhabitant; and in the decade sity which was felt for such uniform regulations of commerce as bet~e e n 1.880 and 1890, under protection. $3,146,000,000, or $29 would provide revenuet promote trade, and encourage new irr­ p3r mh b1tant, or nearly twice as fast in the lal;ter as in the for­ dustries, and thus free us from our industrial and commercial mer. The value of our manufactured products rose from $1,885,- subjection to England, arising mainly from the fact that we raised 750,000 in 1860 to $3,515,500,000 in 18 tJO. And the growth in the raw materials and she developed them into manufactured volume was much greater than this, because the price of manu­ products. factured goods has been reduced 2.5 per cent since 18o0. One of the first acts pas3ed by the first Congress under the The majority report speaks of the revenue tariff period be­ Constitution, in response to the popular dema.nd, was at Lriff. tween 1846 and 1 ~n0 as one in which our woolen indu try sio-­ whose title was an act to raise revenue "and encourage m:tnu­ nally flo urished. The figures of the census, however, show that factures.'' at the close of this period in B60 the value of our_manufactures The act received the warm approval of Washington, Madison, of wool was only $68,750,000, or $2.10 per inhabitant, a()'ainst and Jefferson. · The same Jefferson whom our Democratic friends $344,250,000, or $5.50 per inhabitant, in 1890. In other ;ords, claim to be politically descended from, was one of the fathers of the increase per capita in value of our woolen industry under protection, one of the original advocates of the policy of so ad­ protection was one and a half times as much as the en tire growth jm~ting duties as to B encourage manufactures," a policy which from the first settlement of the country. the framers of this bill now tell us is "unconstitutional," as well The value of the wealth accumulated by the people of this as "robbery." country in the thirty ye..trs between 18ti0 and 1890 under prot3c· 'The idea of the fathers who framed the Constitution, and tion was nearly four times as much as was that accumulated in passed the first protective t!l.riff to encourage manufactures as the two hundred and fo t• ty years from the landing of the Pil­ well as r a.ise revenue; was that the prosperity of the country, of grims to the election of Lincoln. The wealth of this country in all classes, dem!l.nded that we should not confine our labor to what 1850 was only $51-:1 per inhabitant; in 1890 it was $1,000 per in­ thegentleman from West Virginia [Mr. WILSON] calls" natural hahit:tnt. The C"ntention that the waalth in the poss3ssion of channels,''"the crude industries and agriculture to which the the workingm 3D is no greater than thirty years ago is disproved people ·of a new country first address themselves, but should by the returns of the s1.vings b tnks, wb.ich show a large in­ apply protective duties with a view of diversitying our indus­ crease in average daposits, as well as by the increase of 68 per tries and eshblishing manufacturing industries-'; artificial cen t in the purchase power of wages. channelst as the free trader thinks. In the thirty years from 1830 to 1860 there were built in this 'l'o he sure, the average ·duties on all imports (as there were country only 30,603 miles of railway. In the thirty years from . few free goods then 1 of the various tariffs enacted up to the close 1860 to 1890 there were built 106,512 miles of railway. In the of the first term of Jefferson were only 22t per cent, but at that dec!lde between 1880and 1890 there was built in the United States time the slow and expensive means·of transportation across the nearly four times the mileJ.ge of railway that was built in the Atll\nticafforded a large measure of protection in itself, and the decade between 1850 and 1860. industries to be introduced in tho3e early days were only those A better test still of the wisdom of any economic policy is its for the maw.Ifacture of the coarser articles adapted to a new effect on the welfare of the masses of the people. country. - These duties were subsequently increased as experi-· It has been said that the consumption of iron in any country ence showed necessary. In 1821 the average duty was 36 per is the infallible t-est of its material progress. Apply this test to cent, and i n 1830 it was ne:1rly 49 ver cent on dutiable goods. the revenue and protective eras of the United States and to The important fact to be considered is that the framers of the Great, Britain. In 1 60 the United States consumed only 6H Constitution, who may be st.fpposed to have had some knowledge pounds of ~ron per inhabihnt, the most of which was imported, of the scope of that instrument, not only held that protective while Gre:lt Britain consumed 173 pounds per inhabitant. duties are constitutional, but that they are a wise measure of In 1892 the United States consumed 335 pounds of iron per in­ public policy. habitant, five times as much as in 1860, nearly all of which was WHAT THE FATHERS THOUGHT. made in this country, while Great Britain consumed only 275 The fathers did not consider the objection, even then urged, pounda per inhabitant. · that the adoption of protective duties to secure the establish­ Wages incre3.s3d 60 percent in money and 68 per cent in pur­ ment and maintenance of manufacturing industries would be chase power between 1860 and 1800 under our protective policy, "class legislation," or the ' 1 partnership of the Government in and less th!l.n one-third as much in G eat Britain. business," to be anything but chaff, unworthy of a moment's con­ In 1850 one day's work of a weaver in this country would buy sideration. 8i yards of standard sheeting; in 1 60 it would buy 10 yards, and They argued that the iutroduction of manufacturing indus­ in 1891, 27 yards. But in 18~1 one day's work would buy only 20 tries in this country and the diversification of pursuits would yards in Great Britain. be, as it has proved, a benefit to the industries already existing, In the revenue decs.de betwe<:J n 1850 and 1860 one days work and eepecially a benefit to agi'iculture, and to all our people. of an iron worker would buy 50 pounds of b:w iron; in the pro-­ They reg-arded the whole people as an industrial unit. They tective decade between 18-:sO and 1 ~90 100 pounds, while in the held that manufacturing industries would banefit the farmer by latt.er decade in Great Britain ona day's work would buy only preventing so large a concentration of labor in agriculture as 75 pounds. would greatly increase the surplus for export, and thus reduce The gentleman from West Virginia [Mr. WILSON] and others the foreign price, and by giving him a larger home market and who are now trying to revise history by affirming that the reve­ better prices; for whatever the farmer sells at home escapes the nue tariff periotl bJtween 1 '46 and 1860 was the mo'3t prosperous heavy charges of" transportation. They saw by faith what those era of the United States~ overlook the fact that there are gentle­ who will open their eyes c ELn to-day see by actual vision, that men living. some of them in this Chamber, whose memory goes farming pays much better when manufacturing communities are back to those days, and who themselves experienced some of the set down by the side of the farms. evil results of that tariff policy, which were deferred for a time They knew, what some of their descendants are blind to, that by the Mexican war, the gold discoveries in California, and the the carpenter and mason, as well as some other industries, are Crimean war, but finally b urst with torn.1do force upon our coun­ protected by natural conditions which forbid the importation of try in 1~57-'58-'59. I suggest to these gentlemen th t they what they work on, but that their wages and their prosperity, take down the musty volumes which contain President Buchan­ as well as that of the farmer, could not rise above the wages and an's messages to Congress in D3cember, 1857 and 185 ·, andre­ prosperity of _!;he workingmen an

tian and antagonistic to the dictates of a broad philanthropy. power since 1860, M shown by Labor Commissioner Wright's sta­ If so, then the family relation, ordained by God, in which the stistics; or that duties may be reduced below the protective point head is admonished to care first of all for those placed in his witho~t lowering wages. An ounce of experience is worth more cha.rge, is selfish and unchristian. If so, the nation, also divinely than a ton of theory. But in this case our sad exl)erience since ordained, whose primary duty it is to make the most of its own it became evident that there is to be a revolutiona.ry tariff people, and in that way do the most for mankind, is selfish and· change, weighs many tons. , , unchristian. No family and no nation ma.y do injustice to others. "Wages are made by demand and supply and not by protec­ Protection does no injustice to others. It is no injustice to any- tive duties," exclaim the opponents of protection. In one sense onefor this nation to say to others, "For the highestwell-being wages are made by supply and demand if all the elements af­ of our people we m.tint.:Lin a high wage and a high standard of fecting supply and demand are taken into consideration;· but living: and in order to maint.tin this competition for our mar- supply is affected by the standard of living and many other­ kets must proceed on the ·basis of our wage and living standard. conditions, and demand by the extent of the diversification If you choose to maintain a lower wage and a lower standard of of industries and the consumptive capacity of the people. living you can do so fortyourselves, but when you seek our m.s.r- Where the industries of a country are confined to agriculture kets, we ask that you pay into our Treasury as a duty a sum which and a few crude industries, as they were everywhere in this­ shall place your competiton on the basis of our high wage and countryieventy years ago, and as they would be now if we should high standard of living." This is not only just, but eminently give up manufacturing industries and import our goods from Christian and philanthropic. Indeed, we hope that the influence abroad, the demand for labor is restricted and wages com para­ of our example may le3.d other countries to adoptourhigh wage tively low. But when under the policy of protection we began and high standard ofliving, under which the masses of ourpeo- to send less and less of our raw materials to Europe to be rnanu- pla have b3come the most prosperous on the face of the earth. factured for us there, and to establish manufacturing industries- . LABOR cosT oF PRoDuarroN AND DISTRIBUTION. here, the demand for labor increased, our productive and con- Mr. Chairman, there is one defense of the pending-bill which sumptive power multiplied, and wages began to increase as esti­ I m ~ st no t p1ss by. "After all," s:ty its advocates, "there is [ mated in money, and even more as estimated in purchase power~ · enou!!h aver Jge duty left by this bill-3Dper cent-to fully cover 1n other words, our protective policy has maintained and in­ the dEer ~ nce of wages of labor here and abroad in production creased wages by enlarging the derrl nd for labor and so multi­ and distribution." plying pursuits as to give each man the opportunity best adapted This is an after thought, and entirely inconsistent with every to his tastes and cs.pacity, and by increasing the consumptiv~ other argument that has b3en put forth in antagonis!Il to pro- power of the people. · . tec tion~ More thm this, the fact is not as claimed. If it be There ought to be nothing- clearer to any thinking mg,n t.han. true, then this bill is opt=m to the s:lme objections from the other that when thousltnds of industl'ies are being carried on here and side that are m g_de against our protective , tariffs. No; -the au- ~mploying labor which is paid from 50 to 100 per cent more than thors of this bill well know that they have not been as incon- m Eng-land for the same amount of service, and the duties on tha sistent as that. competing goon:; are l9wered. so as to not fully co ver the differ- In the :first place, of course' the claim is not true as to t,heprod- ence of money cost of production or-manufacture and distributiorr ucts or industries which have been placed on the free list. And here and abroad, then one of two things must take place here; no one will contend it is true as to the large number of industries either such industries must stop here or wages must be reduced whose competing foreign products are to be admitted with a duty to offset the new competition caused by a reduction of duties. oi only 10 to 15 per cent. As.a matter of fact, both of these results are taking place all Even as to those industries whose competing foreign products around us in anticipation of the reduction. of duties. Labor or­ are to be admitted ultimately at from 25 to 35, and in a few C!l.Ses ganizations are valuable in maintaining uniform wages· in the. 40 per cent ad valorem, which will not exceed a specific duty same industries within our own borders; but when competition equivalent to more than 25 to :30 per cent in the case of textiles., comes in in the shape of the product~ of cheaper labor abro3.d, ad­ the duty will not be equal to the difference of wages in produc- mitted free of duty or at a lower rate than the difference of wages: tion and distribution here and abroad. here and abroad, such organizations are powerless for the rea- While the labor cost of manufacturing textiles, for example, son that they can not control foreign wages. averages about 25 per cent of the domestic valuation and 33" per And it is not simply the laborera and owners of so-called pro­ cent of r,he foreign valuation on which duties are imposed, yet tected industries that are feeling the evil results of this threat­ this 33 per cent only includes the manufacture after mill and ened change, but every class of our people. All of our industries­ machinery are completed and the supplies and materials fur- are interlinked; and under our_economic policy, as it existed for­ nished. It does not include the labor in building mill, ma- more than thirty years, all were under our protective system­ chinery, and harnessing power, nor the labor-on materials and some protected by natural conditions, some by protective duties~ supplies, nor the labor in transportation, selling, etc. Ex-Con- And when it beeame evident that this policy w~s to be over­ gressm:tn AbramS. Hewitt, a practical manufact.urer, stated to thrown, and basinessand industries began to prepare for the rev­ the Committee on Ways and Means a few yeltrs ago that 90 per olutionary change, then all classes felt the blow. cent of the cost of every manufactured article (not simply 25 per Our sad experience the past six months contrasted with our cent) is labor; and when t!::J.is labor receives nearly double here prosperity for thirty years previous demonstrates that the policy for a given amount of effort than is paid in England, it is absurd of maintaining protective dutiesisnot"robbery," noratax which to talk about a duty that will practically be only 30 per cent, increases the burdens of the people, as the Democratic majority placing on an even basis an English and an Americm industry of the committee reporting this bill affirm, but just, wise, states- , manufacturing an advanced article. · manlike, and promotive of the welfareof all our people, in that When it is borne in mind that $32,000,000 of fine cotton goods it t:mds ~o diversify our industries, develop our ndtural re­ were imported last year in the face of a duty of 15 per cent ad so11rces, gives wider employment suited to tl;le differing apti­ valorem higher than is proposed by this b.!~l; $37 ,OOO,OOOof wool- tudes of our people, develops healthy competition on the basis ens in the face of a duty 20 per cent ad valorem higher; not to of our high wages, stimulates our inventive genius, encourao-es: mention more than $200 ,000,000 of other manufactured goods in agriculture by opening up large near-by home markets to the. the face of a duty 15 per cent higher, it is clear that even products of the farm, increases the production of wealth,_ those higher duties could not have been much, if any, in excess and greatly contributes to the prosperity of the nation. [Loud of the actual difference of money cost of production and distribu- applause.l tion here and abroad. Mr. HENDERSON of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I ask unani- REDUCED DUTIEs MEAN REDUCED W.AGEs. mous consent that the gentleman from Main'3 be allowed a few As a matteJ' of fact, with the exception of cerbin instances in minutes. I understand that he can conclude in a very few min­ which some industries have had special and exceptional favor, the utes. dutiesfixedbythisbill will in practical administration!'rovenot Mr. PENDLETON of West Virginia. Regular order. tobeprotectiveonthebasisofthewagesthatexistedinthisco;.J n- Mr. PINGLEY. Mr. Chairman, I think, on r~fiection,Iwill try one year ago. They are not intended to be protective. They stop right here. will necessits.te a reduction of wages in order thatoul'industries [Mr·. SPRINGER addressed the committee. See Appendix.J may compete with foreign industries whose products are to be admitted to our markets at lower rates of duty. Mr. DOLLIVER- Mr. Chairm:ln, I have often thought during What h as already taken place in the reduction of wages the progress of this debate that if we on the Rep !.!blican side were throughout this country in consequence of the necessity im­ charged with the responsibility of defending a bill open to as many' posed on industries to anticipJ.te the large reduction of . the du­ objections as my friend from Illinois l.Mr. S PRINGER] has just ties on competing foreign imports, ought to beacompleteanswer point-ed out, we would not begin the argument by a reference to the to the contention of the free-trade theorists that protective du­ present condition of the country. Everybody knows what the ties have had nothing to do with ~crea sing wages 60 per cent .state of our financial and industrial affairs was a year ago. The estimated in money and 68 per cent estimated in purchasing last report of Dun's Commercial Agency for last year showed_tha

.• - 734 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSEa JANUARY 11,

highest level of business activity ever known in the history of lie judgment that is sure and steadfa.st. Can any sane man be­ our people, an activity in which all occupations of- the people lieve that God gave to our fathers the far-sighted prudence of shared. Agriculture had its part in that prosperity. Benjamin Franklin if he had intended this country to be guided In my own State which I iove to think of as the great agricul­ bytheadviceof John Randolph, who used tosaythathewouldgo tura.l area of the earth, the people in every department of busi­ a mile out of his way to kick a sheep? [Laughter and applause.] ness enjoyed a full measure of the general prosperity. In his Can it be believed that Andrew Jackson made the 8th day ot message of 1892 the chief executive of Iowa, the first Demo­ January notable and famous only to give the Democratic orators cratic governor in a generation and probably the last we shall of our own times an opportunity to exploit the free-h·ade no­ ever have, began his address to the Legislature with a general tions upon which the ordinance of nullification in South Caro­ congratulation to our people that never before since the State lina was predicated in 1832? [Applause.] Is it credible that was organized had everybody enjoyed so universal and_ wide­ Horace Greeley, faithful journalist 'that he was, made a daily spread prosperity. From the pinnacle of the temple of national record of the free-trade famine, in the midst of which the peo­ forhme the American people deliberately cast themselves down, ple celebrated the Christmas of 1854, if the chairman of the Ways trusting that Divine Providence would in some peculiar way give and Means Committee is now to persuade us that the starviiig His angels charge concerning them to keep them. [Laughter.] multitudes of that affi.icted winter were really enjoying the bless­ Within one year we find the country in a situation as has baf­ ings of a "symmetrical industr ial development"? [Laup-hter.] fled the eloquence of my friend from Michigan [M~. BTJR.Rows] Can any man in his senses suppose that Abra.ham Li.p.coln was and my friend from Illinois [Mr. SPRINGERJ to describe it. The called to think, to labor, to suffer, and atlastto die, that through Deiilocratic party came forward at once with a remedy for the his martyrdom the struggling millions of the earth might be panic which followed the accession of Mr. Cleveland. After free, if, after all, his countrymen are to cast away his counsel having attributed all of our misfortunes for thirty years to the and reorganize their affairs on the lines laid down in the Con­ pro t~ctive tariff, after having gone through the campaign of federate constitution? [Loud applause.] So that I for one am 189~ without mentioning any other subject, they discovered not discouraged, even if this Congress should enact the proposed about the first month of last summer that it was the silver policy bill into law without substantial modification, because I know of 1890 that had wrecked the industries of the United States; and that the people of the United States, having learned their lesson though pledged to the American people to make a speedy and in the midst of broken fortunes and impoverished industries, will fatal attack upon the protective tariff, nearly a year elapsed be­ come back speedily to the historic standardB of American com- fore that subject was mentioned at all. mon sense. [Applause.] - I have never heard anything more perfectly illustrative of But I started to say that the web of the free-trade theory once the reluctance of the Democratic party to begin their assault on wound about a man's judgment absolutely deludes his faculties the tariffthan the case of a gentleman who was ridinginasleep­ and leaves him helpless and wol'thless in the arena of practical ing car from Chjcago to Rockford. He gave the porter a dollar, affairs; and I want to comment upon that by a few illustrations. charging him under no circumstances to fail to put him off, say­ None of us wish to disparage any member of Congress; in fact,· ing that even if he resisted the porter must at all hazards put we would not dare to do it. Between ourselves it will never do him. off the car. He woke up at Galena without the assistance for us to assume that anybody could get into this body without of the porter and went into the smoking room where that func­ having shown symptoms of being agreatman. [Laughter.] So tion:try was asleep. He found the porter's clothes torn, his face I do not wish to disparage the membership of the House. But scratched, and his entire make-up in a sttte of dilapidation. in East Liverpool, Ohio, last fall they elected a Democrat to rep­ "Didn't I pay you a dollar~" said the indignant tr~veler, "to resent their interests in Congress [Mr. IKIRT]. I have not the wake me up atRockf~rd?" "Fo de Lawd, Massa," sa1d themys­ ' pleasure of his personal acquaintance, but I am told that he is ti:fied darkey, "who on earth do you suppo!3e that man was I an excellent man. He ran for Congress on the theory that the I done put off?" [Laughter.] So now we find the Democratic protective tariff is a fraud, a violation of law, and ought to be party here, dilapidated, torn with dissensions, wounded in the immediately displaced by a tariff for revenue only. house of its friends, having disposed of the comparatively harm­ Now, you would suppose that a man like that would have been less question of silver, now at last reluctantly falling into con­ sitting up in the night after his arrival-here trying to kill off versation with the main question that has occupied their atten­ the protection idea. Yet· early i~ the contest we find our friend tion for so many years. before theW~ys and Means Committee pleading like a condemned I like to talk about the tariff as well as anybody, but I confess anarch~t for the life of the industries that have been built up that I sometimes get confused in the mists and fog banks of on the ruins uf the Constitution in the neighborhood where he· theory through which we are called to pass in conducting such resides. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] I a di 3Cussion. To my mind the tariff question is a question of fact. will read from his testimony before the Ways and Means Com­ So that when we find a man in the clouds, in the upper air of mittee to illustrate '~hat I mean. Let us first read the questions spec ulation, the firs~ thing I try to do is to bring him down to the propounded to him by that serene philosopher from Maine [Mr. • ear ~ h where-people live and labor and do business. That I pro­ REED]. [Applause on the Republi

.. 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-- HOUSE. , 735

very burdensome to Bermuda. He went so far as to observe friend. awakened our interestt are not looking in anxious enthu­ that the farmers of Bermuda paid that. tax. This aroused siasm at the cloaks that are on the backs of their sist-ers in the interest of the gentleman from Nebraska, and he began to Europe; the workingwomen of America are sending their money susoect that the witness had come to Washington by way of to Europe to enable their sisters to get out of the countries Cofumbus, and had stopped off between trains for a little blk where cloaks are so very cheap. [Applause on the Republican with McKinley. [Laughter on the Republican side.] So he side.] Neither are the men, for on page 36 of the same volume roused himself and demanded to 1-now what the price of Bermuda Mr. Carr says: vegetables was prior to the McKinley bUl. The witness was I have several times alluded-once more I change the subject-to the con­ unable to say. He then asked what the price of those vegetables dition of the workingman in this country. The further my inquiries ex­ tend the more convinced I become that the real truth of the matter is that was after the McKinley bill. The witness could not tell, since in this country a workman earns nearly twice as much as he would in Eng-· the price varied from time to time. And now comes my friend land, and the cost or his living, except in the matter of rent and clothing, is to about the same. Even in the matter of clothing the difi'erence is not great, from Nebraska, armed with his theory, and undertakes make except in so far as it is brought about by the general use of much better war against the facts in the case. clothing by the artisan in this country than in England. Mr. BRYAN. How can you tell without knowing the price before the- Mc­ Now, if my friend from West Virginia by some miracle of Kinley bill-was enacted whether the consumer pays the tariff? Mr. MASTERS. Well, I was treasurer of the Farme:rs' Alliance and I know Divine grace could enlarge his vision to take in that fact, the that during the latter part of the present season the shipment of some 10,000 spe3ch which he delivered here the other day, and which my boxes or cases to New York paid 38 cents a. box and the freight was 16 cents. friend from Mass:1chusetts [Mr. WALKER] was so desirous of They sold for about 60 cents. There was clearly a loss and they brought us in debt. If we did not pay the duty, who did? seeing in print, would never appear in the CONGRESSIONAL REC­ [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] ORD at all. [Laughter.] I wish to say another thing. I have i have no doubt that my friend from Nebraska is figuring on remarked that common sense is the only reliable guide in men's that yet. He has not so far appeared in this debate, though we affairs; and the chief guardian and enlightener of common sense trust he may. I have sometimes thought, however, that he is experience. · We have had in the United States a good deal of would not, for the reason that last summer he found occasion in experience with this matter of the tariff; and if I thought you this House to account for all the calamities. that surround us and gentlemen would listen to me I would read from the New York all the misfortunes we are heir to by charging them to the de­ Tribune of January 6, 1855, from the pen of grand old Horace monetization of silver; and it is possible that after having put Greeley, a few lines which condense the tariff history of the the wor.kingmen of the country and the farmers of the country United States into a single paragraph. They are full of truth at the head of the free-coinage parade he might feel a certain and wisdom. hesitation in overworking them by placing them in a prominent A MEMBER. Let us have them: position in the free-trade procession. [Applause and laughter Mr. DOLLIVER. I will read them: Protection died in 1818, bequeathing to British !res trade a trade that gave on the Republican side.] us an excess import or specie, a people among whom there existed great But we will not rest on particular instances. We will enlarge prosperity, a large public revenue, and a rapidly diminishing public debt. the field of observation a little. I was very much interested British tree trade died in 1824, bequeathing to protection a trade that gave an excess export or specie, an impoverished people, a declining public reve­ the other day when my friend from West Virginia [Mr. WIL­ nue, and a stationary public debt. SON], a few years ago president of my old college in West Vir­ Protection died in 1834-'35, bequeathing to British free trade a trade that ginia-! loved ·him as Tam O'Shanter loved the landlord, like gave an excel:ls import of specie, a people more prosperous than any that had ever been known, a revenue so that it had been rendered necessary to a very brother, though for an entirely different reason [laughter] emancipate trom duty tea, coffee, and many other articles which we did not -opened this debate. I was interested in what he said. I ad­ produce, and a treasury tree !rom all charge on account of public debt. mired his eloquence and wondered how a man could conjure up Brit.i~h free trade died in 1842 bequeathing to protection a trade that gave an excess export of specie, a people ruined, and their government in a state a scheme of argument like that to contradict the experience of of repudiation, a public treasury bankrupt and begging ev6rywhere for loans mankind. I was especially interested in his discussion about at the highest rat-e or interest, a reYenue collected and disbursed in irre­ woolen cloth, how the tariff had been raised to 300 per cent, and deemable paper money, and a very large foreign debt. Protection died in 1847 bequeathing to British tree trade a trade that gave how the poor working girl of the United States looked long­ an excess import of specie, a highly prosperous people, their government ingly across the sea upon her sister on the other side who was restored to credit, a rapidly growing commerce, a large public revenue, and wearing a cloak she could not have without working one day a declining foreign debt. British free- trade has next to make its will, having nothing to bequeaths for the garment and four days more to pay the duty on it; and but a tJ.•ade that drains ns of our specie, a people rapidly passing toward I asked myself whether it would !lOt have been a substantial im­ ruin. a declining commerce, and a foreign debt requiring for the payment of provep1ent on the intellectual equipment of my old college its mere interest at least twenty millions of dollars a year. president if there had been left in his head room for a few prac­ Now, my friend the chairman of the Committee on Ways and tical ideas. [Laughter on the Republican side.] Means, both in his speech and in the report which was submitted My friend talked as if his countrymen were beggars waiting to this House, tells us that the pe.riod of the Walker tariff, 1847 for the cast-off clothing of Europe, and as if the more cow s hair to 1857, was the golden age of our industrial prosperity; and it contained the more ardent ought our expressions of gratitude there are in existence some statistics, always open to suspicion, to be. He dwelt with a solicitude, evidently sincere, upon what that would lead even a careful student to that opinion. I have happens in the custom-ho~se; but that is not the question. The made it my business during this debate to go down into the question is what happens in the homes of the American people. daily record of events preserved in the newspaper files in the The question is, How are the American people dressed? how Library of Congress in order to find out how the people lived in have thirty years of protection left the great masses of the peo­ those days, what they did, and what they thought; and I st~d ple of our country in the matter of clothes? And every man here to say that, notwithstanding the discovery of gold in Cali­ whose mouth is on speaking terms with his ment:11 faculties fornia, notwithstanding that magnificent stream of wealt!l poured knows perfectly well that this is the only well-dressed country into the channels of American trade, the Walker tariff, going in the world. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] into effect in 1847, had impoverished and bankrupted this people You may be able to deceive yourselves in this matter, but you long before the middle of 1854; and I intend to prove that state­ can not deceive even a casual traveler from abroad. Here is a ment to the satisfaction of every unprejudiced man. little volume just printed by Daniel Owen & Co. (limited), Car­ I had occasion in the last Congress in a speech made here to diff, Wales. It contains the letters written from the United cite the daily record made by the New York Tribune· and some­ States last summer by Lascelles Carr and printed in the West­ body who was evidently unable to appreciate a man like Horace ern Mail, the most influential Tory newspaper of Wales, of Greeley, said that he was a prot-ectionist, and therefore, like the which he is the editor. The book is entitled" Yankee Land wage-earners in their protests against this bill, entirely unrelia­ and the Yankees." On page 23 he says: ble and probably intimidated. [Laughter.] I go now into the The more I see of this wonderful country and the further my inquiries columns of: the free-trade press, and will read a few lines From reach, the more satisfied I am that it is the paradise or the workingman and especially of the working women. Wages are high and for the workman the New York Herald editorial of January 1, 1855, a free-trade the cost of living is comparatively low. Except in the matter or house ac­ editor's farewell address to one of those years of "symmetrical" commodation their circumstances are in every respect better than those of prosperity: about wh i.ch the gentleman from West Virginia told their English brethren. They eat better and more varied food, they dress better, they have at least as good means or education and other sources or us: intellectual and social recreation. Yesterday evening I stood at a ferry in Seldom indeed within our recollection has there been a year so darkly Jersey City and saw the work girls trooping over in the boat !rom New overshadowed by general calamities, national misfortune and local dil;as­ York. ters and suffering as the eventful and gloomy year which has just expired. The crowd was composed of much the same social elements as those of The great financial and commercial panic of 1837 did not bring to us, with Which the crowd passing over Black Mars bridge consists. But, ah, what a all its train of bankruptcies, explosion, and general ruin, so much of posi­ dtlrerence in the appearance or these two sets or girls. These New Jersey tive suffering to the working classes of our great cities, the combined causes girls were neatly and appropriately dressed, and not one or them but wore which have brought about the existing lamentable financial and commer­ decent. well-fitting, and in some cases, quite elegant boots and shoes. They cial depression. walked and spoke, and in every way behaved themselves as ladies. Mind I present here also the memorial of the unemployed working you, this is no reflection on our English girls; it is only a reflection on the system under which the working classes are !oiio.in to aecept such a rate of men of the city of New York to the mayor and common council .wages as puts neat clothes and good boots, and the elegance and propriety at that time, a memorial whLch, taken in connection with the ot behavior which accompany well-paid labor beyond their reach. speech of the chairman of the Committee on Ways and M~ans, The workingwomen of the United States,.fo~ whose safety our is to me very interesting. We had the pleasure yesterday ot ' CONGRESSION-AL .REOORD.-HOUSE. JANUARY 11; - hear ing- the eloquent observatibns mad~ by the gentleman from This article shows' that the depression to which I have been Ohio [Mr. JOHNSON], who seemed to think that he had discov~red referring visibly began in the middle of the . year 1853, a thing a rem-- dy' for the evils of our times·, qr that ,if he had not_. the . which it will be impo_rtant to students of this situation to bear apostle whose follower he isohad discovered It; but I call hiS at­ in mind. It may be worth while, also, to call the attention of tention to the fa.ct that the humble working people of New York the committee to the fact that during all this depression-the in 1854 in the midst of the poverty which surrounded them in antics of the Democratic party-were very similar to, their be·· that city, made a logical, square! and persuasive pres~nt~tion of havior in the present Congress. I read from a Washington letter the theory which proposes to reheve the people of the1r distress. to theNew York Herald of January 6, 1855. It is a ray of calcium by putting the burdens of the G';'>vernment upon ~ the landed light thrown on the background of the situation: . property of the country. · Next Tuesday is the day fixed upon by the Committee on Ways and Means I will print a portion of this memorial, which appears in full in to call up the bill for the reduction of the tarur. the New York Herald of January 4,1855: And here is a letter from Washington to the North American, To the mayor and common council of the city of New York: quoted in the New York Herald of 1855: The memorial of the undersigned respectfully shows that at a meeting of The conspil·acy of the Democratic members to break down the tari!r of more than 2,000 unemployed laborers and me-chanics or the city of New York 1846, and to deprive the country of the little protection which it atrords wa.s commenced in the Park on Tuesday afternoon of the 26th day of December considerably advanced last evening by a. secret meeting or caucus held at -and adjourned from there to Hope Chapel, in Broadway, on the evening of the Cap!.tol sometime between dark and midnight. Friday. the 29th of December, for ~ he purpose of proviaing ?-Ot merely tem­ porary but permanent relief to the unemployed poor of the ~1 ty who. are now, It was supposed that the present Congress had furnished us in addition to t.heir inability to obtain work. threatened With famme, your with the first example in our histor-y of a secret caucus without memorialists were appointed a committee in behalf of the meeting to draw deliberation, publicity, or' discussion, agreeing upon an indus­ up and cause to be presented to you !or your immediate action this memoriaL trial programme for the American people. We are glad tore­ In an editorial in the New· York Herald of January 4, 1855, lieve the members of the Ways and Means Committee qf to-day you will find these words: by citing the example of their predecessors. Then, ~snow, the The ~as t four months have witnessed a series of disasters affecting most secret Democratic caucus and the public soup house went to-' gravely corporation an,d individual credit, and ten~g to take away from moneyed institutions and merchants the mea.llil on which they have traded gether. for the la..~ t year or two. Stocks or various kinds have ceased to exist alto­ Our city reporters- gether. Railroad shares have. fallen to the verge of bankruptcy, and indi­ vidual paper has ceased to be negotilj.ble. Says the_New York Herald editorial of January 14, 1855- That seems to be a facsimile of the condition that has pre­ note that Mr. A. T. Stewart supplies from nine to twelve hundred people daily with soup. Mr. Lindenmiiller does the same in Chatham street, and vailed this year. Here is another editorial frpm the New·York chari,table committees discharge a like duty in each or the populous wards of Herald of January 6, 1855, showing that· the_depression to which the c1ty. the newspaper referred was not confined to the city of New I{ this had been read without giving the date of th~ paper ev-: York: - ery body would have said that it was from theNew York Herald Elsewhere will be found some mention of large failures at Boston and of to-d.1y. Here is a workingman's procession described in the New Odeans. The epidemic is traveling over the whole country. No city or any note can expect to escape. All followed the example of New York New York Herald of January 11, 1855. To-day is the thirty­ when :flush times began. All must now follow her as closely in adversity. ninth anniversary of that great demonstration of unemployed You will find in the Herald of January·6, 1855, an ad.dress of workmen. Its banners will serve to illustrate· the situation the unemployed workingmen's committee to the ma:yor of the that now prevails: city of New York. It was read by Mr. West. He said: We want work and must have it. Hunger is a sharp thorn. We do not come before the committee as beggars, but we ask what we deem right. We ask not alms, but work. We don't want a llttle soup now This is our last resource. and some cast-off clothing t.o -morrow. But we do want work and the means Live and let live. of making an honest livelihood. The condition of the working classes is I call the · attention of the Democratic managers to the fact most piteous. They want bread. Is there not enough in the city? They want clothes. Is there none made nowadays? that these starving multitudes were not asking fo'r a reduction In the same coiumn.appears an appeal of the Five Points Mis­ of the tariff, they were not even .asking for cheap clothes a.nd cheap food. They were asking for the p1~ivilege of being em­ sion House for the multitudes, victims of starvation in that por­ ployed. The country can gain no aavanta,ge through cheap tion of the city. It exhibits a picture that even now would touch goods that can at.all compare in its ministration of good to the the heart with pity if it were not in tJ:Ie m~dst of .surroundings community which comes from the univers3.1 empl'oyment of the substantially the same, and surroundmgs, m my JUdgment, de­ people. There isno burden levied at the custom-house, whether pending in main part upon the same causes. it is 100 per cent or 500 per cent, thaycan eompare at all with the It is weil known- · incalculable burden of three millions of willing workers without Says the appeal~ . .. . · anything for their hands to do. [Applause.] to those who are acquainted with that locality, that hundreds of families A MEMBER. Did you say three millions or unemployed per­ have sold or pawned the last article of furniture or apparel to procure food, and are now left on the l.>are floor without bedding or fuel, and not knowing sons? where they may get the next m nuthful to eat. Persons in these circum­ Mr. DOLLIVER. I saw that number stated in a great ne\vs­ s tances (many of them sober, industrious people) are thronging the Mission paper. I have no doubt there are more of them. This matter llouse daily. long sinceceased to be a mere question of politics with me. The Mr. TERRY. What year do those quotations refer to? saddest sight I ever witnessed in this Capitol was that delega­ Mr. DOLLIVER. The close of 1854: and January, 1855. tion from Philadelphia, intelligent, well-dressed, manly young Mr . TERRY. How long did that depressed condition con­ workingmen, standing before the Ways and Mea.ns Committee tinue? pleading, as they said, not for their emp:oyers, but for their em­ Mr. DOLLIVER. The next thing we hear of it is the message ployment, for their wives and their children. These men stated of James Buchana-n of December 8, 1857, stating that it had be­ that the woe king people of Philadelphia are without occupation, come epidemic, universal, and chronic in the United States. and in m ::1ny cases without food. They said that they repre­ Mr. TERRY. I will ask the gentleman whetJ:Ier the condi­ sented 2u0,000 people, one-fifth of the population ot the greatest tion of the country did not iinprove afterwar ds-- industrial city on this continent. Mr. DOLLIVER. There is little e vidence of it. So far as I Now it is a libel upon our common manhood and a slander can find the condition of the country during that period was such against human natur~ itself, to s:1y that these men were intimi­ that few of us would have been able to live in it. dated except as their actions were influenced by the facts and Mr. TERRY. In that statement the gentleman differs from circumstances that surround them. And so when the ch'lirman a very distinguished member of his party (Mr. Blaine), who of the Committee on Ways and Means stood :q.e re and undertook shows that aft3r that there was a revival of business. to tell us the other dav that the hundreds of thousands of work­ Mr. DOLLIVER. I have gone to the sour.;es of information; ingmen of the United ~States who have protested by petition and I do not care with whom I m y differ, even'if he be our most dis­ in great public meetings against this bill have done so under tinguished leader. duress from their employers and had been bullied and driven I will read also an editorial article from Hunt's Merchants' here by brutal threats, I could not keep out of my heart a sense Magazine, a free-trade journal of tra.de: and the only one that is of indignation at the disparagement of the workingmen of the preserved from that p ~ riod: United States implied by that reproach against their manhood. The commercial embarrassments noticed in our last have been continued, f Applause.] and in many sections of the country the pressure has increased, while confi­ dence is shaken everywhere and all classes are made to realize the inse­ The chairman went fui'ther, and in the same bre'ltb illustrated curity of worldlypos-essions. '!'he causes which led to this have been a l on ~ the attitude of our greatest and most th9ughtful tradt>s unions time at work. The prosperuy which prev:loiled almost universally up to the and the mass of our laboring people in looking with a protest of middle of last vear had made our business men so confl.dent in their own strength that all cia ses had exp:tnded their engagements far beyond the alarm upon this bill by the bogus petitions of John ·Quincy protection of their own resources. and were exposed to tne storm which be­ Adams's time, in which slaves were brought into this H ouse by ga'll to gather on every side. Goods whicl1 had accumUlated abroad when the petition asking that their slavery might be made perpetual. demand had almost ceased were crowded upon our shores n.t whatever ad­ vance could be obtained, thus aggravating the eviL-Hunt's Merchants' Maga· Horq,ce Greeley once said that the man who pretends to be in teine, volume 31, page 716, December, 1854. favor of high wageS' and a low tariff is either a knave or a fool. 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 737

Has it come to this that the doctrine of free trade, the favorite can be conducted almost without cost, all in order that the article in the creed of slavery, can not be resisted by the work­ "thieves and burglars " of New England may have cheaper ma­ ing people of the United States, enlightened as they are both terial out of which to manufacture cloth. Now, we do not take by experience and by the wisdom of faithful and approved states­ the view that the managers of industrial enterprise in New men, without inviting from a leader of the Democratic party an England or elsewhere are thieves and burglars. We have sense odious and infamous comparison with slaves. [Applause on Re- enough to know that these great centers of production are man­ . publican side.] aged by men of affairs with economy and integrity, and if the A great deal has been said in the course of this tariff contro­ people of New England prosper the people of our country have versy from time to time about the working people of the United never had any quarrel with them on that account, because we States and about the farmers. If there is anything that stirs have things to sell and we wish our customers to have money up pathetic sentiment in the heart of the Democratic politician with which to buy them. more than the distress of the workingman it is the distress of So the Republican party has never encouraged a quarrel with the farmer. As I said, I live in the greatest agricultural com­ New England on that account; but when I find this masquerade munity in the world. It is true, as the gentleman from Illinois of reform sacrificing the seventh agricultural industry of the observed, that we have some mortgage indebtedness, because country in order to increase the advantages of the woolen manu­ wherever you find wealth and prosperity accompanied by. a facturers of New England, I say to myself thatnothingca.ncom­ business integrity that never repudiated a debt or dodged the pare to the thrift of i~ew England, except the stupidity and the fulfillment of a contract, you will find the credit which lies at hypocrisy of the Democratic party. [Applause on the Repub­ the basis of investment and enterprise. lican side.] What else have they done? They have taken every The States that are freest of individual debts in the United article that the farmers of the United States produce and either States are shown by the census to be the poorest and by the put it on the free list or so greatly reduced the duty as to invite record to be given over to questionable business methods and in an immediate increase of importation; and in order that I may many cases to the open repudiation of their obligations. These not be suspected of partisan bias in that judgment, I want to States ate comparatively free from mortgages, notonaccount of read what the greatest Democratic newspaper in the United the thrift of their people, but by reason of the well-grounded States has to say this morning of their treatment of the Ameri­ caution of people who have money to loan. I know something can farmer. I quote from the New York Sun of to-day: personally of mortgages, having contributed at least one to the . Prof. WILSON's ~ervice to the great silent masses, the farmers, is the put­ census of 1890. It represented the amount I paid for my home­ tmg of a lot of agncultural products on the free list for th" benefit of their Canadian competitors, and the increasing or the farmers' taxes for the ben­ stead when I was without a dollar in the world and had to con­ efit of manufacturers. The great silent masses must bear additional bur­ vert credit into a mortgage. I do not believe that it increased d~ns in order that the manufacturers, protected and favored by the remis­ my poverty; on the contrary I have always suspected that it in­ sion or duties on raw materials and by the continuation of protective duties on the manufactured products, may wax fat while the silent masses are creased my wealth. And it does not take a very high order of plodding their way with WILSON taxation weighing them down. intelligence to discern that that simple case represents the situa­ tion of nine-tenths of those who are in debt in the State of Iowa. I wish also to say a word about the wages of the working peo­ That is not a matter of speculation. It was made a matter of ple of the United States. This country will find out within the investigation and record in the county of Crawford, in my own next five years that Mr. Blaine was right in stating that the Congressional district, where the census showed that 90 per cent tariff question is essentially a question of wages. The lesson will of the inde btedness,of the people represented the purchase price come through experience; and for one I am not sorry for it, be­ of land and only an insignificant fraction of the people's debts cause the Ruler of the Universe has only one way in which to teach'men and nations, and that is to send them along the path­ represented either their misfortune or their poverty. It is true way of experience. that our people have suffered from time to time through the de· pression of business and the decline of market values; but we The trouble with this country to-day is that a whole genera­ have been bombarded for a generation with humbug arguments tion has grown up in the United States since we have h ad any for free trade; and the grand Commonwealth stands to-day first practical experienceon the other Ride of the tariff question; and in the column of Republican States with the doctrine of protec­ so dreams and visions and mysteries and speculations, ~ drawn tion made secure by the intelligence of the farmers of Iowa. mostly from the text-books of foreign political economists, have [Applause on the Republican side.] taken the place of the knowledge which would have s.:1ved the My friend [Mr. WILSON] in closing his address to the House American people from the folly of 1892. And even now we are took occasion to set up the standard of free trade; that is to say, regaled in this debate with long extracts from Adam Smith, the standard of plantation politics before the war in the United brought into this House as novelties, as if the American people States; and as he called the Democratic party to rally around it had neverheardofMr.Smith. AdamSmithprinted hisbookthe in the name of the workingman and of the farmer, I made up my same year that our fathars declared their independence; and if mind at the first opportunity to tell him that the farmers of the the people of the United States had desired to govern themselves State of Iowa want none of the theories any less of the sympathy by the wisdom of the father of English political economy they of the Democratic managers in this House. LApplause on the have had more than a century to read his book and apply his Republican side.] They t:ilk about their affection for the philosophy to their affairs. farmer! Yet even the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. SPRINGER] It is an interesting fa~t that while our Ways and Means Com­ who has just taken his seat has just stated that if wisdom such mittee is enlightening this debate by bringing into it the pre­ as his could have left its impress on the proposed legislation he cepts of English political economists, old and new, great Eng­ would have framed the bill in respect to the schedule of agri­ lish statesmen like Lord Salisbury, speaking to the En(Tlish silk­ cultural products exactly as the McKinley bill was framed. weavers and observing the almost total destruction of that great What have these demonstrative friends of the farmers done? English industry, looked upon the maxims of his own school and I recall very well the day when somebody introduced me to our mournfully declared that their application might be sound phi­ friend from Massachusetts [Mr. STEVENS]. I took up the Con­ losophy, but it was poor business. Nor is it remarkable that the gressional Directory and found that he was the largest individ­ editor of the Cardiff Mail, recently returned from an extended ual woolen mill proprietor in the United States. When I saw tour with a party of friends through the United States, takes him go over to the Democratic side and sit down my heart came the trouble to print the little book, of which I have already into my mouth and I said, "Those fellows will murder that quoted freely, in which the sturdy Welsh good sense candidly man." [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] I was admits that the situation and experience of the United States young in this business then. I had at that time a tendency to have contradicted the economical speculations in which his judg­ believe everything I heard in speeches, and used to sit here lis­ ment had always yielded a ready acquiescence. He says: tening as the precious truths fell from the lips of the orators. I I am, as you know. a conv1nced free trader. Protection is to mean econom­ ical heresy, the fraud and folly of which are capable of mathematical dem­ heard these woolen manufacturers denounced as thieves, as burg­ onst ration-demonstration as absolutely conv1ncing as that by which the lars, as cutthroats, as pirates, and as pickpockets, fastening their solution or a problem in Euclid t,s arrived at. And yet throughout the length smooth fingers upon the pockets of the American farmer, and I and breadth of this vast continent one is almost daily brought face to face with solid, indisputable facts that seem to give the lie to the soundest and said,'' If that wo-olen manufacturer goes over there, BRYAN and most universally accepted axioms of political economy. Let me give you SPRINGER or some of those brethren will get around him, draw just one example: Under the shado~ of a stringent protective tariff the man­ him into ambush, and murder him in cold blood." [Laughter ufacture or paper was COipmenced m the United States. Paper is still sub­ ject to a heavy import duty. According to our theories that ought to en­ on the Republican side.] hance its price to the consumer in this country. But the next thing I heard of it was that the Democratic man­ As a matter or fact, theNew York newspaper proprietors buy their "news" agers had placed him on the Ways and Means Committee of the at a less price than that at which it could be supplied to t4em in London. and some of the paper mills in New Jersey are actually exporting paper to House to help lift the burdens from Amerioan agriculture; and the old country. Unless it can be shown that this paper industry would how did they lift them? Exactly as this House is about to do. have grown up without the aid or a protective tar iff, it is futile-nay, it is an They take the seventh agricultural industry of the American impertinence-for an outsider to say that the Americans have acted un­ wisely in taXing themselves for a few years in order to establish in their people, wool-growing, and put it into helpless and hopeless com­ midst a great industry, giving occupation to a great quantity or highly paid petitif\n with those latitudes of the world where the business labor. And it seems to me that this set of facts and the arguments based on XXVI-47 .738 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11,

tt apply to many other industries whic.h are assuming such colossal propor­ Where did the idea come from that tOO-American workingman tions throughout the length and breadth of the land.-Yan/.:6 Land ana th.e Yankee8, page 53. ought to take his place on the level of the civilizatio.n of the Old World? .My countrymen, it came from. the plantations of the Now, I like the English. They have never in any emergency slave power, where labor received no wages, and where the lead­ failed to take care of themselves. I hope we have not lost our ers of politi.cs- openly msintained that proposition in express inheritance in that serviceable turn· of mind. I can easilv see words. Gen. McDuftie, chairman of the Ways and Means Com­ how the problem of cheap production has driven English st2.tes­ mittee in 1832, without quibble or equivocation, admitted o~ this manship to ignore every other· element that enters into the life floor that the wages of American labor under free trade would of man, resisting even that reduction in the hours of labor fall to the level of the wages paid in other countries, and boldly which is the hope of the working people of the world. So that declared that it ought to be so. That idea lies historically at I never tried to convince an Englishman that his countrymen tb.e bottorn of the free-trade agitation in the United States, and have not had sagacity enough to look after their own interests. I denounce it here in the name of every Americ n family that All I object to is that the leaders of English opinion should buys the comforts of life with the wages of daily labor. [Ap­ feel ca.lled upon, having taken care of their own people, to pro­ plause]. pose a plan for taking care of us. The Republican party, whatever may be the discipline of its

I have an old friend at home, a farmer, who comes in occa­ defeat1 will never consent to take away from the firesides of sionally to see me, a great talker, especially on the tariff. He American labor the shield of American law. My friend from likes to argue with the Democrats. Every time they m.ake an W est Virginia [M:r. WILSON] speaks of the lordly and almost argument in favor of the free-trade theory the old man always kingly tone in which the employers of labor describe the un­ begins his'replywith these words, ''I recollect." If the Repub­ fortunate strikes which prevailed in some of the departments of lican party in 1892 had had to do with men and women able to industry in 189:?. He emphasizes what the organ of the irun and recollect what had happened in the experience of the United steel industry de cribes as ':the rebellion of labor." I do not States we would have avoided the folly of that election. undertake to apologize for the phrase; but I stand here to say Now, what of the labor condition in the United States? I be­ that if there was a rebellion of labor it was a rebellion against lieve that if our civilization is ever destroyed it will be by the organized capital and not an active hostility against the pro­ degradation of American wages. This Government has no fa­ tective tariff, and if any prool was necessary I n ~e d only call the cility, for any length of time, to take care of universal popular attention of this House to the facttha.tthe ''rebellious" Associa­ discontent. In other countries it may be done with armies. In tion of Iron and Steel Workers came before the Ways andMeans this country it may be done for months with soup-houses and Committee at this session pleading for the maintenance of the with the bread of charity: but in the long: run the idleness will tariff of 1800 while Andrew Carnegie, departing for the Valley destroy the fabric of our institutions and produce the irrespon­ of the Nile for a wmter's vacation, made a farewell address to sible and uncontrollable forces that may shake the structure of hi fellow-citizens by advising them to support the Wilson tariff modern society to its foundation. bill. I heard my friend from Illinois [Gen. BLACK] the other day, There is one case in. which the protests of labor were not the and who of us could express the amazement with which we heard result of intimidation tor it would almost seem that the argu­ him, deliberately advising the degradation of American _labor ments whlch have brought American labor to this' Capitol with in order to discourage immigration? Why, gentlemen, it is a its protests have. secured for the Wilson bill from the most re­ great thing for a nation to be able to take care of itself. It is pulsive syn.dica.te of capital the benediction of approval. r am more than any nation in Europe has been able to do; but the content if the indorsement oE Andrew Carnegie costs the Dem­ glory of the Republican party is that for thirty years we have ocratic party as many votes in times to come as it has caused us not only taken care of our own, but we have opened the doors of in times past. We gladlyexchange·thesupportof the syndicate hospitality to the struggling people otthe world, and they have of iron and steel employers for the good will of the Amalga­ come, ten millions of them, and instead of bearing down the l-evel mated Association of Iron and Steel Workers. of our civilization they have helped.us to lift it up, until to-day A great many people talk as if in the general decline of values the American workingman has within his reach a. larger share the Americ3.D. farmer had been leftbehind. I intend to put into of the comforts of life than could have been secured by a day's­ the body of my remarks a few observations made by my friend, work in any nation of the world or in any age in tne histor_:y of once a member of this House, Senator MILLS, of Texas, a man the human race. [Applause.] That statement does not-depend whose tariff bill in the light of the present seems like the work upon my testimony alone, for we recall that in the midst of the of a statesman. [Laughteron the Republican side.] It is a pro- eloquent remarks of my friend from New York [Mr. COCKRAN], Jound study of the relation of American agriculture to the de~ last summer in the silver debate, he made that notable admis­ cline of values in recent times, a study which enabled the Sena­ sion in the cause of truth and political integrity, that a days tor to prove upon the floOI~ of the Senate that while the products work in the United States goes further to provide a family with of the American farmer have declined in value in thirtyyears the necessaries of life than ever- before since society was organ~ their fall has come fat' short in the fall of the value of every article ized. [Applause.] that is essential to the comfort of farm life of the United States. Prices of certain products from 187/J to-18!11.

k ~ Articles that farmers: sell. ~ ~ ~ od 'i ~ od od ~

Years. ~ i ~ ~ iod ~ ~ ~ g i & 'g .s ,c .Q§ 0 0 0 e fir (!) ~ ~ rO g.. Po Po a> ~ Po ::;l p. ~ Po ~8. ~ ~ ~ Po g.. 0 ~ § ~ ~ § : ~ & i ~ 8 ~ ~ e .Q o ... ~ ~ "" :g 2 ~ 8 8 fS: ~ ~ ~ t! ~ ~ g ------~------:---~---]·------~~-- Cents. Cents. Cents. Cents. Cents. Cents. Cents. Centa. Oent8. 1873 -----~------·------~ -----~ ------~ ~------$1.32 $1.001 18.8 61 $1.31 8. 8 9. 2 7. 8 7. 7 2-1.1 13.1 10. 'l 1874------~------~------~------1.30 .988 15.4 71 1.43. 9.6 9.4 8.2 8.2 ~.0 13.1 9.6 1875.------·· 1.23 .964 1s.o 84 1.12 n.• 13.8 ro.r 8.7 23.7 13.5 11.3 1876 ______~----~----~------l.17 .894 12.9 6'7 1.24 12.1 13.3 10.6 8.7 2:f.9 12.6 10.4 181'7.·------~~------~------1.18 .929 11.8 58 1.17 10.8 10.9 9.0 7.5- 20.6 11.& 10.2 1878·------· ------~------1.16 .891 11.1 56 1.34 &7 8.8 6.8 7.7 18.0 llA 8.7 1879------~------1.12 .868 9.9 47 1.07 6.9 7.0 5.7 6.3 14.2 8.4 7.8 1£,8(} ______~------~------1.13 ·.886 11.5 54 1.25 6.7 7.4 6.1 6.4 17.1 9.5 7.7 1881______1.12 .881 11.4 .55 1.11 8.2 9.3 7.7 ti.5 19.8 11.1 8".3 1882·------·------~------1.13 .878 llA 66 1.19 9.9 11.6 9.0 8.5 19.3 11.0 8.5 1883 ... ------~------1.10 .858 10.8 68 1.13 11.2 11.9 9.9 8.9 18.6 11.2 8.3 188!______~~------·------1.10 .861 10.5 61 L07 10.2 9.5 7.9 7.6 18.2 10.3 9.1 18i6______1.06 .823 10.6 54 .86 9.2 7.9 7:2- 7.5 16.8 9.3 9.9 1886------· .99- .769 9.9 49 .87 7.5 6.9 5.9 6.0' 15.6 8.3 9.6 1887 ______·------~------~------.97 .758 9.5 47 .89 7.9 7.1 6.6 5.4. 15. 8 9.3 8.7 1888------·------.rn .m 9.~ 55 .85 s.6 7.7 7.4 5.3 JB.& 9.9 s.s 1889·-----·------~-~------J-- .93 .724 9.9 47 .90 8.6 S.lr 'Z'.4. &.5 16.5 9.3 &8 1800 ______~------~---- 1.08 . . 809 10.1 41 .83 7.7 7.1 6.0 5.4- l!l.4. 9.0 8.6 189L------~------~------~-~---~- .98 .764- 10.0 5'i _93 7.6 6.9 5.9 5.tr 14.5 9.(J 8.7 ...... _ -· ------1---+---1---1----1---1·---t---1-- Average decrease·------·-·------·------'26 26 53 6 30 14 25 32 31 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 739

Pricu ot certain products from 1S73 to 1891-Continued.

Articles that farmers buy. ~ - Q) P. ~ IIi ~ ~ ... £ ... ~ 0 ~ od ~(!) ~ (!) ;.. ~ I» '"' bO p, c.> Qil cQ .p ;.. (!) E '0 ~ (!) 0 ci d .s .s :cl .0 ... Cl) Cl) d -.p (!) ,Q ;a ;.. ~ 0 ~ 0 ~ ~ ... 0 .s d ~ ,.. ~ 0 J:Q r/1 ~ 8 r/1 A r/1 r/1 ~ Cl ·0 ..... p 0 0 III ~ f'z:t - -~ ------IJtl. l IJts. (Jta. Ota. Ota. (Jta. Ota. (Jta. (Jts. (Jl$. (Jts. Ots. Ots. Ots. 1873.------11.6 4. 90 $8!f.OO $120.50 18 95 13.31 14.13 19.41 11.37 6.69 $2.65 85 $3:40 $1.41 13 $1.14 19 69 2. 00 1874 _------10.5 3.99 67.00 94.25 20 100 11.42 11.75 18.04 9. 75 5.57 2.50 80 2.97 1.25 11 1.02 20 71 ----- 1875.------10.8 :t.42 60.00 18 60 10.41 11.12 15.12 8.71 5.33 2.25 70 3.18 1.12 10 .~2 17 70 ------1816. ------10.7 2. 98 52.00 59.25~~I 17 55 8.85 8.71 13.58 7.06 4.10 2.00 65 3.08 1.00 10 .82 14 55 -...... -- 1817------· ------1L6 2.57 45. 00 45.50 20 55 8.46 8.46 12.46 6. 77 4.38 3.00 50 2.97 .91 8 . 81 14 54 ----·- 1878.------10.2 2.31 44.00 42;25 17 45 7.80 7.65 11.00 6.09 3.44 3.50 45 2.42 .fr7 8 . 75 12 40 ------1879. ------8.5 2. 69 51.00 48.25 14 40 7.97 7.57 11.62 6.25 3. 93 3.60 40 2.42 .83 8 .67 12 36 1880.------9.0 3.68 60.00 67.50 15 40 8. 51 8.51 12.14 7.41 4.51 3.00 40 2.42 .83 9 .85 14 53 "T26 1881 ____ ------9.2 3.09 58.00 61.13 13 35 8.51 8.08 12.74 7.00 3. : 5 2.60 35 2.12 .83 8 .75 ' 14 43 1 o· 1882 .. ------9.7 3.47 61.00 48.50 10 35 8.45 8.25 12.95 6. 50 3.76 2.45 35 2.12 .79 9 .78 17 50 1.23 1883.------9.2 3.06 50.00 iii. 75 8 33 8.32 7.11 12.93 6.00 3.60 1. 80 35 2.29 .79 8 .74 16 . 52 1. 1884 ____ ------7.1 2.39 44.00 30.75 11 33 7.28 6.86 10.46 6.00 3.36 1. 43 33 2.16 . 75 7 .66 15 50 1.12 1885.------6.4 2.33 40.00 28.50 9 33 6.75 6.36 10.37 6.00 3.12 .83 30 1. 91 . 70 6 .58 14 45 1.04 1886.------6.7 2.27 43.00 3-!.50 9 33 6.75· 6.25 10.65 6.00 3.31 .70 28 2.04 .70 6 .58 14 44 1.04 1887------6.0 2.30 49.00 37.08 15 28 7.15 6.58 10.88 6.00 3. 33 .53 28 1. iO . 66 7 .60 15 40 1.03 18S8. ----·------6.3 2.03 44.00 29.83 15 23 7.25 6.75 10.94 6.50 3.81 .49 27 1. 7o .66 6 .53 15 38 0.97 1889------7.6 2.00 43.00 29.25 16 23 7.00 6. 75 10.50 6.50 3.81 .3M 26 1. 70 .66 6 .52 13 39 0.97 1890.------7.0 2.00 45.00 31.75 19 25 7.00 6. 75 10.90 6.00 3.34 .35 26 1. 70 .64 6 .48 10 40 0.93 1B9L------6.7 1.86 42.00 29. 92 16 25 6.83 6.41 10.64 6.00 2. 95 . 30 25 1. 70 .62 6 .50 9 32 0. 9"2 --t-----:------Average decrease----- 50 62 51 75 11 73 4{1 05 45 47 56 89 70 50 56 64 56 52 53 51

Average reduction in ten :r:arm products, 26.1. Average reduction in nineteen other products, 55.4. This table shows thatfrom 1873 to 1891 silver fell26 per cent, cotton 53, cotn6, Mr. Chairman what is the remedy for tne evils that now sur­ wheat 30, bacon and ha.ms 14, lm-d 25, pork 24, beet zt, butter 32. cheese 31, and 1 tobacco 19. These a.re the articles which tanners sell. The average decline round us? Om· people are without work. Isitapossible that the o:r: the ten articles is 25.1 per cent between 1873 and 1891. During the same human mind is capable of the folly of ~eking to correct that sit­ time refined suga.r declined 50 per cent, nails b'2, bar iron 51, steel rails 75, uation by sending the people's work to be done in other coun­ Rio coffee 11, tea 73 sheeting 48, drilling 55, shirting 45, standard prints 47, print cloth 56, quinine. 89, glass goblets 70, 10 by 14 window glass 50, under­ tries? The remedy for the evils that surround us is the employ­ shirts 56, ginghams 54, carpets 56, pepper 52., molasses 53. ment of our people. That makes for the general prosperity. In These a.re the articles the farmer buys. Now, il what he buys declines at the year thatfollowed the enactment of the tariff law of 1890, no a.n equal ratio with what he sells he is just as well orr at one time as another. But i! what he bUys !alls more in price than what he sells he is benefited. willing hand from one end of the country to the other was with­ When we average the articles he buys we find that the decllne is 55.4 per out occupation. cent. Every woolen mill and factory was in motion. More than a Whah is our situation to-day? I do not intend to say even a hundred new indU3tries had been esbblished and the American word about the industrial depression that surrounds us. God people, as President Harrison showed in his last message, had knows that it is bad enough, and God knows that it is plain t.ouched the highest le-vel of prosperity. Tha.t seems now as if enough, without the necessity of a description and without the it were a generation away. Yet it was a condition to which we need of an argument. Mr. Blaine very truly says, in his discus­ may go back if we do not blindly despise the wisdom of ou~ sion of the tariff in Twenty Years in Congress, that in all the fathers. The opportunity to work measures the ability to buy. industrial depressions of the past the American people have The ability to buy creates the American market place. Destroy never failed to turn fromlowduties to the standard of protection. that or discourage it and the American farm goes back to the He says that never once was a financial or industrial panic in the open prairie from which it came. Out West we long ago went United States relieved by turning from protection toward free through the experience of having nobody in the United States trade. In the disturbance of 1857, while possibly the panic was to buy what we had to sell. mixed with financial complications, the remedy proposed by the In 1892 we thought we were beyond that experience. We had Democratic President was an adjustment of our affairs along the found the bread-producing power of the world at last overtaken lines of a protective tariff. by the bread-consuming power of the world and we believed that I used to think that Mr. Buchanan was a weak and practically the permanent prosperity of American agriculture had at last useless publ"fc man, afid t-hat he failed in yielding to the events come. To-day we are confronted with the spectacle of two or which surrounded him at the outbreak of the rebellion. I have three millions of our customers deprived of their ability to buy, lived long enough to revise that impression. He was a man of whereby the American market place is degraded and the wel­ culture, of large faculties, and of approved statesmanship, and fare of the American farm threatened. I beg of youi gentle­ if he fell short in the crisis of the civil war it was becaUEe he men, by the counsel of every great statesman this country has was dealing with a situation in which the Supreme Governor of produced, from Washington to Lincoln, to save the American the Universe had put his hand upon American society to revolu­ people from reenacting the folly which ha3 already four times tionize and reform it; and I believe the human race never pro­ in our history destroyed our industrial and commercial pros­ duced a man strong enough to stand erect in that st.orm anrl perity. [Prolonged applause on the floor and in the galleries.] come between Providence and the Divine purpose to create a Mr. HARTER. Mr. Chairman, it seems to me that possibly nation strong enough to resist disintegration, and grand enough the dic;cussion of the theory upon which this whole question to cast off the barbarism of slavery. [Applause.] rests may be supposed to have been exhausted, and yet perhaps And so I have quite revised my ide:1 of James Buchanan. The a small portion of my time applied to that branch of the sub­ remedy which he proposed was not a new one. It had already ject may not be wholly wasted. been suggested in his annual message of January~ 1855, by My­ In the first place the justice of a system which professedly, as orn H. Clarke, governor of the State of New York, before the protection does, aims to benefit one class of the community at Republican party was born, in these words: the expense of another is certainly open to question on its very Many branches of domestic industry a.re langujshing for lack of that face. For instance, it would be manifestly unjust if this Congress protection which prcper tariff regulationswouldha-ve afforded. which, had were to pass laws reducing the selling value of manufactured they been seasonably adopted, would have averted much of the distress con­ articles m order that the consumer might be benefited. sequent upon the paralysis of business which now pervades the co~try. I say it would be unjust to me as a manufacturer if this Con­ The remedy was to return to the protective tariff, and when gress by legislation should arbitrarily put down the price of the my friend, the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, goods that I put upon the market; yet that would be a propo­ described the tariff then enacted as a war tariff, I answer him sition (comparatively) easy to defend. Why? Because lam but that it was a tariff enacted for economical and commercial pur­ a single individual an.d have hundreds, or possibly thousands, o.f poses before the war began and signed by the last Dem-ocratic customers, and it might be contended with some plausibility President save one. that the good done to the greater number was a justification for 740 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11,

the injury done to me. I am sure, however, that as an ethical But allow me to follow up the argument I was making. A proposition, it would be difficult to maintain. man comes saying," Because the employment of capital in my But when you turn to the opposite side of thispropositionand business is unprofitable, because I can not afford to pay for labor contend that it is the duty of this body to make laws to put up what my neighbors can, therefore the balance of the country the price of my goods, then the wrong is manifest to all crea­ should be taxed in order that I,.may withdraw labor and capital tion, because theD the injury which in the other case fell upon from where they are properly and profitably employed and put one in order that good might come to many, now falls upon many them into a sink-hole which you are to fill up afterward with in order that good maycome to one. [Applause on the Dem­ taxes wrung from the people." Why, gentlemen, any man who ocratic side.] would pursue such a system as that in his private business would Then examine briefly the economic principle which is involved, become a b:mkrupt. The mystery to me is that the able, intel­ i.e., the idea that protective tariffs increase national wealth. lig-ent! accomplished, oratorical men upon my right, when they Let us, if you please, go the whole length with gentlemen on the discover a great industry built up in this way by taxing profita­ other side, and admit, as was contended by my eloquent and ble enterprise, say that all the people of the country ought to learned friendfromPennsylvania[Mr. DALZELL] yesterday, that fall down and wo rship this ruinous policy, bless the industry it­ it is within the constitutional power of Congress to impose taxes self, and thank God that they have had a body of legislators so upon one class of the people in order that the proceeds of such wise as to build it up. taxes may be poured into the pockets of another class; let us, I Any man looking at this matter as he looks at the thing-s of say, admit for an instant that the gentleman from Pennsylvania everyday life, as the merchant and the manufacturer regard is rig-ht, and that the principle he endeavor~d to establish is their business affairs, as our wives i~ the kitchen or in the par­ correct. I do not .admit it in fact, but for the purpose of this ar­ lor look at questions of domes tic ecomomy, must say at once that gument I do admit for the moment what most men. here believe this is the worst kind of economic waste; for so long a.s it is con­ to be untrue, that Congress has a constitutional right to put bur­ ceded that protection is necessary for any industry, just so long dens upon a portion of the people in order to enrich another; and it is admitted that that industry is unprofitable; and the higher then, I ask, can you justify the act? you build it, the more men you employ in carrying it on, the Let us see whether your plan would produce a large increasa more injury it is to the.country. · of national wealth, whetb,er it would increase the fund out of You can not create capital; you can not manufacture labor by which wages are paid; and if it would not, then it would be un­ act of Congress. Hence the capital and the labor which go into wise, even if you had the Constitution upon your side, as you these protected, unprofitable industries must come from wherer ,have not. On what grounds can a man appear before an intell­ From the profitable industries of the country which require no igent committee of this body and ask protection on hi3line of protection. Is it not easy, then, to see that by such a policy manufacture? What are his claims for protection? His first not only do you not help the industries of the country, not only claim is that he can not pay as large wages as his neighbor; his do you not build up the wealth of the country, but you injure next plea must be that capital is too high in this country for the nation in two ways; you strike it two blows. By your laws him to employ it in his line of industry. These two claims are you build up unprofitable enterprises, and at the same time in the sole grounds upon which he can ask for protection. doing so you tear down the profitable industries of the country Now, what does it mean? We are a practical kind of people, by compelling the withdrawal of a portion of the labor and cap­ and we ought to be able to get to the bottom of a question no more ital employed in them. Therefore, I say, from any point of intricate than this. What does this mean, I say? It simply view it is a mistake, an economic blunder. means that capital and labor employed in the ordinary indus tries But the next proposition, Mr. Chairman, ordinarily brought in of the United States are more profitably employed than they by these gentlemen is that labor has been benefited by this sys­ would be in the industry in which he proposes to use them. tem. The positive, natural, logical answer to this, an answer so Now follow me if you please. When does a man grow rich fastest? plain that in my judgment a blind man could read it, is that after When he employs all his capital and talents in the form of busi­ you have adopted a system and carried it on thus constantly, ness or the calling which is profitable. All will admit this. It which retards the growth and increase of the capital of the coun­ is not when he employs a portion of his time and a part of his try, you simply reduce the fund out of which the wages of labor capital in a profitable industry, and the balance in a business are paid, and as a consequence wages are reduced. which loses him money every day. No sensible man continues It is not necessary, Mr. Chairman, to go further than this long to carry on business in that way. Sooner or later he dis­ plain and indeed self-evident proposition to answer the un­ covers that he ca.n make no money in the unprofitable enterprise. founded claim that high taxes make high wages. You injure the What does he do? He takes the capital and labor which he em­ workman in two different ways, however. Under your plan, ployed in the unprofitable line of business and carries them over which increases the cost of the goods, or rather the selling value into the one that is profitable. of the goods made by the protected manufacturer, you diminish This ought to be the policy of a great country, for what is a the purchasing power of the wages of the laborer, while by re­ nation but an aggregation of individuals? But, on the contrary, ducing the fund out of which the wages of the laborer are to be what do we find? We find gentlemen claiming that it is un­ paid you have already reduced the compensation he receives profitable to put capital into cerhin manufactures. They come for his labor. A protective tariff is simply a plari. for taking before the Ways and Means Committee (and I have wonderetl money out of the workingman's pocket; and to suggest that it why that committee did not always put these men who ap­ would have the effect of enriching him is about as sensible as to -pear before them under oath. The habit of allowing Tom, propose to make him a millionaire by ts.king gold out of his Dick, and Harry to come before a great committee and tell that pockets and filling them up again with lead, ashes, gravel, or committee any fairy tale they choose should be terminated)-- sand. fLaughter.J Mr. REED. I think that has been reduced to a minimum be­ But speaking of the labor proposition. There are many things fore the present committee. about it which are worthy of consideration. Before we had tariff Mr. HARTER. The House is always glad to hear from the taxes at all in this country, the difference in wages between the gentleman from Maine [Mr. REED]; and I confess I am n-ever United States and Europe was much greater than it is now. It sorry. seems to me that there has been too much silence even on our Mr. REED. Thank you. side on this branch of the subject, and it is a suggestive omission, Mr. HARTER. If the gentleman desires to ask me a ques­ it strikes me, in the speech of my good friend from Iowa who has tion-- just taken his seat, that he did not mention the fact that under Mr. REED. I merely remarked that the thing you are com­ our low tariffs wages were higher as compared with t;he wages plaining of-the committee listening to Thomas, Richard, and of European mechanics and laborers than they are now or ever Henry-has been reduced to a minimum by the present Com­ have been under high-tariff taxation when gold is used to meas­ mittee on Ways and Means. ure them. It is the fact, and you need not go any further than Mr. HARTER. I give the committee credit for the posses­ the argument I have made to show the cause of it. How could sion of good sense; but if I were chairman of that committee, or in any way a protective tariff benefit the workingman? Is there had any influence in the committee, any manufacturer, or any­ any method by which you can pour prosperity into his pocket, body else coming before it and proposingtogive testimony upon except by freeing him from the clutches of the high-tal"iff tax- , which· he hoped to obtain legislation in this House, taking away ers? When you incre3.se the cost of the clothing of himself and from the earnings of his fellow-citizens for his private gain, if his family and of those things that he comumes you must neces· he refused to give his testimony under oath so that he might be sarily injure him. indictable for perjury if he lied, I would ask the doorkeeper of Now, these gentlemen who argue on the high-tax side of this the committee, if I were not able to do it myself, t{) kick him question ought to be able to give us an object lesson on this away from the door of the committee ~oom. The failure to re­ point. They ought to show us, as water runs over a mill wheel, quire such statements to be made under oath in all cases is, in how protection runs into the home and blesses the habitation my view, one of the prime causes of the mistakes which have of the workman. But they can not, unfortunately for these elo­ been made in our tariff system from 1792 down to the present hour. quent people. The less "protection" he has the hip, h!3t' are his 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 741 wages. This is not only true of the United States, but it is glad to try to answer any question that any gentleman desires equally sp of every other country in the world. to ask me. Why, Mr. Cha,irman, when long before the time of thE' Rev- Mr. BOWERS of California. It would not have taken you olution our manufactures were being established, not only under half so long to have answered my question. freedom of trade, but under restrictive legislation by Great Brit- Mr. HARTER. So far so good. With what nation should we ain directed against our prosperity, what were the wages of the compare Great Britain. You are intelligent men, and some working people as compared to the present time? Again, early might call you rngenious in your arguments. but I prefer to say in this century Mr. William Cobbett, who spentaverylargepart that you are ingenuous. You are simple minded on this ques­ of his time in this country in Philadelphia, and who then re- tion. You do not conceal your views at all. You want to be as turned to·Great Britain and afterwards to Parliament, speaking open as the day, do you not? Therefore, I suggest, gentlemen, of wages in the United States, as compared with those of the Eng- that you need not travel 3,000 miles across the Atlantic for an lish market, particularly of wages in Pennsylvania,_as compared illustration and a comparison between low-tax countries and with the English wa~es~ said that they were three time~ as great, high-tariff countries. You need not launch your frail bark on and that was, as you all know, when you had a low tariff. the Atlantic and travel over the stormy and tempest-to3sed Mr. BOWERS of California. What time was that? ocean for 3,000 miles for an unfair comparison, because you can Mr. HARTER.. Early in the century. You will, however, have a fair one within 25 miles. find the ex ·~ ct date in an:v life of Mr. Cobbett. Come with me and you shall have a free pass and, if you are Mr.BOWERS ofCalilornia. Can the gentleman give usa seasick,aphysician. WewillgoacrossfromEnglandtol<'rance, statement as to its condition in 1879 and 1880, and back of that? about 22 miles. Here you may find in all its beauty a compari- Mr. HARTER. I should be infinitely pleased to go into the son that is fair and just. You have two countries within twenty.: discussion of that question with my friend from California or odd miles of each other. Both of them are old civilizations, not anybody else if I had the time. If the opportunity occurs beforo new ones. In both countries :vou have to a great extent a homo­ I conclude my remarks I shall be very glad to do so. I only geneous population, instead of the magnificent and varied popu­ speak of one thing, and that is the hallucination which bas led lation we have in this country, made up of the best, not the worst, our high-taxing Republican friends on this floor to imagine that as many men would say, of the whole earth. There you have wages depend on the amount of the hriff, that is, that the higher homogeneous populations. Both England and France are densely the tariff is the higher are the wages. populous They both have large standing armies, both have If it was not for a want of respect to the Chair, I would turn large expenses, and, ordinarily speaking, the rates of wages my back and ask him to select any country in Europe, and I should be the same in these two countries. Here, then, you may would tell him, without knowing the name of the country, find a perfectly fair comparison to start with. whether the wages are high there or not. I am not a mind Now, bring the tariff question in. What effect does the tariff reader, either; but the Chairman of this body can· take any have? England has what we call freedom of trade, and France country in Europe, keeping it in his mind, and if he will ask me has the blessing of a high protective tariff. Now, gentlemen, whether the wages in that country are high or not (or he may if there is any virtue in your medicine; if there is any truth in take half a dozen countries and do the same thing), I will your argument, starting out with an equality, with a parity of simply ask one question, "Is the tariff high in that country?" population and advantages, if there .is anything in your argument If he answer that the tariff is high, I will reply, "Mr. Chair- France should p~y the highest wages. Should it not? If there man, the wages are low," and without any exception you will is any flaw in my proposition I will yield to any ma.n in the House find I am right. to state where the flaw exists. If a nation has a high tariff, even if it produces two or pos- Mr. BLAIR. I will make the suggestion to the gentleman, sibly three crops to the acre annually, as do some portions of then. Italy, even then, with a high tariff, all the advantages of God Mr. HARTER. How much time doas the gentleman desire? and nature will fritter away under high taxes, the steady belief Mr. BLAIR. If it would interrupt the gentleman I will take in which makes the American Republic, economically speaking, occasion at a subsequent period to offer my criticism. · the laughingstock of every intelligent country in the world. I Mr. HARTER. I yield now. · repeat so-called protection wastes the advantages of any nation. Mr. BLAIR. I would say this tothe gentleman, that I do not Let me illustrate. These gentlemen here have been talking understand it to be the contention of the Republican theory or the about high tariffs and low tariffs, and the blessings of high tax- Republican party that necessarily the highest wages in all cases ation for the workingman. Let us take two conspicuous exam- must give the greatest return to the individual. That depends ples. Our good friends, the amiab1e and able gentlemen on upon the civilization or the grade of civilization of which he the other side of the House, are talking to us about England and happens to be part. But this is the point, that when you allow America; and they say, "Why, gentlemen, the wages in Eng- the producer of France and the producer of Great Britain, or land are much lower than they are in America." After the producer of any country where the cost of the article is much awhile, if I have the time, I will show you the fact as discovered Iless than the same article in the United States and give free­ by the Harrison Administration, that labor cost (not wages) is dom of access to our markets! then, of course, you deprive us of lower in the United States than in England. But they say that our work, and the more dangerously so just in proportion to the the wages are much higher in this country than th3y are in lesser cost o.f the article produced. Great Britain. Well, to start with, we have about twenty times Mr. HARTER. I will answer the gentleman. Our object in as much land and about a hundred times as many ad vantages demanding lower taxes is not' to deprive a workman of labor, but for each inhabitant, as they have over -there. Now, it' is plead- to reduce his occasion for it. l would be very glad indeed if ing the baby act for the American people in a manner that the the gentleman could arrange to keep my income in 1894 up by Democratic party never will have occasion to do, when you say giving me only one-half the labor to do. It may be easily done, that the nominal rate of wages is higher in this country than but not by doubling the cost of what I consume, by cutting off my it is in Great Britain. It ought to be. - salary and telling me I am "protected." Why, bless your soul, if I lived upon a farm of 200acres of fer- The facts are that the difference between English wages and tile land, which would produce more to the acre than my neigh- the wages of France is greater than the difference between bor's land, with mines under it, when my neighbor had not any the wages of America and the wages of Great Britain; and yet mines under his land; if under my 200 acres I had a gold mine Great Britain, within about 22 miles of her high taxed (pro­ in one corner, a silver mine in another, iron ore in another cor- tected?) competitor and paying very much higher wages, does ner, and coal in another, with stone in the center, and timber not ask for a protective tariff. Yet, gentlemen speaking for all around, if the land was so fertile that when I tickled it with American manhood, ask for protection from competition 3,000 a hoe it would laugh with a harvest, and if my poor neighbor in- miles distant, begging for a dishonest system which taxes all stead of having 2:.JO acres of land had but 20 acres of land, if I their neighbors for the benefit of industries which ought to grow could not prosper under such circumstances in a greater degree as the acorns grow iritooaktrees, out in the open, and not because than he whom Providence had placed so unfortunately, indeed, they are kept in hothouses or coddled like orchids, but because gentlemen, I would ask to have the probate judge appoint are- the winds of heaven, the blasts of winter, and the storms of the ceiver for my estate and a guardian for my person. [Laughter summer sweep through them and strengthen them. and applause on the Democratic side.] Mr. BLAIR. But is not English agriculture dying, and do Mr. BOWERS of California. Will the gentleman allow me not the agriculturists of England cry for protection against the to as,k him one question? competition of American agricultural products? Mr. HARTER. I am one of the most obliging men in the Mr. HARTER. I would be very glad to yield to questions, world, but let me say that I am unexpectedly on my feet, and but I have not the time. A fair question and an honest answer with no set speech prepared, and IIJ.Y remarks of necessity must often throw a flood of light upon a subject. be rather disconnected and if you put questions to me they will Mr. BLAIR. The gentleman seems to be asking questions, be still more so. At the close of what I have to say I will be and yet declining to have them answered. 742 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11,

Mr. HARTER. I said before that I would be glad to answer our conimerce, reduce the wages of our working people, and all questions at the conclusion of my remarks. The gentleman supply no compensating advantag-e for this great blight which from New Hampshire suggests the idea that there is another the Democratic party would put upon the country. Gentlemen, condition. Here it is. When the free-trade mechanic in Great there is nothing new in this world, as you have probably discov­ Britain, after earning higher wages rthan his French neighbor, ered; and if you will go back to the records of Parliament from goes to the market and the storehouse he finds he can supply his 1838 to 1842 I will show you that the speech which the senior wants and needs better and cheaper than in any nation in the Republican member of the Ways and Means Committee will world. How is it with the protected and therefore underpaid me­ make to-morrow or the day after on the floor of this House was chanic in France? When he goes to spend his wages he finds made there long ago. be mustpay far more forwhathe buys than his untaxed English Mr. REED. Do not be too prophetic. [Laughter.] cousin. You see so far as the workingman is concerned, the ap­ Mr. HARTER. Well, I venture to make the prediction with plication of the principle of so-called protection simply cuts down absolute certainty that it will be fulfilled. [Laughter.] I have his wages and increases his living expenses at the same time. read the speech. [Laughter.] It will be the same speech, only You may as well say you help a man support his family by first that the gentleman from Maine will make it better. He will cutting off his right arm, then give him another boost toward add to and improve it, but that is all. All your speeches have fortune by cutting off his left arm, leaving him armless, but been made in England. You are only thrashing over old straw. protected. [Laughter.] Where men disagree it is well to arbi­ You are making the predictions here that were made just a.B trate. I am one of those people who like arbitration in all its earnestly, just as honestly, in 1838 and in 1842 in Great Britain, forms. While sometimes compelled to go to the lawyer, still I and facts in the United States as in Great Britain will prove you prefer the arbitrator. There is one infallible arbitrator for all wholly and fo rtunately wrong in them all. questions like this, and one that can always be appealed to, and Mr. BOUTELLE rose. that arbitrator is history. Mr. HARTER. My friend can ask me aquestionat the close Myeloquentand intellectual friend from Iowa [Mr. DOLLIVER] of my remarks and I shalJ be very glad to answer it. Not being said that he was fond of facts. I think he intimated that a quart a Rollin, a Gibbon, or even an Heroditus, I fear I may not get of facts were better than a bushel of them·y. Now, I am going through with this bit of history within my tima-- to pour in the quart of facts and wash away, drown out. and Mr. BOU'.rELLE. 1 was not going to ask the gentleman a smother a bushel of my friends theory, for perhaps gentlemen question. I was merely going to suggest-- will have noticed that on this snbject I am a practical sort of The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Ohio yield? a fellow and not much of a theorizer. [Laughte1·.) Let us have Mr. HARTER. Mr. Chairman, as the House has so frequently a little history. Would you like to go back as far as the expe­ refused to yield to the gentleman from Maine in the Hawaiian rience of the children of Israel? [Laughter.] If theJHouse will matter, I will show him the courtesy, on behalf of the House give me time enough it will be easy to take them almost back generally, of yielding to him on this occasion. [Laughter.] to Adam. Mr. BOUTELLE. I was simply going to suggest that the Mr. LOUD. You might get lost on the way. [Laughter.] gentleman seemed to be making a confession that he was him­ Mr. HARTER. Well, the men who support this bill, and by self engaged in thrashing over Mr. Frank Hurd's old straw. its early passage hasten the time when the working people of Mr. HARTER. Well, if Mr. Hurd ever used these arguments this country can get employment, even if they do lose their way on the better for Mr. Hurd. [Laughter.] earth, will never miss the p3.th to Heaven [laughter]; for it has Mr. SPRINGER. But you never" hurd" of it. [Laughter.] been most truly said: "Inasmuchas ye do it to theleastofthe ~ e Mr. HARTER. Wit will never die out in this House as long little ones, ye do it unto me." But, Mr. Chairman, as my time as the gentleman from Illinois remains in it. is so limited, and as many of the gentlemen on the Republican The people of England did not listen to the croakers. The side are· unfamiliar with sacred history, it will be better to con­ calamity howlers were disregarded and she passed the reform fine myself to history which they know something about. Take measure. What happened? I think even my friend from Mas­ Great Britain. Great Britain which is held up to gentlemen sachusetts [Mr. WALKER], who is always so particular about on the other side like a jumping jack, and painted in every authorities, will admit that Mr. Robert Giffen, president of the color that the average Republican statesman or orator fancies. British Statistical Society, is probably the best authority on this They tell us that formerly Great Britain h&.d protection. subject in the known world, and if he had made any misstate­ Yes, Great Britain had protection down to about 1842, but what ments about it they would certainly have been called in question was the condition of England's trade under it? How did her be.fore this. - commerce flourish? Did her manufactures prosper? What were I am about to show to you the wretched, the miserable, the the wages in Great Britain under protection? These, and ques­ heartrending results of tariff reform in Great Britain, so that tions like these, will throw much needed light upon this subject, you may be prepared for the calamity which is to come upon the which so utterly befogs theaverageRepublica.n intellect. 1 beg, United Shtes after the Wilson bill becomes a law. [Laughter.] therefore, to say to the House that at the time tariff-reform meas­ Forty years after the reform came, nearly a half century after ures were first introduced in Great Britain the chronic condition they had deprived themselves of the blessings of protection, of her working people was one of hunger. One of hunger, Ire­ leaving nothing that could inter.fere with the horrible havoc of peat. Her manufactures were languishing. At the end of a free trade in that little insular kingdom which was to drive the period of many hundreds of years of protection her trade was inhabitants into the sea and consign their industries to Hades, dormant, her shipping was small in extent, wages on land -and what do we find happened to them? Of course mourning and sea were low, and occupation was about as uncertain as it has lamentation must have been heard in the land. been in the United States of America, especially in Pennsyl­ The heavens must have been draped in c.rape, in order to ful­ vania, during the past few years, a period in which we have suf­ fill the predictions of the pro!;ectionists of that day, as will be fered most from a so-called protective tariff. [Applause on the necessary here in order to carry out the programme which gentle­ Democratic side.] men have presented so eloquently and picturesquely from time to It was proposed to throw down the barriers, and even such a time. I am sorry to shatter this dream of gentlemen on the man as Mr. Gladstone, who was then a member of the_.Govern­ other side; but here is the exhibit. Here is a sta.t&ment of the ment, opposed the proposition. Some of the ablest, most con­ wages of carpenters, bricklayers, masons, miners, cotton and servative, and most conscientious men in Great Britain-men woolen workers. We would have supposed that they would not who, I am proud to say have their equals on the Republican side get any wages after that bill had passed; that every industry of this HoU::e, for no man is more willing than I am to accord of Great Britain would have beQn stricken to the ground. But, intelligence, to account fairness, to acknowledge honesty of pur­ on the contrary t-.!.8-ges increased 73 p~r cent. pose to most of tho e who are opposed to us on this question­ Mr. SPRING.t.t..K. Good. some of the ablest, and most conservative and most conscien­ 1\ir. HARTER. The gentleman may well say" good;" but it tious men in Great Britain, I say, opposed it, among them Mr. is not eq_ual to what we can do with our unrivaled advantages Gladstone. They said: "As surely as you reduce the tariff, so in the Uii'ited States under low-tariff taxes. surely will ruinous competition come upon us from France and English seamen's wages in competition with all parts of the from Germany. " earth increased from 25 to 70 per cent. But here is another ob­ But what was the result? All the dismal predictions that ject lesson: The net earnings of the people also increased-how were made, predictions like those which have been made here much? Eighty-six dollars and fifty cents a ye:1r. Why, sir, so eloquently by my able friend from Michigan [Mr. BuRRows], many a poor fellow in my Congressional district does not make made still more dexterously by the gentleman from Pennsylva­ under this protective tariff $1:::!5 a year, with all the advantages nia [Mr. DALZELL], made more ·specifically in the speech of the of a free government and the great opportunities of American gentleman from Maine [Mr. DINGLEY], and finally reechoed life and citizenship. Yet the average inc1·ease of wages among and added to by the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. DOLLIVER], came the workingmen o.f Great Britain, over and above what they to naught. You say that if we reduce the taxes of this country got under a high tanff, was $86.50 a year. we will thereby bring paralysis upon our manufactures, destroy Pauperism: This is another index1 and I think a fair one: of 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 743

the condition of a country. Did pauperism increase? Why, if and the othe1• was the Pennsylvanian who was Vice-President you had heard Mr. Gladstone and his coadjutors in that Parlia­ of the United States at that time, Geor_ge M. Dallas. ment you would have supposed that it would become necessary Mr. Dallas gave the cs..sting vote for the reduction of the tariff to build almshouses to take the place of all the factories and in the Senate. What happened? The skies of Pennsylvania public buildin~s of the country. But what was the fact't Al­ were lurid with the fires with which you burned Mr. Wilmot though the population increased enormously in Great Britain, and the Vice-President of the United States in effigy because yet after forty-odd years of ''free trade" there were but two they voted, forsooth, to reduce the tariff and thus lightened the paupers where, under a protective tariff and with a very much burdens of the poor. But mark the result. smaller population, there had been three. Mr. HEINER of Pennsylvania. Will the gentleman allow an Savings deposits: The number of depositors increased ten interruption? times over, and the sum of the savings deposits increased five­ Mr. HARTER. I cannot yield the few moments I have. My fold. obliging friend from New Hampshira intimates that I can not Another thing. Under a protective tariff in our country, have an extension of time. unless a workingman is tolerably fortunate, he never leaves Mr. BLAIR. Mr. Chairman, I will not be put in that atti- any estate whatever behi.nd him. In Pennsylvania, in the ore tude-- mines (a protected indus try), and at some of her "protected" The CHAIR1iAN. Does the gentleman from Ohio yield? coal mines, when a protected Pennsylvanian is carried to his Mr. HARTER. I cannot yield for any more interruptions. burial place he is taken to t.he pottl3r·s field at the expense of the Mr. BLAIR. Then I give notice to the gentleman now that I public. But what was the effect in England upon estates-the will object to an extension. final test of prosperity in any man's life? Did estates in Great . Mr. HARTER. Twoyearsafterthatreductionofthetariffwhat ' Bri tuin go down to zero under free trade? On the contrary, they occurred? The results were so magnificently beneficial to the rose on an averag!3 $1,700. Why, gentlemen, it will take sev­ Keystone State that the low-t3X people of Pennsylvania nomi­ venteen hundred years of protective tariff taxation·in this great nated Mr. Shunk for governor and actually carried Pennsylvania country of ours before the average workingman will have even for the Democratic party and what is here called "free trade" a $1,700 estate to leave behind him. by a majority of 15,000. Mr. SPRINGER. What is the showing as to the cost of I am sorry the time is so short, for I would like to go a little living? further into similar historical facts. M1~. HARTER. Oh, necessarily, the showing is in the same Mr. HEINER of Pennsylvania. I hope the gentleman will 1ine. That accounts for the increase in the net profits. Not only now allow me a moment. did wrures go up, but living expenses went down. · Mr. HARTER. Very well. Mr. SIMPSON. It practically doubled the pay of the work- Mr. HEINER of Pennsylvania. You spoke of the prosp3rity of the country under the tariff of 1846. Tr~ARTER. Exactly, but here is another exhibit. There Mr. HARTER. Yes, sir. were 106,000 taxable incomes in Great Britain at the end of four­ Mr. HEINER of Pennsylvania. I want to say right here that teen hundred years of a protective tariff. After forty years of right in my district, including that of my colleague, Mr. KRmBs, free trade the number of taxable incomes had increased to 320,- from Western Pennsylvania., thirty-three furnaces were closed 000. This tells a significant story. in two years, and every one of them went into bankruptcy, with I look forward to seeing in the future my friend from Maine one or two exceptions. [Applause on the Republican sjde.] [Mr. BOUTELLE] and these other eloquent gentlemen who have Mr. HARTER. Yes; and each of those little two-penny, seven­ spoken for high taxes as being better for the people than low by-nine protection furnaces were replaced by the magnificent taxes-I expect to see them flocking to our side of the House in Democratic furnaces erected under the low-briff period between a few years-why? Because I find that the statesmen of Great 18!6 and 1860. Britain, men who were your peers, but not your superiors-the Mr. KRIBBS. Will my colleague allow me to ask him one men who had opposed this measure were within two years after question? . the statute reducing taxes had passed Parliament the advocates The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio is entitled to of still larger reductions. Mr. Gladstone, from having been an the floor. opponent of free trade and low taxes, grew up to the point where Mr. KRIBBS. I hope the gentleman will yield to me for a he was the champion who a few years ago unhorsed and threw moment. into the dust the premier of your last Republican Administra­ Mr. HARTER. Oh, yes; I will yield to all the Pennsyl­ tion on this question. vanians. One thing further. 'fhe manufacturers of England were op­ Mr. KBIBBS. I wish to ask my colleague how many of these posed to this measure; many of them said" under free trade we iurnaces started up again under the high protective tariff? can not compete with the manufacturers of other countries;" Mr. HARTER. The final effect of this was that after the but the very men who made that opposition and who sent-to lapse of a few years the manufacturers of the United States came Parliament petition after petition, even larger, broader, thicker, here to Washington and made a tariff for themselves; and I may heavier, and more numerously signed perhaps than the one that say in reference to the " manufacturers' tariff " of 185 7, that it • came in here from the overprotected manufacturers of Troy­ was a great reduction even on the so-called "free-trade" tariff even that class of people within two years confessed their mis­ act of 1846. Pennsylvania and Massachusetts voted for that re­ take in the most practical manner by asking that the taxes duction. which they had objected to having lowel'ed should be taken off I wish I had time to take you through the "manufacturers altogether. ta1·iff" bill of 1857, scheduie after schedule., and compare it with Mr. BOWERS of California. Our manufacturers do not ask this Wilson bill that you object to, and show you that the bill any such thing. which we are offering to the House and to the country is to-day Mr. HARTER. They will within two years after the Wilson putting a higher tariff tax on the great mass of these schedules bill becomes law. than did even the manufacturers of thecountrywhosaton the floor Having referred to the experience of England, let me follow of this House and voted for the tariff act ofl857. And since that history back to out' own shores. And here I hope to show, es­ time we have had a constantly mounting stream of protection and pecially from the experience of the State of Pennsylvania, one spoliation, tax after tax. When, tharefore, you say that the tariff of the most impressive object-lessons that has ever been exhib­ tax, which is higher yet, even under this bill, than it was in ited in this House. 1857, must be made higher after thirty years of tariff protection, it Mr. PAYNE. Will you not please tell us- is a confession on your part that the result of protection has been The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Ohio yield? damaging to the interests of the manufacturers, and that after all Mr. HARTER. I can not yield. I have only about ten min- of these years they are less able to compete with foreign man­ utes of my time remaining, and I am under the impression that ufacturers than they were in 1857. I might ask in vain for an extension of it. I had a number of these schedules that I had intended to have Mr. PAYNE. I wanted you to tell us whytheseworkingpeo­ the Clerk read for the benefit of the House, but will, because ple from England came over here? of lack of time, have to confine myself to a very few. Mr. HARTER. Let me say to you, gentlemen, that in 1846 we Will the Clerk be kind enough to read from the bill the tax proposed to ravise the tariff by a reduction, and the same hue on chemicals-the average tax upon chemicals, paints, and oils? and cry which you maske now was made then. What was there­ The Clerk read as follows: sult? I said Iwould use Pennsylvaniaasanobject-lessonin this Average tax, 20 to 30 per cent. connection. Listen, you sons of the great Keystone State. In 18!6 you only had two Representatives at Washington who were Mr. HARTER. It will be found to be about 30 per cent. In intelligent enough to vote for a reduction of tariff taxation. 1846 this tax was 20 per cent, and the tax on these articles was One was David Wilmot, who then sat in this very Chamber, still further reduced]Js the manufacturers themselves in 1851. 744 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11,

I ask the Clerk to read from the bill the tax on varnishes-the On. the contrary the woolen-manufacturing · iodustry of the average tax under the Wilson bill. Umted States was established in 1643 or thereabouts. Let me The Clerk read as follows: see, when did the Mayflower land? Average rate, 25 per cent. Several MEMBERS. In 1620. Mr. HARTER. Varnishes were free under the tariff act of Mr. HARTER. Well, we were not on the Mayflower and I 1846. I will not ask about earthenware and china, for my time am excusable for not remembering the exact date. My' ances­ is too short to treat the subject properly; however, let it now tors were able to remain in Europe a little longer than yours suffice to say that we made earthenware and china under a were. [Laughter.] But I want to speak a littre while about lower tax in those days than the Ways and Means Committee the iron trade, for it is at the bottom of all our industries at the bill proposes now, after we have burdened the people for thir ty very foundation, indeed, of our civilization. We give iron I years build up that industry. What is the tax upon cut­ think, 22t l?er cent under the Wilson bill, and steel 25 per ce~t. to I took pams last week, when over in Philadelphia, to get a lery? copy of the London Iron and Steel Traders' Journal, and also a The Clerk read as follows: copy of the (American) Iron Age. I took the English paper of Cutlery, 35 to 45 per cent. December 16 at;td the American paper o~ December 14. In looking Mr. HARTER. In 1846, as I recollect the figures, the tariff over the English paper I found that m Staffordshire En(J'land was about 30 per cent, and it was still further reduced by the certain grades of bar iron were selling for $37.56 a ton; o~md i manufacturers themselves in 1847. Now I will ask the Clerk to found I could buy the same grade of bar iron in the United give the tariff on cotton manufactures. States of America for $26 a ton, leaving the difference between The Clerk read as follows: ~he English pr:ice and the American price $11.56 a ton, the price Cotton manufactures, 4.0 per cent. rn England bemg that much higher than it is in the United­ Mr. HARTER. Listen! The cry has gone over the country States. The average freights are $1.25 to $2 a ton for cros5ing that 40 per cent is not enough. Let me go back to the childhood the ocean. of your cotton manufactures. Samuel Slater established cotton­ Mr. DOLLIVER. Are you complaining of that? manufacturing in Rhode Island in 1790, under a tariff tax of Mr. HARTER. I say that there is no need of 22t per cent or about 5 per cent, and he jmported most of his cotton, paying, I a~y tariff tax whatev~r to "protect" iron manufacturers, yet think, 3 cents a pound tariff tax on his raw material, and then he ~1th th~ 22tpercentglv~n them by the Wilson bill you are still a competed successfully with Great Britain, and you, sons of New calamity howler," and if you had 2,200 per cent I think your England, you degenerate descendants of Samuel Slater, a cen­ cry would be the ss,me. tury later come before this House and say you have fallen so con­ Steel billets are the foundation of the whole steel trade of the temptibly low that you can not protect yoursel ve.s with prac­ United States. I discover that steel billets were worth on the tically eight times the protection your great grandfathers h ::td 16th of December, in Great Britain, $23.42, while I co~ld buy -in 1790. · them at Pittsburg for $16.75. I have in my possession a letter I received to-day from one of .Mr. BOUTELLE. Then, where is the ta.x? the great cotton-manufacturers of New England, in which he ~r. HARTER. There is no need of any tax, and yet you condemns our bill because, as he knows from long experience, shr1e~ and cry as iE you were crippled for life while our bill feeds the t..q,riff on cotton goods is made too high, not too low; and thus you with 22i to 25 per cent of tax. I am just showing you that practical manufacturers put to shame their hobbyhorse repre­ w~ are able to compete not only under the Wilson bill, but that sentatives on the floor of this House, members whoprateabout With absolute free trade we could have all Europe within five manufacturing as if they knew all about it and who nevertheless, years kneeling at our feet and tbe world buying and consuming in the simplicity of their souls, think the mule they use in fac­ American goods, made by untaxed Americans. tories walks on two legs, is kept in a barn, and has ears as long [Here the hammer fell.] as their own. · Mr. BOUTELLE. What is the tariff on steel billets? Why, my e-ood friends here from Maine, I would like to know Mr. H~rr:ER. I regret that the expiration of my time pre­ when your cotton industries were established? Of course the gen­ vents me g1vmg to the gentleman the attention he would other­ tleman from Iowa [Mr. DOLLIVER] is excusably ignorant, because wise have at my hands. he comes from the boundless and trackless prairie where they do Mr. BROSIUS. Mr. Chairman, I am very sensible indeed not know anything about cotton mills or cotton-mill machinery that this is not the hour for a serious discussion of this measure [laughter]; but you gentlemen from Maine are not excusable on and remembering the generous indulgence of the Hou&9 tom~ that ground. When did you establish your cotton industries? on other and indeed one raryoccasion heretofore, I am reluctant When were those mag_nificent industries, the pride of New Eng­ to .detain you to a later hour for the purpose of hearing any­ land and the glory of the United States, established? They thmg I may say. were established under what was called the free-trade tariff of If the reapers in the field of Boaz had been as dili

from Illinois fl\1r. SPRINGER]1 I am satisfied. tory. I can not withhold the homage due to greatness by omit­ Mr. HARTER. I have known the gentlemen from Illinois ting to say that I reproduce the words of Mr. Stevens to-day [Mr. SPRINGER] for a long time and I have rarely heard him with undisguised satisfaction. Thev accentuate the statement make an answer that was not well worth attention, and als9 of made by my distinguished colleague [Mr. DALZELL] in his ex• quotation, either in this House or elsewhere. haustive argument yesterday, that Pennsylvania has neve~ No» as to the woolen manufacture, gentlemen, perhaps you wavered in her loyalty to protection. think that must have been established under the McKinley bill. Horace White; in the preface to his tr:-.nslation of Frederick

. 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 745

Basteat's Sophisms of Protection, says that the national Repub­ but also ammunition and clothing, without which the war would not have been carried on, whereby their oppressed country was greatly assisted and lican convention of 1860 offered a bribe to the State of Pennsyl­ relieved; and vania for its vote in the Presidential. election, which bribe was Whereas although the fabrics and manufactures of Europe and other for­ set forth in the following resolution of the platform adopted by eign parts imported into this country in times of peace may be afforded at; cheaper rates than they can be made here, yet good policy and a regard to that memorable convention: ~he well-being of divers "Q.Seful and industrious citizens who are employed Resolved, That while providing revenue for the support of the General rn the making of like goods in this State demand of us that moderate duties Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjust- be laid on certain fabrics and manufactures imported which do most inter­ ment of these imposts as to encourage the development or the industrial fere with and which, if no relief be given, will undermine and destroy, the interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national useful manufactures of the like kind in this country. exchanges vyhich secures to the workingman liberal wages, toagriculturere- 'fhat was the germ of our protective system. It contained the munerativeprices, to mechanics and manufactories an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity power and potency of all that bas been evolved out of it, or de- and independence. 'veloped from it. Jt was the infant, grown now to a giant, which I do not bring this antique and somewhat unique observation of like a faithful sentinel stands guard over factory, forge, field, Horace vVhite into public notice for the purpose of resenting the and every fold of American labor and industry. apparent insult to Pennsylvania, for he distinctly disclaimed any Hamilton, with his prescient intellect and mighty reach of intention to charge unworthy motives for the political action of statesmanship, scarcely saw b .3yond the lines marked out by the that State in giving her support to the nominee of the Repub- Pennsylvania Assembly. Clay elaborated the scheme, broad­ lican party. I use the incident as a pleader would use the name ened the field of vision, and furnished some arguments in sup­ of John Doe or Richard Roe, to bring the cause into court; the port of the system. He gave its data classification, polished it cause of The Peoplevs. the Wilson Tariff Bill on an indictment for and labeled it for popular study, and did more perhaps than any asss.ult with intent to kill the industries of the Unit-ed States other American statesman to relieve the subject of its abstruse­ [laughter and applause], the intent, as in similar cases in our ness and bring it within easy range of popular comprehension. criminal jurisprudence, being presumed from the nature of the In later years the contributions of economists and statesmen, weapons used. [Laughter andapplauseon theRepublican side.] the lessons of experience, and the more scientific study of its I have never known the distinct ends had in view by those principles have demonstrated more clearly its superior utility who have cherished the protective system in vogue in the United and deepened the American conviction of its necessity to the States in almost unbroken continuity for a hundred years to b3 welfare and prosperity of our industries, and established its title more clearly and strongly stated than in the resolution to which to the veneration and affection of every patriotic American citi­ Pennsylvania gave the honor of her support a third of a century zen, until the feeling widely prevalent among all ranks of our ago. Nor were these sentiments the exclusive posses~ion of the people may be tersely and truthfully expressed in the words of Republicans of Pennsylvania-they were shared by the Demo- Grattan, speaking of the Irish Parliament: "It is our very ex- crats as well. istence; nay, more, it is our life to come." In the very year that the representatives of the Republican It has been through the century a leading agency in nourish­ party in the Republican national convention at Chicago were ing infant inaustries andin mainroiningmatureones,in diversi­ giving their adhesion to the principles of the resolution I have fying employments, and promoting the conditions of mutually just read, a Pennsylvania Democrat, the late lamented Hon. advant3geous intercourse between them; in utitizing all our John Cessna, a delegate to the Democratic national convention powers and capabilities by employing them upon the totality at Charleston, introduced on the floor of that con ventlon the fol- of our native resources, giving employment to our labor and lowing resolution: applying our own capital to our own industrial pursuits, thus Resolved, That the convictions of the Democratic party or the country re- meeting our own wants with our own supplies, our satisfactions main unsha.ken in the wisdom and justice of the adequate protection of with our sacrifices and mutually serving each other to the iron, coal, wool, and the other great staples of our country, based upon the t t t ' t'bl 'th th di · d hi h necessities or a reasonable revenue system or the General Government; and grea es ~xten compa I e WI e. con t~ons un er w c we approving the views or President Buchanan upon the subject or specific are working out the problem of our mdustr1al development, and duties, we earnestly.d~sire our representatives in. Congress to produce ~uch in opening the way to results of such unrivaled splendor in the modific:t.tlons or enstmg laws as the unwise legiSlatiOn of the Republican d ti d · 't' f lth d h h f party in 1857 renQ.ers absolutely necessary to the prosperity o! the great in- pro uc on an acqmsi 10n o wea an t e growt o trade terests of the country. and commerce as to extort from the greatest living Englishman When the principles of these two declarations of Pennsylvania the. handsome tribute-and ~ow .where is the gentl~man from ' sentiment on the tariff question were embodied in the tariff act Oh10 Qaughter]-that~plendid tribute,." That so rap1d has been of 1861 and passed by both Houses of Congress, it was promptly our g.rowth, and so ~w1ftly are we ~orgmg ~he~~ that our com­ approved by another great Pennsylvania Democrat President merCia! supremacy IS only a question of time. [Applause on Buchanan. ' the Republican side.] To-day that great State waits in the attitude of expectancy to So much fo~ our p~st. W.hat is our present s.itu!Ltion in the see her Democratic representatives in this Congress align them- shado!f of an 1m:pendmg p~ril? It beggars descriptiOn.. In our selves on these long-established Pennsylvania principles and factories you can hear a pm drop. .In. our forges ~ wh~sper re­ take the touch of elbow with their distinguished predecessors, verberates. IJ?- our furnaces. a friCtiOn ma.tch illummes the who in earlier days shed luster upon the Keystone Democracy. darkness, and m many American homes a piece of corn bread [Applause.] would be a feast. A few rough-hewn lines of some doggerel These events, however, marked no departure, denoted no epoch rhymes feebly portray the clouds and darkness round about us: in Pennsylvania sentiment on the tariff question. They were From fo!ges where no fires burn, in consonance with the views held. by the people and the states- From nnllslooms where o'er which wheels no no shuttles longer leap,turn, men of that State of both ps.rties for more than a century. In From merchants' shops-which sheritrs keep her infancy she lisped the same accents; in her vigorous youth From banks gone up, from stocks gone down, she shouted the same notes in her mature manhood she utters From God-made country, man-made town, . . . ' . . . From Wall street men, from sons of toil, the same glorious voice m favor of such defensive duties as w1ll From the bronzed tillers or the soil promote the remuneration and elevation of labor, adequate re- Fro:!? Nm;th, rr.om s~mth, from East, from West, d f t · d ·tal d th · t d h Busmess lS cryrng With a zest- w.ar s or en erprlSe an capI , an e prosper1 ~ an . ap- "Don't monkey with the tariff., pmess of all our people. [Applause on the Republican side.] In 1860 her convictions were uttered in the perfectly articulate [Laughter.] THE WILSON BILL. . and distinctly audible tone of 60,000 majority. In 1893, after an experience of a third of a century, she reaffirmed them in the And yet we have before us a bill which proposes, in relation detonating and reverberant thunder of 135,000 majority. [Ap­ to a number of our leading and most necessary industries, to Elause on the Republican side.] My friend from Pennsylvania strike down those defensive duties in some instances and reduce LMr. DALZELL] is right. She has never wavered in her loyalty them in others, and thereby diminish that protection under to protection. . which they have prospered in the past, and without which they I hazard nothing in saying that the best developed and most will not only be unable to prosper in the future, but must lan­ scientific conception of defensive duties existing when the founda­ guish, and if not succored at an early day by wiser legislation, tions of our Government were laid was a Pennsylvania notion. must perish by starvation or strangulation, unless they continue One hundred and eight years ago on the 20th of last September a precarious existence by reducing the wages of American labor the Assembly of that State passed a tariff act, the preamble of to the foreign level. 1t is the fourth bill that has been written which stated the grounds upon which it proceeded. It declared over the name of a Democratic statesman in thirty years. We that- have seen a Wood bill, a Morrison bill, a Mills bill, and now we Whereas divers useful and beneficial arts and manufactures have been have a Wilson bill. Which is the worst bill I am notable to say. gradually introduced into Pennsylvania, and the same have a.t length risen When all are so bad it would be invidious to discriminate. to a very considerable extent and perfection, insomuch that auring the late It is not a free-trade bill, for it admits protection to a limited war between the United States and Greatr Britain, when the importation or European goods was much interrupted. a.nd often very di.fllcult ·and uncer­ extent. It is not a protective bill, for it contains too little pro­ tain, the artisans and mechanics of this State were able to supply in the tection to be of any use_ It is like a dike too low to keen the hours or need not only large quantities of weapons and other implements, water out. It is not a revenue bill, for it fails to produce reve- 746 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. J.ANU.ARY 11, nue. It embodies all the vices and none of the virtues of com­ world for American manufactures when England's factories are mel cial restriction. It entails all the cost and vexation of main­ crowded with an accumulation of products for which the double taining custom-houses, while it brings none of the benefits the advantage of free raw material and low wages does not enable system was designed to secure. her to find a market. but subjects her to the mortification THE BASIS OF SOUND LEGISLATION. of witnessing her foreign commerce in a progressive decline; All sound and beneficial legislation on lines of commercial regu­ in vain that you insist that you are cheap.= ning commodities lation must proceed upon these fundamental postulates: for the people ·s consumption while you are curtailing their means First. Our own laboring people must be employed at remuner­ of buying the satisfactions of life at any price. But for the con­ athe wages. straint 1 am under to believe you serious, the irony of your Second. We have no advantageous industries which C!1D. em­ declarations and protestations is so apparent that I would be re­ ploy all our labor in the production of commodities whose excess minded of the hy-pocrite who protested his love for his Savior, ove ~· and above our own consumption can find a market elsewhere­ his veneration for his Bible, and his devotion to his religion, at p.ices commensurate with such a ratio of result to exertion or while he daily broke every commandment in the decalogue. of s.1tisfaction to sacrifice as would justify the cumulation of our THE REPUBLICAN DOCTRINE OF PROTECTION. labor in them. Conformably to the principles [ have indicated, the Repub­ Third. That under these conditions the best results are attain-' lican doctrine of protection is that imposts are to be levied for able by the employment of . our labor and all our productive two purposes, both distinctly declared by the founders of the forces on our own raw materials to meet our own consumption. Republic, and to secure which was one of the chief reasons for as fJ.l' as is compatible with the nature and extent of our re­ the adoption of the Constitution of 1787, namely, to rai~erevenue sources. In other words, under existing conditions of produc­ for the support of the Government and to encourage our domes­ tion, distribution, and consumption the world over, the Ameri­ tic industries· and a constitutional duty is one that has for its can market is the best one: not only for the products of Ameri­ object this twofold purpose: A duty which yields sufficient reve­ can soil, butas well those of American mines, factories, forges, nue and at the same time guarantees ourown producers thetirst furnaces, and the whole round of American production. chance in our own markets is a protective and constitutional These propositions derive support not only h·om the deduc­ duty; while a duty which aims to raise revenue while it injures tions of reason applied to the facts of our situation, but frQm the home enterprise and discourages domestic industries by inviting lessons of our actual experience as well. If a shoemaker has a importations is a destructive duty, and, if not an unconstitutional market for all the shoes he can make at a price which pays him one. is maintained by an abuse of constitutional power. more for a day's work than he can make at any other employ­ Duties in the two instances are imposed on tot91ly different­ ment, he puts in all his time at making shoes; but if his market principles. A duty regulated by the revenue principle alone fails him, if he can not sell all his shoes at a price that consti­ proceeds upon the assumption that the point on the scale of tutes that his advantageous industry he must either be idle a rates at which a duty should be fixed is the lowest figure that portion of his time or accumulate a surplus of shoes without ex­ will yield the requisite amount of revenue without regard to changeable value. He is driven, therefore, to give a portion of protection, on the theory that the less the duties the lighter the his time to some other employment to eke outaliving. Or, if he burdens. It is easily seen that this results in largely increasing find J a market for all his shoes, but can not find a supply of some importations, for as the duty falls the imports swell-to the in­ necessary article of consumption, say stockings, at such price as jury of our home producer~. wollld pay him better to buy than to make, then he must employ The principle of the maximum revenue from the maximum a part of his time in making his own stockings. This would be importations is the one stab the industries of this countrv can an economic necessity. not survive, for it means the minimum of home productions. It Similarly, thepeopleofthe United States, having no single in­ substitutes foreign for home products and foreign for home in­ dustry or limited number of indUBtries in which their labor and dustries, and is to that extent unpatriotic and un-American, if exertion would be more efficient than in others, because there is not treason to the welfare of the country. no market to take all they could produce in them at a price that On the contrary, a duty regulated upon the twofold principle would give their labor superior efficiency, must do other things of revenue and protection proceeds upon the assumption that to make a living. And moreover, if they had a superiority in the true point on the scale of rates at which a duty should be one or more industries they could not find an adequate supply fixed is the highest figure consistent with sufficient revenue and of their remaining wants at a. price which would pay them better adeauate protection. to buy than to make. So that the economic limitations of the By the Democratic method the revenue is to be collected with situation in which we find ourselves, and from which we have no as much incidental injury to the people as possible. By theRe­ means of escape, compe1 us to the course we have chosen to pur· publican method the revenue is collected with as much inci­ sue, that of producing to a large extent our own consumption. dental benefit to the people as possible. But if the necessities of our -situation compel us, as the solici­ We believe that il the collector of customs can dispense bene­ tation of our manifest interest moves us, to employ ourselves in fits while he is gathering revenue it is a. relief and not a dis­ l.he miscellaneous and manifold industries, with the resources tress to the people. A revenue that earries a double blessing and aptitudes for which our country and our people have been upon its wings is none the worse on that account. so richly endowed, and we are already established in these in­ Daniel Webster, the great expounder of the Constitution, said dustries with fabulous amounts of capital invested in numeroUB on this v~ry point: plants equipped for business, under a scale of defensive duties, Can it be that we have only a revenue power in thls matter? That is, we which secures to us so generous a. share of our own markets as have the clear and undoubted power to take so much money out of your pocket-s and apply it to our public purposes; but God forbid that in doing to give employment to our own labor in production at remuner­ so we should do you any good at the same t-ime. ative wages commensurate with the high general level of char­ Now, let us e;ive some attention to the contentions in support acter and intelligence which distinguishes American labor, of the bill. The proponents of the measure rely upon a course should we bv withdrawing that protection, by the reduction or of deductive reasoning totally invalid when tested by the eco­ total removal of those duties, relinquish a portion of our own nomic facts of our history. The only verification by actual ex­ markets to foreign producers, displace our own labor for foreign, perience which they have ever thought worth while to attempt imna.ir our own fixed capital, and voluntarily abdicate our sov- is found in the period batween 18-!6 and 1860. As the devout Mus· ereignty over 0 lr industrial realm. . sulmen in prayer turn their faces toward the Caaba. as their The answer of the advocates of this measure doubtless is that point of adoration, so do our devout tariff reformers when they the bill has no tendency to the production of the results named, bend their exertions to the rescue of their country from the but on the contrary it will tend to lighten the burdens of taxa­ robber barons of protection their faces t-o the Meccaof1846 tion, promote the activity of our industries, better the condi­ turn ~ 1860 as their point of adoration. tions of labor, and secure a progressively increasing efficiency in all our productive agencies. ·- FREE-TR.A!JE PERIOD. But for the indisputable presumption of your sincerity in this A characteristic mode of depicting the unspeakable charms of contention I would say it is in vain you protest that you are that idyllic season after the winter of their discontent had been practical economists working ont· the problem of your country's made glad summer by the glorious sun of free trade in the interests, while the agencies you propose are calculated to par­ tariff of 1846 may be found in an address of the present Vice­ alyze the industries they are meant to help, unless indeed it be President at BloomingtOn, ill., just before his election. These economists of the cla.ss of whom Napoleon said: "If the empire are his words: were made of adamant they would grind it to powder;'' in vain The decade and a half extending from the passage of the low-ta.r:U'! law of 1846 to the beginning of our civil war has been truly called the golden that you declare your solicitude for workingmen while you are period of our history. The cost of the necessaries or life had reached the legislating bread out of their mouths; in vain that you insist that minimum, and at no time in our history was it easier for the wage-earner their condition will be bettered while you are closing the mills to support his family. The farmer, the mechanic, the day laborer alike rea.ll2ed the benefit of low taxation. A benefit, whyP Simply for the reason in which they earned the higheet wages ever paid to labor; in that it lessened the cost of food, of clothing, of every article that conduced vain that you pretend to be seeking access to the markets of the to his eomfort. Our manufactories did not languish. The fires did not go 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 747

out in our furnaces. The wheels and spindles were not idle in our great to labor. Precisely what mode of imposing duties is required idves of industry. The demand for labor was not lessened, nor was its value by a tariff for revenue only may be a question not free> from dif­ depreciated. · ficulty. Mr. Chairman, an effective answer to the Vice-President, as There is credible Democratic authority for holding that such well as to the fairy tales given us yesterday by the gentleman a tariff excludes entirely the idea of free imports of any kind, from Ohio [Mr. HARTER] concerning this long-to-be-remembered that the Democratic doctrine of the unconstitutionality of a pro­ per:iod when the industries of Pennsylvania languished, and lan­ tective duty carries the necessary implication that revenue be­ guishing, died by the scores, with none to succor, may be found ing the supreme and only purpose of the impost, it must be ex­ in the work of Robert Ellis Thompson on Social Science and acted from the whole field of importations without omission and National Economy. Mr. Thompson ~ys: without favor. In every quarter in which this view meets with Thus during the years 1846--'49 English iron was cheap, selling in New York acceptance, free raw materials must be condemned as repugnant a t $10 a ton, and largely driving the home producer out of the market. One­ third of the fUrnaces and iron mills ceased operations soon after the tariff totbeprincipleofarevenue tll'iff and in derogation of the latest was enacted, many being sold out by the sheritr, the rest were sorely crip­ distinct tenet of the Democratic party. For a fuller exposition pled, and the amount or their production greatly diminished. In 1~1 -'54, of this incongruity in the bill I refer to the following observa­ when home competition was virtually out of the way, iron sold for l1SO a ton, whereas native iron had been sold for $60. .tions from the New York Sun: A CONTRAST AND OO:s-TRA.DICTION. FREE RAW MATEBI.U. But further, Mr. Chairman, for the sake of the contrast, and We lla.ve had the honor to receive from the attorney-general of Mississippi the Hon. Frank Johnston, a communication containing the following re~ in the interest of truth, I submit without note or comment the quest: dispassionate statement of President Fillmore in his annual mes­ "I have written to ask the Sun to give its rea.ders elaborately its views on thf' subject of free raw material, with a protective duty on the manuf&.ctured sage to Congress in December, 1851. This is what he said: product." The value of our exports of breads tufts and provisions, which it was sup­ As any and all discussion upon this subject can be theoretical and academic posed the incentive of a low tarill and large importations from abroad would only, and of no possible application to the practical transactions of the have greatly a11crrrnented, has fallen from $5.'3.701,9"21 in 1817. to $:!6,051,373 in Democratic Congress, we must respectfully call Mr. Johnston's attention to 1850, and to $:21.848,653 in 1851, with a strong probability, amounting almost the fact. Debate on free raw material is closed. Such a feature of the tarur to a certainty, of a still further reduction in the current year. was pre~ented for approyal to the l~st great court of the Democratic party, The aggregate value of rice exported during the last fiscal yea.r as com­ the NatiOnal Democratic Convent10n of 1892, and it was repudiated, not paTed with the previous year also exhibits a decrease amounting t{) $460,917, merely by the negative of deliberate and categorical rejection, but by the which with a decline in the value of the exports of tobacco for the same added declaration of a principle that made the notion of free raw materials period make an aggregate decrease in these two articles of $1,156,751. a constitutional impossibility. The policy whir.h .tictated a low rate of duties on foreign merchandise it The Chicago convention, which put forward Mr. Cleveland for the Presi­ was thought by those who promoted and established it would tend to benefit dency, decided that there should be a "tartrr for revenue only," and in so the farming population or the country by increasing the demand and raising saying it double locked the door on further ar~ent as to the expediency the price or agricultural products in foreign markets. The foregoing facts, of other policies, or as to national prospency by other methoas, or the however, seem to show incontestibly that no such result has followed the ineyit~b).e cha?ges in manufacture and commerce, _or sectional advantages, adoption of this policy. or mdivtdual mterests, or personal opinions, or dlbcrimination of any sort BUCHANAN'S TESTDIONY. or shade in customs duties. Each becamethereafteranabsolutelyforb1dden To make confirmation strong as proof of Holy Writ I will pl~e factor in the tarur, as prescribed by the Constitution. Each and all must be eliminated from the Federal system and bru.Ted out. on the record of this discussion the statement of President Buch­ Free raw material, or free anything, is out of the question in a constitu­ anan at a later period, when the evils of a revenue tariff had cul­ tional revenue tari!f. A free list is as impossible under the Democratic minated in the ove~throw of our industries and the impoverish­ platform as a prohibitory tax. Revenue is the supreme principle, and reye­ n.ue only, t~ be exacted from the whole field of importation, without omis­ men t o£ our people. President Buchanan, in his annual message BlDn and Without favor. The reforme:rs have been proclaiming earnestly to Congress December 8, 1857, said: for years past. that any other than a. revenue tarur robs some one, and now We have possessed all of the elements of national wealth in rich abun­ the Democratic platform says the same thing. What any Democratic jour­ dance, and yet, notwithstanding all these advantages, our country in its mone­ nal or Democratic statesman, therefore, thinks individually of the free-raw· tary intere ts is at the present moment in a deplorable condition. In the material principle can have no more st-anding before a Democratic Congress midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions of agriculture and in all or a Democratic Administration than advocacy of highway robbery, direct the elements of national wealth, we find our manufactures suspended, our and s.imple. The Sun would have to attach as much importance to elabo­ public works retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds abandoned, rating an essay on the multiplication table as to a renewed discussion on the and thousands of useful laborers thrown out of employment and reduced to merits of a. free list. want. - • In assuring Mr. Johnston of our most distinguished com.ideration., we must justify this somewhat blunt response to his courteous note by the :fact In the same message, after describing the distress and want to that the Democratic pledge, solemnly ofrered and publicly accepted toler­ which the people had been reduced, President Buchanan en­ af:e~ no otheT. The tariff mu~t be for revt>nue only, without humbug', back­ larged upon the inability of the people to purchase manufactured sliding, or delusion. Other~ people will say the Democracy is a fraud. articles for lack of means, and that e-oods therefore ceased to be Mr. Chairman, I indulge the hope that the humbug, backslid­ produced. The decay of our own industries so lessened the peo­ ing, and delusion of "free raw material," so pungently referred ple's means of purchasing imported goods that imports fell off to by Mr. Dana, may be eliminated from the bill before it reaches to such an extent that the revenue declined so that it was inad­ its passage. - equate to meet the n€cessary expenses of the Government. To HENRY WATTERSON. supply this deficiency Congress, by act of December 23, 1857, ~nother.father in Israel of the Democratic faith, fro~ the op­ authorized the issue of $20,000,000 of Treasury notes. This prov­ posite section of our country, Henry Watterson, says thlS bill is ing inadequate, in June, 1858, a loan of $20,000,000 was authorized an attempt to steer between wind and water, to serve two mas­ to meet the expenditures of the Government. ter~. A tariff for revenue and a tariff for protection are the op­ The conditions progressed from bad to worse until March 3, posites of each other, and the conflict between them is irrepres­ 1859, when the situation was so appalling that the President is­ s~ble. II the party did not mean this in 1876, then the platform sued a special message to Congress, appealing in tones of touch- hed. If Mr. Cleveland did not mean it by his message of 1887 • ing- pathos to preserve the credit of the country. then he misled the people and is at this moment the custodi~ The Treasury was bankrupt, the credit of the nation was re­ of stolen goods. At least the convention of 1892 meant it be­ duced to its lowest terms, and no provision was made for the cause the issue was therein made so decisive and incisive that necessary expenses of the Government. nobody could mistake it. The people voted distinctly to displace Thus- the protective system with a revenue system. . The safe cours_e to pursue was to make a tariff for ~evenue only Says the message- m consonance Wlth the pledges of the p8.rty. The rmperfection the country, which is fnll of resources, will be dishonored before theworld, and the American people, who are a debt-paying people, will be disgraced by of t~e b~l is its complications.. It admits the smug face of pro­ the omission on our part to do our duty. tectwn m iome parts and half Its body in other parts. So says And these calamitous results ensued, it must not be forgotten, Henry Watterson in the Louisville Courier-Journal. coincidently with an unparalleled succession of fortuitous cir­ So firm is Mr. Watterson's conviction that the Democratic cumstances, calculated in the highest degree to countervail the party has. been gui.!.ty of a base betrayal of the people's trust in depressing influences exerted by the mistaken tariff policy of undertakmg to folSt upon the country the Wilson bill for a that unhappy period. These circumstances, as all will remem­ tariff-for-revenue measure that he h3.8 deliberately declared that ber, were a succession of famines in ~reland, a crop shortage in "his party is marching through a slaughterhouse to an open Germany and other European countr1es, European wars, and the grave." I do not quarrel with him on that point, but am happy discovery of gold in California. But all these aids to prosperity to be in unity with him. [Applause on the Republican side.J could not overcome the noxious effects of the Walker tariff, and Andrew Jackson Steinman, as broad-gauged, clear-headed, and the country sank deeper and deeper in the slough of despond conservative a Democratic journalist as can be found in Eastern until the Morrill tariff brought succor to a demoralized and dis­ Pennsylvania, in the Lancaster Intelligencer says: - tressed country. Mr. OATES furthermore believes that the free list in the Wilson bill is too laz:ge in view of the need of revenue. We are entirely in sympathy with this TARIFF FOR REVENUE. opinion. We are unable to underst.&nd how a Democratic committee, in· One of the numerous contentions upon which the advocates of structed by a Dsmocr-a.tic convention in favor of a. tariff for revenue. has a tariff for revenue rely is the assumption that free raw material been able to formulate a ta.ritf bill which 1s not expected to raise anyth.mg like the revenue needed by the Trea.sury; which makes a large free list that cheapens production, enlarges consumption, multiplies markets, yields no revenue at all, and continues a Republican bounty on S1tlfclr which promotes manufactures, and secures remunerative employment not only fails to prOduce, but actually dissi1>ates revenue. 748 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 11,

It seems to us to be really silly to establish a free list, when we need the revenue it can be readily made to yield without complaint and without par· having had under consideration the tariff bill, had come to no ticular burden upon anyone. .A tariff for revenue really prohibits a free resolution thereon. • list; though it would be a good policy, as to articles of prime necessity, pro· vided the revenue was superabundant. It is a good way to release revenue, PRINTING COAST AND GEODETIC REPORT. to establish a free list; but when we do not want to release revenue, it is a . Mr. RICHA~DSON of Tennessee. Mr. Speaker, this morn­ foolish establishment. mg the House agreed to a Senate resolution to print the annual There should be a light duty levied upon all articles on the free list in the Democratic bill; a duty so light as not to hinder their importation, but report of the Coast and Geodetic Survey for 1892. There was enough to raise the revenue they can be made to yield without checking an error in the resolution. It should have been 1893. I m~ve their importation. And certainly there should be no bounty on sugar. That to reconsider, or ask unanimous consent to reconsider the action is a. question too clear for lon~ discussion. No such proposition could have appeared in a Democratic tanti bill, i! a proper hand had been kept upon of the House in order to ask its return from the Sen~te and cor­ the Democratic pulse or the country, which thoroughly and undoubt-edly re· rection. I submit a resolution, on which I ask immediate ac­ pudia.tes the idea of a bounty; and especially when the revenues are short, tion. will it forbid the pa sage of such a measure. The honest truth is that the Wilson tari1I bill needs to be promptly recom· The SPEAKER. The Clerk will report the resolution of the mitted to the committee with instruction to cause it to provide sufficient gentleman from Tennessee. reyenue; and the sooner this is understood and done, the better it will be The Clerk read as follows: for the party and the country. Resolved, That the Senate be requested to return to the House the Senate FREE RAW llATERIAL. concurrent resolution to print the report of the Superintendent of the Coast I beg now to observe that if the theory of Mr. Dana and Mr. and Geodetic Survey for the fiscal year 1892. Watterson is not sound, and protective duties are after all com­ The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the consideration of patible with the principle of a tarifl' for revenue only, then the this resolution? "free raw material" clauses of the bill come under equal con­ Mr. DALZELL. What is the suggestion? Should it be 1893? demnation on another ground. If protection is admitted into Mr. RICHARDSON of Tennessee. That is the correction the bill to any extent, however limited, as a direct object, it is a which should be made in the resolution. distinct concession to the principle of protection, and we may There being no objection, the resolution was considered and well imdst that its application shall not be arbitrary but con­ agreed to. formable tQ the reason of the case and the requirements of our . The SPE4KER. As it wants now only three minutes of the industrial situation. · t1me for takmg the recess, if there be no objection the Chair We do not want a ,tariff bill like that of 1846, which a distin­ will declare the House in recess until 8 o'clock. The gentleman guished economic writer characterized as "neither fish, flesh, fro'f!l Indiana [Mr. BROOKSHIRE] will preside and perform the fow 1, nor good salt herring." We ought to hava a bill consistent dut1es of the Chair at the evening session, which will be devoted with itself-without repugnancy-that stands by the logic of its to debata only upon the pending bill. principle and does not quail before its sequenqes. The President says in his recent annual message that restric­ EVENING SESSION. tions must be removed from the importation of the raw materials of our manufactures to enable the latter to compete on equal The recess having expired, the House, at 8 o'clock p.m., was terms for the markets. · called to order by Mr. BROOKSIDRE as Speaker pro tempore. Of course a full and complete answer to that contention is The SPEAKER pro tempore. The House is now in session for that under existing law there is practically no duty on raw ma­ debate only on the tariff bill, and will resolve itself into Com­ terial manufactured for export. Ninety per cent of the duty is mittee of the Whole under the special order. refunded. But supposing it was not. What is the philosophy The House accordingly resolved itself into Committee of the of this proposition? It must be clear that if our manufa-cturers Whole, Mr. RICHARDSON of Tennessee in the chair. are barred from the world's markets it is because of some obstar [Mr. MAGUIRE withholds his remarks for revision. See Ap- cles that are not in the way of other competing nations. In an pendix.] economic sense what are the obstacles to free commerce.on equal [Mr. COCKRELL addressed the committee. See Appendix.] terms? Anythingwhich prevents equality of facilities is an ob­ Mr. SIMPSON. I move that the committee do now rise. stacle. Higher wages is an obstacle. Greater cost of material is The motion was agreed to. anobstacle. There maybe others, but these are all that concern The committee accordingly ros~; and Mr. BROOKSHIRE hav­ us in this discussion. Anequalizationof facilities can be secured ing taken the chair as Speaker protemp01·e, Mr. KILGORE, Chair­ by the removal of one or both of these obstacles. man of the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the I do not believe the people of the United States can afford to Union, reported that that committee had had under considera­ secure a foreign market at the co~t of foregoing any part of our tion the bill (H. R. 4864) to reduce taxation, to provide revenue wages or of any part of our protection to raw material. The for the Government, and for other purposes, and had come to no President, however, thinks we can, and advises us to forego the conclusion thereon. defensive duty on raw material. On what principle is this se­ And then, on motion of Mr. KILGORE (at 9 o'clock and 46 lection made? In either case an injury is done to labor. Those minutes p.m.), the House adjourned until to-morrow, Friday, employed in the collection and preparation and transportation of January 12, 1894, at 11 o'clock a. m. raw material can no more compete with the cheap labor abroad employed in similar work than can American manufacturers, and the result must be a cut in wages or a cessation of business. REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PRIVATE BILLS. The protective principle being admitted, then every industry Under clause 6 of Rule XIII, Mr. TAWNEY, from the Com­ in which American labor comes in competition with cheaper for­ mittee on Pensions, reported the bill (R. R. 3195) granting a eign labor ought to have its share of protection if it needs it. pension to Lovica Hall, a widow of a soldier of the war of 1S12; The production of raw material is as much an industry as its which, with the accompanying report (No. 257}, was ordered to elaboration into manufactured articles. Those employed in it be printed, and referred to the Committee of the Whole House. are as much workmen as any other laborers. They have the same wants, the s:1me aspirations, the same need for protection CHANGE OF REFERENCE. against the correspondUW" labor abroad at lower wages. It is Under clause 2 of Rule XXII, the Committee on Invalid Pen­ labor that is the object of protection, and any commodity repre­ sions was discharged from the consideration of the bill (H. R. senting labor is within the principle. If there is a raw material 5142) to increase the pension of H. S. Mayhill, and the same was that is untouched by labor let that go on the free list: referred to the Committee on Pensions. Even Bastiat, who was a free trader par excellence, made that concession to the protective theory. He held that if protection is admissible at all, all labor should be protected: "No labor, no PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS. protection." Under clause 3 of Rule XXII, bills and a resolution of the fol· If it is the wish of the House, Mr. Chairman, I shall not de­ lowing titles were introduced, and severally referred as follows: tain it further this evening if I can have about twenty minutes By Mr. CURTIS of New York: A bill (H. R. 5166) to regulate in the morning. enlistments in the Army of the United States-to the Commit­ The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has occupied forty min­ tee on Military Affairs. utes of his time. He will be entitled to twenty minutes again By Mr. HUDSON: A bill {H. R. 5167) to grant the right of way when this matter is resumed. to .the Indian Pacific Coal and Railway Company through the Mr. BROSIUS. Then I will yield the floor, Mr. Chairman, Indian and Oklahoma Territories, and for other purposes-to at this time. the Committee on Indian Affairs. The CHAIRMAN. If there be no objection the committee By Mr. OUTHWAITE: A joint resolution (H. Res. 108} au­ will now rise. thorizing Maj. Gen. Oliver Otis Howard, United States Army, The committee accordingly rose; and the Speaker having re­ to accept from the President of the French Republic a diploma sumed the chair, Mr. RICHARDSON of Tennessee reported that conferring the decoration of Commander of the National Order the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, of the Legion of Honor-to the Committee on Military Affairs. 1894. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 749.

PRIVATE BILLS, ETC. town of Plymouth, N. C., during the late war-to the Commit­ tee on War Claims. Under clause 1 of Rule XXII, private bills of the following Also, petition of Greenville Tobacco Board of Trade, protest­ titles were presented and referred as follows: ing against the increased duty on cigarettes-to the Committee By Mr. BOATNER: A bill (H. R. 5168) for the relief of the on Ways and Means. estate of Alfred W. Green, late of Carroll Parish, La.-to the By Mr. BROSIUS: Resolutions of Cigar-makers' Union, No. Committee on War Claims. 126, Ephratah, P.a., aga!nst the Wilson bill-to the Commitltee on Also, a bill (H. R. 5169) for the relief of Washington West, Ways and Means. Madison Parish, La.-to the Committee on War Claims. By Mr. CRISP (by request): Memorial from the Legislature By Mr. BANKHEAD: A bill (H. R. 5170) for the relief of Dr. of Idaho, praying that certain waters in that State be drained­ John B. Read-to the Committee on Claims. to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors. By Mr. BUNDY: A bill (H. R. 5171 ) for the relief of John Mc­ By Mr. DALZELL: Resolutions of the Board of Trade of Mc­ Naughton, second lieutenant Company G, Fi~st Regiment Keesport, Pa., against the Wilson bill-to the Committee on West Virginia Cavalry Volunteers-to the Committee on War Ways and Means. · Claims. By Mr. DE FOREST: Petition of sundry citizens of Danbury, Also, a bill (H. R. 5172) to authorize the Court of Claims to Conn., against proposed change of duty on manufactured hats­ hear and determine the claim of the heirs of Dudley D. Smith­ to the Committee on Ways and Means. to the Committee on War Claims. Also, remonstrance of sundry citizens of Connecticut, against By Mr. CRISP: A bill (H. R. 5173) granting a pension to Sarah reduction of duty on imported leaf tobacco-to the Committee L. Maxwell-to the Committee on Pensions. on Ways and Means. By Mr. DAVEY: A bill (H. R. 5174) for the relief of the heirs By Mr. DINSMORE: Petition of James Fanning for his re­ of John Innerarity-to the Committee on Claims. lief-to the Committee on Military Affairs. By Mr. HOOKER of Mississippi: A bill(H. R. 5175) for there­ Also, petition of George Glenn, of Madison County, Ark., for lief of Mrs. Ann M. Brown, Claiborne County, Miss.-to the his relief-to the Committee oa Militarv Affairs. Committee on War Claims. By Mr. ELLIS of Oregon: Petition of 31 citizens of Hardman, By Mr. HULL: A bill (H. R. 5176) ~ranting anin.creaseo.fpen­ Oregon, protesting ,against the passage of the Wilson tariff bill­ sion to Milton Iseman-to the Committee on Invalid PensiOns. to the Committee on Ways and Means. Also, a bill (H. R. 5177) granting a pension to Arra Vander By Mr. GILLETT of Massachusetts: Protests of 240 citizens Sinden-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. of Hadley; 153 of Amherst; 123 of Agawam; 97 of Northfield, and By Mr. HOUK of Tennessee: A bill (H.R. 5178) for the allow­ 63 more of Westfield, all in the State of Massachusetts, inter­ ance of certain claims reported by the accounting officers of the ested in the cultivation of toba.cco, against the Wilson bill-to United States Tre::tsury Department-to the Committee on War the Committee on Ways and Means. Claims. Also, protest of 777 employes of the Otis Mills, Ware, Mass., Also, a bill (H.R. 5179) for the allowance of cerbin claims for irrespective of party affiliations, against the Wilson tariff bill­ stores and supplies reported by the Court of Claims under the to the Committee on Ways and Means. provisions of the act of March 3, 1883, known as the Bowman act, Also, protest of 83 citizens of Winchendon, Mass., against the and for other purposes-t.o the Committee on War Claims. Wilson bill, especially as it affects manufacturing of- toys-to the By Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana: A bill (H. R. 5180) to remove Committee on Ways and Means. the charg-e of desertion against the record of William J. Me­ Also, protest of 44 employes of the Swift River Company, En­ Falls-to the Committee on Naval Affairs. field, Mass., irrespective of party affiliations, against the Wil­ By Mr. MARTIN of Indiana: A bill (H.R. 5181) to correntthe son bill-to the Committee on Ways and Means. military record of John Smith-to the Committee on Military Also, protest of 21 employes of the Excelsior Woolen Com­ Affairs. · pany, Wales, Mass., irrespective of party affiliations, against the By Mr. OATES: A bill (H. R. 5182) for the relief of the heirs Wilson tariff bill-to the Committee on Ways and Meana. of S. H. Hill, deceased-to the Committee on War Claims. By Mr. GROUT: Protest of the lithographers of the cities of By Mr. POST: A bill (H. R. 5183) for the relief of Joseph W. New York, Brooklyn, and Jersey City, against the passage of Parish-to the·Committee on War Claims. the Wilson tariff bill-to the Committee on Ways and MeRD.s. By Mr. FIELDER: A bill (H. R. 5184) for the relief of Maria Also, protest of the All Tobacco Cigarettes Manufacturers' T. Karge-to the Committee on Pensions. Association of the United States, against the passage of the Wil­ son briff bill-to the Committee on Ways and Means. Also, remonstrance of H. C. Battey, Proctorsville, Vt., and ' PETITIONS, ETC. 194 other farmers, laborers, and employes of the Taft, Burbank & Murdock Woolen Mills, against the passage of the Wilson Under clause 1 of Rule XXII, the following petitions and pa­ tariff bill-to the Committee on Ways and Means. pers were laid on the Clerk's desk, and referred as follows: By Mr. HAINES: Petition of James A. Hover and other citi­ By Mr. ALDRICH: Petition of George E. Andronette & Co. zens of Columbiaville, N.Y., against the passage of the Wilson and 6 other firms of glass-manufacturers of Chicago, protest­ bill-to the Committee on Ways and Means. ing against the passage of the Wilson tariff bill-to the Com­ Also, 'protest of Doty & Scrimgeour, of New York (manufac­ mittee on Ways and Means. turers of surface-coated paper), against the passage of the Wil­ Also, petition of Henry W. King & Co. and 41 other manufac­ son bill-to the Committee on Ways and Means. turers of clothing of the city of Chicago, protesting against the Also, remonstrance against the passage of the Wilson bill passage of the Wilson tariff bill-to the Committ-ee on Ways and from employes of the Valatie (N.Y.) Cott.on Mills-t.o the Com­ Means. mittee on Ways and Means. Also. petition of E. Johansen and 14 other cigar-manufactur­ Also, petition of A. B. Knowlson and other citizens of Sand ers of Chicago, for a uniform duty on all unstemmed leaf tobacco­ Lake, N.Y., against the passage of the Wilson bill-to the Com­ to the Committee on Ways and Means. mittee on Ways and Means. Also, resolutions of the Chicago Board of Trade, favoring the Also, protest of the employes of the Valatie Cotton Mills, the adoption of House bill 4182, providing for an international mari­ Wild Manufacturing Company, and the Valatie Paper Mill Com­ time conference for the better protection and care of animals in pany, against the passage of the Wilson bill-to the Committee transit-to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. on Ways and Means. By Mr. BAKER of New Hampshire: Memorial of the Board Also, protest of Gilbert Sherwood and other persons of Valatie, of Trade of the city of Nashua, N.H., in favor of the early com­ N.Y., against the Wilson bill-to the Committee on Ways and pletion of the Sandy Bay breakwater and harbor of refuge-to Means. . the Committee on Rivers and Harbors. By Mr. HAUGEN: Resolution of the Chamber of Commerce Also, memorial of the farmers engaged in the tobacco culture of West Superior, Wis., against placing iron ore on the free list as and cigar manufacturers of Hinsdale, N.H., protesting against proposed in the Wilson bill-to the Committee on Ways and the tobacco schedules of the Wilson bill-to the Committee on Means. Ways and Me3.Ds. By Mr. HENDERSON of Illinois: Petition of Mrs. Mathilda By Mr. BANKHEAD: Petition of 280 miners of Brookside, S. Lawler, widow of Nicholas Lawler, late a soldier in the Fourth Ala., protesting against placing coal and iron on the free list­ United States Artillery, praying for a pension-to the Commit­ to the Committee on Ways and Means. tee on Pensions. By Mr. BRANCH: Petition of citizens of Carteret County, By Mr. HENDERSON of Iowa: Petition of J. E. B. Hudson N.C., to open Darien Inlet between Portsmouth and Cape Look­ and 402 other citizens and old soldiers of Iowa, praying foi· leg­ out-to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors. islation to prevent suspension of pensions until after due notice. · Also, -petition of W. F. Willis, of Plymouth, N. C., for re­ of proof of fraud, and for restoration of suspended pensions until lief for property destroyed by United States Government in the such proofs are secured-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 750 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-· SENATEe> J ANU.A.RY 12,.

By Mr. HOOKER of New York: Petition of 35 farmers. of By Mr. SPERRY: Petition of farmers, growers of cigar leaf Cattaraugus County, N. Y., against the Wilson.. tari1f bill-to toba?co, and their emp~oyes, protesting against the proposed re­ the Cemmi ttee on· Ways and Means~ duction of duty 01l.foretgn wrappers-to. the Committee on Ways By Mr.KEM: Petitionof citizens ef'O!Neill,Neo:c:, asking for and Means. auniform rate of duty of 35centsonallunstemmedleaf tobacco­ By Mr. STEPHENSON: Memorial of workingmen, employers to the Committee on Ways and Means. of l~bor, and others, citizens of Gogehlc County, :Mich., pro­ By Mr. LOUDENSLAGER: Petition and resolutions pa..ssed testmg against the proposed free admission of iron ore and and signed by the Philadelphia Board of Trade, against the pas~ declal'~g- that such action by Congress_ would bring suffering sage of the: Wilson bill-to the Committee on Ways and ·Means. and distress to all those engaged in. the iron. industry-to the Also, petition signed by W. A. Williams and 11!5 others, citi­ Committee on Way& and Me:1ns. zens of Clayton, N.J., against the passage· of the Wilson bill-. By Mr. STRONG: Petition of Martin Hazzard and 37 other to the Committee on Ways and Means. members of Lodge No. 4J of Amalgamated Association of Iron Also, petition signed by Abram Simmerman and 20 others, and Steel W ?rkers, o! Fi.J;ldlay, Ohio, against the passage of the against the passage of the Wilson bill-to the Committee on so-called Wilson tanff bill-to the Committee on Ways and Ways and Means. Means. Also, petition signed by John Camp bell and 179 others of Glass­ By Mr. VAN VOORHIS of New York: Protest by 531 em­ boro N.J., against the passage of the Wilson bill-to the Com- ployes of the Bausch & Dombe Optical Company, against the mittee on Ways and Means. · passage of the Wilson bill-to the Committee on Ways and By Mr. MALLORY: Petition of levee men to dredge Charlotte Means. Harbor, Fla., asking an appropriation of $150,00().-to the Goffi_­ By Mr. WHEELER of Alabama-: Papers in the claim of John mittee on Rivers and Harbors. D. 'ranner, of Madison. County, Ala.-to the Committee onWar .Also (by request), petition of citizens of Crystal River, Fla., Claims. - praying retention of existing tariff. on le!Ld pencils-to the Com­ By Mr .. WOOMER: Petition of Martin. Good and 20 employ€s mittee on Ways and Means. eng!lged m the. manufa~tur? ~f woolen. goods, of Highspire-, Pa., By Mr. MARVIN of N-ew York: Remonstrance of Heward agamst the Wilson t3nff bill-to the Committee on Ways and G;ce~nleaf and 37 other citizens of Hampton1 Orange County. N. Mea,ns. Y., against reduction of tariffrateson.tissuepapers of all kinds­ By Mr. WRIGHT of Pennsylvania~ Petition of Adam Smith to the Committee on Ways and. Meaner a~d other farmers· of Bradford County,. Pa., against the :ceduc­ By Mr~ MARTIN of Indiana: Petition of sundcl'y citizens of twn of duty on leaf tobacco-to the Committee on Ways and Peru, Ind.~ for the defeat of the Wilson tariff bill-to the Com- Means. mittee on Ways·and Means. 4 Also, petition of Local Union, No. 73,. Amer1ean Fl.int Glass · Workers' Union, of Marion, Ind., against the Wilson taritrbill­ to the- Committ-ee on Ways and Means. SENATE. Also, petition of Maj. H .. B~ Sayler and 64 other ex-ITnion· sol­ FRIDAY, January 12, 1894. dier s, for the passage of the bill (H. R. tl-()9) to correct the mili­ tary record of Charles A. La.rkin-to the Committee on Military Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. W. H. MILBURN, D. D. Affuirs. The Journal of yesterdays proceedings was read and approved. By Mr. McDEARMON: Petition. of Mrs. M"elissa Gill, for pas­ EULOGIES ON THE LATE REPRESENTATIVE CHIPMAN. sage of a bill to authorize the ·Secretary of. War to place the Mr. McMILLAN. Mr. P~:esident, I desire to give notice that name of George W. Gill on the rolfs and records of Company I, on. next Fcida.y at 3 o'clock I shall call up the resolutions of the Seventh Tennessee Cavalry, to accompany House bill 5149-to House of Representatives in reference to the death of Hon. John. the Committee on Military Affairs. Logan Chipman, a member of that body from the State of Mich By Mr~ MEIKELJORN: Protest.of miners of le!Ld ores in Mis­ igan·. - souri and other Western States, against the provisions in the MESS'AGE FRO¥ THE HOUSE. taL"iff bill which prescribes 15 per cent ad valorem on lead ores and a,dmits, duty free all ores iir which the value in silver is A message from th~ House of Representatives, by Mr. T. 0. greater than that of lead-to tha Committee on Ways and TOWLES, its Chief Clerk announced that the House had agreed! Means. · to the amendments of the Senate to·the,cnncurrent resolution oi By Mr. O'NEIL: Petition of. Boston Fruit and Produce Rx- the House providing for the appointment of a special joint com­ change for completion of Harborof Refuge atCapeAnn, Mass.- mittee of the House and Senate to investigate and consider the to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors. rank, pay, and other matters relating to the personnel of the By Mr. ROBINSONofPennsylvania. Petitionoftheemployes Navy, of Irvington Woolen. :Mills, Delaware County, Pa.,- protesting The message also communicated a request to return to the against. the passage of the Wilson bill-to the Committea on House tha concurrent resolution ef the Senate to print the'report Ways and Means. of the Superintendent of the Coast and Geodetic' Survey for the· Also, petition of the employes of Wolfender, Sliaw & CO., year 1892. Limited, of Cardington, Delaware County, Pa., protesting PETITroNS AND MEMORIALS. against the passage of tha Wilson.. bill-to the Committee on Mr. STOCKBRIDG"R presented the memorial of"J"ohn S. Krier Ways and Means. and other citizens of Michigan., remonstrating agains.t the pas~ Also, petition of the cigarette. manufacturers, protesting sage of the Wilson tariff bill; which was referred to the Commit~ against the passage of the Wilson tariff bill-to the Committee tee on F"mance. on Ways and Means. He also presented the petition of Daniei Scotten &-Co., of De- Also, twa. petitions of the manufacturers and employes in the trait, .Mich., praying for an amendment of the present tariff law manufacture of gold, silver, aluminum-, and metalleaf, protest- so as to permit the sale of leaf tobacco in its natural stn.te free o! ing against the passage of the Wilson bill-to the Committee tax; which was referred to the Committee on Finance. on. Ways and Means. Mr. HOAR. I present a petition of the Central Labor Union Also, petitionoftheemployers of labor, workingmen, citizens, ofWorcester, :r\[ass., indorsing the Wilson bill in its own behalf and others of Parkersburg, Chesten CDunty, Fa., protesting and. that of twenty-four labor organizations which it represeniis". against the passage of the Wilson bilT-to the Committee on. I suppose these gentlemen are very much interested in there· Ways and Means. duction of the hours of labor, as the passage of the Wilson bill, Also, petition.of thread workers and spinners of fine cotton in accordance with the view of the petitioners, carried to an of New Jersey, protesting against the passage of the Wllson extreme, would. prevent there oeing any holirs of labor at all to bill-to the Committee on Ways and Means. a very large number of workingmen. I move that the petition Also, petition.oilead miners of So11thwest Missouri and South- be referred to the Committee on Finance. east Kansas, protesting against the passage- of the Wilson bill The motion. was agreed. to. as now framed-to the Committee on Ways and Means. Mr. HOAR presented a. petition.of the Rubber Garment Work- Also, petition of the Philadelphia Board of Trade, protesting ers' Local Union, No. 51, of Boston, Mass., praying- for the gov­ against the passage of the Wilsillr bill-to. the Committee on ernmental control of the telegraph service; which was refe rred Ways and Means~ to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads. Also, petition of the employes of!. & I. Eastwood, Lyndell, I Mr. SHERMAN presented the petition of Local Assembly, Pa.1 protesting against the passag.e of the Wilson bill-to the No. 7954, Knig.hts of LabOL', of Cincinnati Ohio, praying for the Committee on Ways-and Means. passage of the Wilson tari.fl' bill and' for the.impositiorr of an..ir:. ByMr.RUSSELLof Connecticut; Pt-otestoffarmerao!West- iCOme tax; which was referred to the Committee on.Finance. Chester,. town. of Colchester, Conn~aga.i.nst the tobacco schedule. · He also presented the memoriaX of Hayes Young and 24. other of the Wilson.wiff bi11--ta the. Committee on Ways and Means. cltizens of Cll.ampaign County, Oh10, remonstrating against the.