The NDA Regime and National Security— a Performance Appraisal —L.K

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The NDA Regime and National Security— a Performance Appraisal —L.K The NDA Regime and National Security— A Performance Appraisal —L.K. Advani hen National Democratic Alliance (NDA), a coalition led Wby BJP, assumed power in March 1998, the global, regional and domestic security scenario was grim and precarious. Struck by International terrorism, the world was still groping in darkness about the right and effective response to the invisible enemy syndrome, which threatened the nations, civil societies and individuals alike. The democratic and non-Islamic States were specially threatened – India being both was in its vortex. The emergence of uni-polar world following the cessation of cold war, had decisively established US pre-eminence in military, political, economic and technological spheres. Seizing the opportunity to maximise its strategic and economic gains in the new configured world, its allies and US assiduously pursued policies, which often militated against the economic and strategic interests of developing countries like India. With the disintegration of the USSR, and Russia encountering the pangs of transition till late Nineties, India lost a strategic partner and stood disadvantaged, particularly in the sphere of defence related technologies and procurement of defence equipment. Nearer home, Pakistan, emboldened by the success of Covert Action in Afghanistan in which, playing the role of a front line state it helped in subduing a super-power, was convinced of ‘Covert Action’ as a potent weapon against India. At its command was a large trained manpower in war veterans of Afghan War, Islamic seminaries to churn out Jehadi desperados, terrorist training and logistic infrastructure, western supplied sophisticated terrorist 2 • Party Document Vol-9 weapons and hardware and Indian experience in Punjab behind it to pursue its Kashmir agenda. In furtherance of its policy of bleeding India by ‘inflicting thousand cuts’, it carried forward the doctrine of ‘war through other means’ to the barbaric limits of letting lose a virulent form of terrorist violence. Using Pakistani soil and state apparatus to recruit, train, equip, finance and provide strategic and tactical guidance to the terrorists, saboteurs and subversive groups it facilitated their global networking with crime mafias, drug syndicates, currency counterfeiters, money launderers and gun runners. In Afghanistan, Taliban with full Pakistani support and backing had usurped power in almost entire country, except Northern Areas, mercilessly annihilating opponents of the regime in the name of Islam. Pakistan, one of the three countries to have recognised Taliban regime, saw in it an opportunity to export Talibani variety of Islam to other parts of the world. It helped them in establishing training camps for the Jehadis from all over the Islamic world for ‘Mission Jihad’ against the infidels. This had brought the epicentre of international terrorism close to Indian borders. The ISI had also deeply entrenched itself in Nepal, Bangladesh and Middle East as part of its well deliberated strategy of encirclement of India for covert warfare. Deep entrenchment of Left Wing Extremists in Nepal and weakening of democratic polity there had serious security and political implications for India, particularly in the backdrop of exponentially growing Left Wing Extremist Movement in India. Demographic invasion from Bangladesh and fast accretion in strength and resources of Islamic fundamentalist groups there also had serious portents for India’s security. Besides, Bangladesh, Myanmar and Bhutan had emerged as safe shelters and sanctuaries for the North-Eastern militants. Most disturbing, however, was the domestic security landscape. Jammu and Kashmir stood highly destabilised with terrorist violence stabilising at an unacceptably high level, threatening the national sovereignty, democratic polity, and the civic society. The entire Hindu population of the valley had become refugees in their own country where their co-religionists constituted over 80% of the population—a unique historical paradox. In the hinterland, Achievements & Looking Ahead • 3 numerous covert modules of sabotage, subversion and espionage had sprouted operating with near impurity in collaboration with indigenous radical Islamic groups with pan-Islamic linkages. Left Wing Extremists had spread their tentacles to over 120 districts in 11 states, acquired sophisticated weapons, streamlined their organisational structure and with their popular Jan Adalats were poised to undermine the legitimacy of lawful Government in large tracks of inaccessible areas. All the states in North-East, with the exception of Mizoram, were affected by one form of insurgency or the other. On the defence side, the modernisation process had remained in a deep freeze for over a decade as successive Governments from 1987-88 onwards had injudiciously deepened real term cuts in the defence budget. This had led to lowering of operational preparedness, training, maintenance of equipment and logistic support to our fighting forces. The defence research and development programmes had also suffered a set back partly due to paucity of resources and partly due to pursuance of time and technology inconsistent procurement policies; the decisions often being taken on considerations other than the best national interests. Various ongoing projects like Light Combat Aircraft, Main Battle Tank were held in limbo and faced inordinate delays. The intelligence agencies in the country were beset with three main maladies. Firstly, the coordination between themselves as also with other security agencies, particularly in respect of operational intelligence, was more for record than substance. Secondly, they had degenerated into big bureaucracies churning out plethora of reports, which they considered vital and consumers found barely usable. Both the capability of the system to be intelligence literate and of the producers to gauge consumer needs was at fault and there was no institutional mechanism to correct the distortion. Lastly, they were resource and technology deficient, partly due to paucity of funds but more importantly due to cumbersome controls and procedures they were subjected to. The new genre of threats required real time response with best people of highest motivation and skills to match their formidable adversaries and total systemic synergy. It was lacking at all levels. The police, being the state subject, over the years received 4 • Party Document Vol-9 scant attention of the Centre and was in a state of abysmal neglect seriously compounded by its high politicisation. The need of a long term planned development of police forces under a national programme to meet the requirements of a free and developing India was never envisioned. Various recommendations of the police commissions and other bodies had become casualties of turf battles, bureaucratic rivalries, indecisions and resource constraints. It rendered them deficient not only in their equipment, training, communications, mobility etc., but more painfully their morale and values. The NDA thus inherited a huge, but cost and efficiency ineffective, security apparatus that was too inadequately trained, equipped and provided for to bear the heavy strains and stress of formidable challenges at hand. The years of neglect, faulted policies and missed opportunities had all around compounded India’s security problems. India was ushering into the new millennium with a baggage, which was retarding its march towards a strong and secure nation and its rightful place in the comity of nations. The security system over the years had not only been rusted, lacking cohesion and synergy, but more ominously had become highly susceptible to pressures, corruption and machinations of vested interests. Transforming this system was both difficult and important but equally, if not more, pressing was the need to grapple with the challenges and threats, which were immediate and real. BJP – National Security in its Political Philosophy and Vision BJP, which led the NDA coalition, was voted to power for its strong ideological moorings and national commitment in whose priorities National Security occupied the central position. The party and its precursors were offshoots of a strong indigenous nationalist tradition, which entered Indian political arena primarily to assert protection and preservation of ‘India’, as defined and understood by them. Their connotation of national security transcended the narrow bandwidth of physical security and maintenance of law and order. India, in their perception, was as much a cultural and civilisational reality, which had existed for millenniums, as much a politico – territorial entity that came into existence in 1947. Both intricately intertwined, were vital and mutually complimentary and Achievements & Looking Ahead • 5 their survival was interdependent on each other. National security for them meant preservation and protection of both. They vehemently opposed the doctrine that assertion of traditional India’s cultural and civilisational reality was obscurantist and will accentuate disintegrative social fault lines. On the contrary, they felt that only they could cement these artificially created fault lines and lay the foundation of a strong and resurgent India. Taking a much deeper and broader view of nation building, they felt that a modern India could not be built without protecting and strengthening the traditional India. Securing and strengthening this twin India, one representing its body and the other its soul, one defining its tangible form
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