145 Merchant Families in The

ARAM, 11-12 (1999-2000), 145-159V. PIACENTINI 145

MERCHANT FAMILIES IN THE GULF A MERCANTILE AND COSMOPOLITAN DIMENSION: THE WRITTEN EVIDENCE (11-13th CENTURIES AD)

VALERIA PIACENTINI

1. POLITICAL CONTEXT

Geographical and historical literature of the 11-13th centuries has left us a vivid picture of the banadir of the Gulf. It tells us of the opulence of their ba- zars and storehouses – crammed full of precious merchandise, natural products and artefacts of rare beauty from all parts of the world – and of the liveliness of their artistic and craft activities. These same writers also give detailed de- scriptions of the grandeur of houses and palaces, the luxurious residences of merchants who financed the immense volume of international trade for which the Gulf was one of the main centres and intermediaries of the time. And here we can see a special dimension and reality emerging. These same authors devote more than one page to the Great Merchants of Fars, who came to the fore of the political scene as the real protagonists of the life Gulf during the 9th-10th centuries AD at the time of Siraf's rise and fall.1 And it is well known that the flourishing of this splendid emporium coincides with the re-organization of traditional Iranian society under the new political and military order guaranteed by the ‘Abbasid caliphate. At the start of the 10th century this process came within a system reaching its peak under the dominion of the Buyids (320-454 AH/932-1062 AD), a military aristocracy from the Caspian Sea. Without entering into further details

1 Siraf has been brought to life again by the excavations carried out from 1966 to 1973 under the direction of David Whitehouse, and with the sponsorship and financial contributions of the British Museum, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation of Lisboa, the British Academy, the Ashmolean Museum and the Royal Scottish Museum (Edinburgh). Interim reports were pub- lished regularly in Iran from 1968 to 1975. The complete study of the excavations is still in press. The following volumes are specifically relevant: D. Whitehouse, The Congregational Mosque and other Mosques from the Ninth to the Twelfth Centuries, (The British Institute for Persian Studies, Siraf III), (London, n.d.) and annexed volume of maps; N. Löwick, The Coins and Monumental Inscriptions, (The British Institute for Persian Studies, Siraf XV) (London, 1985). See also D. Whitehouse, “Siraf: a Sasanian Port,” Antiquity, XLV (1971), pp. 262-267; D. Whitehouse, “Maritime Trade in the Arabian Sea,” (Proceedings of the South-Asian Archae- ology – 1977 – Papers from the Fourth International Conference of the Association of South Asian Archaeologists in Western Europe, held at Istituto Orientale di Napoli, 2 vols.), (Naples, 1979); D. Whitehouse – A. Williamson, “Sasanian Maritime Trade,” Iran, XI (1973); M. Tam- poe, Maritime trade between China and the West. An Archaeological Study of the Ceramics from Siraf (Persian Gulf), 8th to 15th Centuries AD, (Oxford, 1989). See also endnotes: (a). 146 MERCHANT FAMILIES IN THE GULF of the many events (military and others) which took place and interacted under these rulers, two points in particular have special relevance in the context of this subject: the emergence and predominance of a mercantile class, and the overseas military initiative of these Dailamite lords (namely ‘Imad al-Dawlah (934-), ‘Adud al-Dawlah (949-) and Abu Kalijar (1027-1048)). The Buyid overlords were a dominant military caste (to use the words of Heribert Busse)2 supported by a formidable army made up of foreign elements and mercenary troops; they had the Strength (al-Shawkah) to fight and to win, to conquer and to defend the conquered regions; yet, to rule these same regions (and to get the necessary revenues to pay the army) they needed to rely on the local population, to come to terms with the local traditional social classes, to find new delicate equilibriums and balances of power with the conquered peoples. The sharp political sense of ‘Imad al-Dawlah had immediate insight into and clear perception of the contingent situation;3 his successors carried out his political lines with great lucidity. It was in this precise context that the great Merchant Families were to re-emerge; public affairs and business were de facto and de jure in the hands of the traditional class who made up the traditional social and cultural milieu of urban life all along the Gulf shores. At the same time – the process of identification between merchant class, landowners and administrative functionaries being completed at the end of the 10th century – such families were rapidly to become – within set limits – the real shaping forces behind the fortunes and misfortunes of the provinces bordering or gravitating on this sea. They would become the true protagonists of the life of the great banadir which dominated the life of the Gulf.4 One must also recall that trade along the Arabian coast at the time was expe- riencing a period of notable decadence due both to civil wars – which were lacerating the region – and the Fatimid competition – which had diverted a large part of the mercantile traffic from the Gulf to the Red Sea.5 Therefore,

2 H. Busse, Iran under the Buyids, (The Cambridge History of Iran, IV), (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 250 ff. 3 Prince of the policy of balanced alliances with the local traditional social classes was ‘Imad al-Dawlah, who, in Fars, found his ally in a local landlord, Zaid ibn ‘Ali al-Nawbandagani. This latter possessed large estates in the mountains north of Kazirun and was on poor terms with the authorities in Baghdad. After the capture of Shiraz in May or June 934 AD – which city was to remain in the uninterrupted possession of the Buyids until 1062 – Zayd ibn ‘Ali al-Naw- bandagani would become the most direct supporter of ‘Imad al-Dawlah. Thus, we might well say that in Fars began the emergence of this typical, traditional Iranian social class with the military support of the Buyid forces. It is worth underlining also the role played by the Kazirunis in the making of such policy; we will find them again playing a no less decisive role during the 12th and 13th centuries, in the course of the struggle for supremacy between Qays – which still meant Shiraz and the supremacy of its Merchant Families – and Hormuz – which meant Kirman and the local forces of the Gulf vis-à-vis the Fars. 4 See H. Busse, Iran under the Buyids. V. Fiorani Piacentini, “Practice in medieval Persian government: the surrender of the great cities of Khurasan to the Seljuqs (428 and 429 AH/ 1038 and 1039 AD)”, Annali dell'Istituto Orientale di Napoli, in press. See also endnotes: (b). 5 B. Lewis, “The Fatimids and the Route to India”, Revue de la Faculté des Sciences Econo- miques de l'Université d'Instanbul, XI (1953), pp. 50-54. V. PIACENTINI 147 although written sources do not enable us to assert that the military overseas initiative of the Dailamites had any final target of a stable occupation of the Arabian Peninsula (on the contrary, it seems that the Buyid action was not so much concerned about re-activating the ‘Umani ports in view of commercial activity as about “militarising” them – the only exception being that of Suhar, where numerous Sirafi families had migrated and settled), it is a fact that the energetic maritime policy of ‘Adud al-Dawlah and Abu Kalijar – beyond all targets of personal power and dynastic ambitions – gave a particular push to the reunification of the Gulf.6 And it is also a fact that the firm Mukramid governorship in ‘Uman positively marked progress towards greater independence of this coast from the Fars, thus signalling the rise of the Gulf centrality vis-à- vis Fars power, and giving this sea a political and mercantile dimension of its own.7 At the turn of the 10th century, the fighting mobility of the Saljuqs was to prove superior to the mercenaries of the Buyids (1038, 1040 AD). The rich and so far unspoilt province of Fars was not to escape the Türkmen lust for plunder; the region experienced the horrors of war and depredation, the country being laid waste by the Oghuz tribes and other no less rapacious nomadic groups (especially Kurds, Balus and Shabankara'is); ruin and uncertainty reigned.8 While anarchy and chaos dominated in Fars, Kirman was to experi-

6 On the enterprising personality of Abu Kalijar and the Omanite events, an accurate account is given by Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, VIII, 471-420, 426, 474, 636 et infra, IX, 28, 157, 287, 310, 318-320, 344 etc. See also Ibn Miskawayh, Tajarib, VI, 277-280; Bayhaqi, Ta'rikh, I, 42 on. Omanite sources are – on the contrary – extremely imprecise; few details are given, nor is there any certain information; they are rather chronicles concerned with narrating power struggles and intestinal wars which were devastating the region. Sound evidence of the Buyids of Fars' enterprising policy is provided also by numismatic evidence, see in this regard N. Löwick, “An eleventh century coin hoard from Ra's al-Khaimah and the question of Sohar's decline,” (Proceed- ings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies), 16 (1986), pp. 89 ff. 7 Written texts (such as the already quoted chronicles of Ibn al-Athir, Miskawayh, Muhammad ibn Ibrahim) and archaeological evidence (numismatics, ceramics, and excavations) – far from being contradictory – seem to fit and complement perfectly. This permits us to review Williamson's interpretation of the story of the sack and destruction of Suhar and, therefore, the ruinous decline of the city and its environment (A. Williamson, Sohar and Umani Sea- faring in the Indian Ocean, (Muscat, 1973), pp. 27-28). On the contrary, Suhar seems to have enjoyed a period of great prosperity under the Wajids and the Mukramid governorship of {Uman; primary written sources do mention that a fierce battle took place on land and at sea between the forces of ‘Adud al-Dawlah and combined Buyid and Zenj rebels, but they do not make any mention of a sack of Suhar and that its inhabitants fled (Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, VIII, 636). The exist- ence of a very rich output of gold and silver coins from ‘Uman minted in Suhar in the same year as the battle, the unabated activity of ‘Uman mint in Suhar down to the year 1040 AD and possi- bly even later, together with the rich material evidence brought to light by the excavations carried out by Dr. Monik Kervran, permit us to interpret the fact in a different light. The Mukramid amirs of ‘Uman positively marked progress towards greater independence from the Buyids of Fars. See also in this respect T. N. Löwick, “An eleventh century coin hoard,” and J. C. Wil- kinson, “Suhar in the early Islamic period: the written evidence,” (South Asian Archaeology - Naples, 1977), 2, 1979. 8 According to Fiorani Piacentini, Alp Arslan's army had marched into Fars after the siege of Jiruft (459 AH/1067 AD); Isfahan and the surrounding country had already suffered severely when Tughril Beg beleaguered the city in 442 AH/1050-1051 AD; a similiar fate was averted 148 MERCHANT FAMILIES IN THE GULF ence 150 years – or so – of dominion by a cadet branch of the Saljuq family, that of Qavurd Khan and his successors (432-582 AH/1041-1086 AD). Such rule brought to the region safe borders, order and security from raids and pil- laging; this implied also a revival of urban life together with all its associated aspects, such as agriculture, crafts and trade, not to mention literary, artistic, and speculative activity in general.9 Then, the overseas expeditions of the Saljuq khan. These further consolidated the Saljuq position of military control of the ‘Umani coast, thus extend- ing Saljuq supremacy also at sea. But – and this is the main question to focus on – here literary evidence proves with great clarity that such control rather than developing into system- atic forms of maritime raids and piracy transformed the life of the Gulf into effective commercial activity to the benefit of both shores, resuming such in- tense relations and trade as had existed for centuries. Between the second half of the 11th century and the second half of the 12th, an ever-increasing flow of commercial traffic and business yet again began to be diverted towards this sea and its harbours and markets, the mercantile primacy and centrality of the Gulf being once again unrivalled.

2. THE MERCANTILE DIMENSION

And here we can see another precise reality emerging, that of the Great Merchant Families, a positive political group which was to give the Gulf and its centres (Qays, Hormuz, Fal, Khunj, Lar along the Iranian shores, and Masqat, Tibi, Qalhat, Suhar, Julfar, Qatif, Salalah, and Aden, just to mention some along the Arabian coasts) a definite mercantile imprint and maritime cosmopolitan dimension of its own. These were families, real dynasties even, which were to survive the decline of one or of the other urban centre and harbour following political changes, giving the Gulf and bordering shores a true cultural unity which was to last for centuries within the broader framework of “their” mercantile order. As outlined, in the 9th century the Gulf had once again acquired its traditional centrality. At the time, the Fars had become one of the most flourishing regions of the Eastern Caliphate, with Shiraz as its heart and Siraf – with its from Shiraz by the local governor. However, in the end, dissension among Abu Kalijar's sons marked – with the disruption and collapse of the Dailamite dynasty – the end of Buyid dominion in what had been the cultural heart of their power and glory. The primary source in this respect is the chronicle by Muhammad ibn Ibrahim, Ta'rikh-e Saljuqiyan-e Kirman, (ed. M. T. Houtsma), (Leiden, 1886), pp. 4-10. Cf. also Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, IX, pp. 349-350; Ibn al-Balkhi, Fars- Namah, pp. 136-137; Bayhaqi, Ta'rikh, pp. 78-83. 9 Muhammad ibn Ibrahim, Ta'rikh, pp. 4, 7-8, 8-10. Referring to the climate of revival of urban life in Kirman, cf. Muhammad ibn Ibrahim, Ta'rikh, pp. 369-372; Bayhaqi, Ta'rikh, pp. 78- 83. V. PIACENTINI 149 beautiful Friday Mosque,10 palaces,11 bazar, storehouses, well sheltered harbour, and numerous “decks” – the splendid symbol of the new prosperity and of new equilibriums of power in Iran and the Gulf area.12 A modest settlement of fishermen nestling on a strip of arid shore, scorched by the sun and swept by wild winds, not far from the modern village of Taheri, Siraf had become – in the space of a few years – the splendid city-port and outlet to the sea of powerful Shiraz and its even more powerful merchant lords. Transformed into an oasis, fertile and luxuriant as a result of artificial water collecting systems, well defended by city walls, ramparts and bastions, “it equalled Shiraz in size and splendour”13 and “rivalled even al-Basrah in wealth and volume of trade.”14 As I have stressed above, there is no doubt that the fortunes of Siraf were tied to those of the Fars. Nor is there any doubt that, with the Buyids, Fars became one of the most wealthy and splendid provinces of the Muslim East. Here the most precious goods were traded that came from China, India, Central Asia, the coasts of East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, from Syria and the Mediteranean basin. In this city-emporium, merchants of every colour, race, and religion, coming from every corner of the known world, used to meet, bargain, sell, buy, and exchange their precious merchandise.15 The merchant-bankers of the Fars predominated. They lived in Fars; at Siraf they owned their grandiose houses, only seasonal residences where they used to come and stay when convoys arrived from the East or left loaded with all kinds of commodities in demand at distant markets. Yet the core of their

10 Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-Taqasim, p. 426: this geographer adds, “with its elegant teakwood columns.” When Yaqut visited Siraf at the beginning of the 13th century, he records the current state of desolation of the city, but, nonetheless, he notes, “I saw the remains of notable buildings and of a beautiful mosque adorned with teakwood columns:” Yaqut, Kitab al-Buldan, p. 332. See also Istakhri, Kitab al-Masalik, p. 106: this author actually mentions three mosques, for which information, see also D. Whitehouse, The Congregational Mosque and other Mosques. 11 “Of several storeys and built of teakwood and another wood imported from the country of the Zanj,” (Zanguebar or Bilad al-Zanj): Istakhri, Kitab al-Masalik, p. 127; Ibn Hawqal, Surat al-Ard, pp. 39-40 and 198-199; Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-Taqasim, p. 426. Cf. also Abu al-Fida', Géographie, p. 96. 12 Ibn Khurdadhbih, Kitab al-Masalik, p. 61. See also Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-Taqasim, pp. 426-427, 442 et infra. 13 Istakhri, Kitab al-Masalik, pp. 97-127; Ibn Hawqal, Surat al-Ard, p. 198. Material evidence of the literary information is provided by D. Whitehouse's excavations, see above note (1). 14 Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-Taqasim, p. 426. 15 Ibn al-Balkhi, Fars-Namah, pp. 136-137. See also Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-Taqasim, pp. 426- 427, 442 et infra: this author gives a minute description of the goods traded at Siraf: precious goods were traded that came from China, India, Central Asia, the coasts of East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, from Syria and the Mediterranean basin. Silk and silk fabrics from China, gold and silver brocade from Fars, velvets from Kazirun, fine wool and silk carpets, refined jewels, finely chiselled metal objects, perfumed oils, resin, mangrove poles, amber, ostrich feathers and eggs, gold and horses from Arabia and Africa, dyes, precious and semi-precious stones (cornelian, lapis-lazuli, turquoise, yaquts), pearls of rare beauty from the Gulf, slaves too, these were all goods exchanged at Siraf. See also endnote (a). 150 MERCHANT FAMILIES IN THE GULF power was based on the Iranian continent. From Shiraz and other prominent centres of the Fars they ruled their immense economic and financial empire. Geographical and historical literature provides us with incisive images and pithy anecdotes, making these Merchants positive legendary figures. And then come the swift decay and fall of Siraf. It is very likely that the earthquake of 997 recorded by Yaqut gravely dam- aged Siraf, its city, the water canals, and the harbour's structures. But the real demise of this port came with the end of the Buyids, the great patrons and mecenates of Fars. However, this did not mark the end of the Merchant Families, as it did not mark the end of their power. When, at the end of the 10th century, new dynastic upheavals occurred on the Iranian plateau, largely contributing to the decline of Siraf, the power of the great Merchant Families did not decline along with that of the local dynasty. And here we see a phenomenon typical of this mobile mercantile world and culture. When communications with Siraf began to be too dangerous and, finally, were interrupted, then the gradual exodus of its population began.16 Colonies of Sirafis – with their wealth and net of influential connections as yet still intact, with their international range of business as yet still very active – would be found in numerous ports and emporiums all along the Gulf and its hinterland (and not limited to this area alone): Khunj, Fal, Lar, Hormuz, Qays, Suhar, Qatif, Masqat, Aden etc.. We are faced with the image of a positive cosmopolitan and active society which would come to new terms and new balances with the new lords of the time, thus moulding once again the history and life of this sea.

3. PROFILES

Let us now glance quickly at this world and form some profiles. These Merchants with their legendary riches – which concentrated capital, trade and land in their hands – were also learned figures, shrewd politicians, and respected and reputed qadis. They had in their hands immense de facto power, and such power would enable them to rule for centuries over the life of the Gulf and the geographical regions revolving around this sea. They usually

16 At the beginning of the 12th century we find that Siraf and its districts were in the hands of a tribal chief, a certain Abu al-Qasim of the Jat tribe. Ibn al-Balkhi, Fars-Namah, p. 136; Wassaf, Ta'rikh-e Wassaf, (Bombay, 1852), pp. 174-175. See also D. Whitehouse, “Excavations at Siraf - Second interim report,” Iran, VII (199), p. 44; N. Löwick, The Coins, pp. 88-89. With regard to Siraf's gradual process of decay and the exodus of its families, see J. Aubin, “La ruine de Siraf;” J. Aubin, “Les princes d'Ormuz.” V. Fiorani Piacentini, Merchants – Merchandise and Military Power, pp. 163-183. V. PIACENTINI 151 retained for about four generations the nisbah of their original city, which would become a kind of legendary symbol of their glorious past, when – having abandoned one or another decayed centre or harbour – they would rebuild their economic (and political) empire elsewhere. Their sarrafs and wakils represented a definite presence in the main ports and outlets throughout the international trade network. Given these contacts, they could survive the decline of one or another centre – the temporary family residence – and, although they continued to add the nisbah of their original city, they would settle and start a new life and fortune somewhere else in the Gulf region – in Fal, Khunj, Lar, Qalhat, Tibi, Musqat, Suhar, Qatif, Qays, Hormuz, Aden – or even further afield, along the shores of the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean basin.17 Looking, however, only at the Gulf, it is worth noting some episodes relat- ing to the mobility and power of these families and the unique nature of this sea and its society. For example, we know that, between 892 and 902 AD, the Caliph al- Mu{tadid had ordered the governor of al-Bahrayn to equip an expedition and to move against ‘Uman, torn apart by internal strife, so as to restore order there. The ‘Umani chronicles record acts of such cruelty on the part of the troops of the governor of Bahrayn that – on this occasion – many ‘Umani inhabitants emigrated with their families and riches, seeking refuge in other cities and banadir of the Gulf.18 Here we find al-Basrah mentioned, and also Hormuz, Siraf, and Shiraz. Well received, given their previous ties, they settled and merged easily with the local population, continuing their ancient activities as traders, navigators etc. On the other hand, we also know that, in the same century, the same sources speak of families from Siraf who moved to Suhar and contributed considerably to increasing the activity of this port, to the point that it was competing with Siraf itself. However, emigration and movements of the population were unceasing in the Gulf, and whenever there was disruption in one place or another, families moved with even greater facility. Thus, between the second half of the 11th century and the second half of the 12th (by which time Siraf had virtually returned to the dimensions of a small

17 J. Aubin, “La ruine de Siraf;” “La survie de Shilau et la route du Khunj-o-Fal;” V. Fiorani Piacentini, Merchants, Merhandise and Military Power. With specific regard to the Mediterra- nean basin, Cairo Geniza attest that Sirafi families migrated also to important ports of that sea: S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society. The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, (Berkeley – Los Angeles, 1967), I, pp. 29-30, II, note (2) p. 400. 18 Salil Ibn Raziq in: G.P. Badger ed., History of the Imams and Seyyids of Oman, (London, 1871), p. 22; Sirhan ibn Sa'id ibn Sirhan al-Ba‘alawi, “Kashf al-Ghummah al-Jami‘ li Akhbar al- Ummah,” (ed. E. R. Ross), Journal of the Royal Society of Bengal, XLIII (1874), p. 130 (new ed., Annals of Oman to 1728, Cambridge, 1984, 21 ff.); Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, VII, p. 322; Istakhri, Kitab al-Masalik, p. 32. 152 MERCHANT FAMILIES IN THE GULF village renowned for its shipyards), new political equilibriums were estab- lished, which brought to the fore new centres: Fal, Khunj, Lar, Kazirun, Qays, Hormuz emerge. But beyond the supremacy of these new centres there is still the overall predominance of the same Merchant Families who had forged the history and destiny of the Gulf with their riches and cunning. Neither the political turnovers which followed the disruption of the Saljuq power nor the appearance on the political scene of new nomadic or semi-nomadic peoples from Central Asia (Ghuzz or Oghuz tribes, the Khwarezm- Shahs, the Salghurids, the Qutlugh-Khans and, lastly, the Mongols) marked the end of the Gulf's life and traditional activities. Routes were diverted once again. But all throughout the 12th and 13th centuries the movement of men, goods, ideas, and scientific and artistic values went on uninterrupted within new political equilibriums forged by those same Merchant Families, whose power had survived the political decline and collapse of one or other local ruler. Let us now recall some personalities and families of this mercantile society. Among the most famous Sirafis were two millionaire merchants, Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn ‘Umar al-Sirafi and Ramisht of Siraf, the richest among the richest of their generation, who owned funduqs along the main sea routes, splendid palaces in Siraf, and had representatives and warehouses all along the Gulf, and even in Aden. Abu Bakr was renowned for his stores bursting with precious stones and rare perfumes.19 Ramisht was a millionaire whose income amounted to millions of dirhams, a merchant of incalculable and legendary wealth, but also a khajji, a pious and devoted Muslim whose donations were recorded in epigraphs as far away as Mecca.20 Then we have the Falis and the Abzaris, who gained access to public offices or were among the most reputed qadis of the time. Positive powerful mercantile families, they would play a decisive role at the end of the 13th century during the final clash between Qays – which meant the power of the Tibis and the supremacy of Fars – and Hormuz – which was then emerging as the repre- sentative of the Gulf forces. Among the most prominent personalities, we can recall Qutb al-Din Muhammad Sirafi Fali and his more famous father, Safi al- Din Mas‘ud al-Sirafi, who were among the most celebrated jurists of the 12th

19 The history of Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn ‘Umar al-Sirafi, whose storehouses were bursting with precious stones and perfumes, is interpolated into the account of Ibn Hawqal and dates from the 10th century AD. 20 Abu al-Qasim Ramisht b. al-Husayn b. Shirawaghi b. al-Husayn b. Ja‘far of the province of Fars (as he is recorded on his tombstone – which is now lost, but has been transcribed by al- Shaybi – cf. Brockelmann, II, p. 222) died around 1140. He is mentioned by several authors in connection with the gift of a hospice made at Mecca. Ibn al-Fasi, Shifa' al-Gharam fi Akhbar al- Balad al-Haram, (Cairo, 1956), I, p. 103; Ibn Zuhayrah, Al-Jami‘ al-Latif fi Fadl Makka wa Ahli-ha wa Bina' al-Bayt al-Sharif, (Cairo, 1922), p. 107. He is recorded also by Ibn al-Athir, Ibn Jubayr, and others. See also S. M. Stern, “Ramisht of Siraf, a Merchant Millionaire of the Twelfth Century,” The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1967, pp. 10-14. V. PIACENTINI 153 and 13th centuries. Their fortune came from the wealth of a generous merchant who paid for their studies in Suhar, where there was still to be found one of the most reputed Shara‘itic schools of the time.21 Another influential “Fali” was to be Majd al-Din Isma‘il Fali Sirafi,22 who died in 1268 AD, his financial fortune linked to land which the family still owned in Siraf. Having moved to Fal, he was the first of this group to gain access to a public office during the Salghurid rule (543-668 AH/1148-1270 AD), from whence he would continue to manage an immense patrimony.23 To these we may also add Amid al-Din As'ad Abzari, from the Garmsirat, who became vizir of the Salghurid atabegs and was among the most reputed scholars of his epoch, and his grandson Izz al-Din Muzaffar al-Shirazi.24 Other remarkable members of this family are recorded by literature, such as Majd al-Din Isma ‘il II and his brother, the qadì Ruh al-Din Ishaq, great builders of mosques, madrasahs, qanats and aflaj, bridges, and ribats, whose activity is stressed in more than one passage.25 However immense their fortunes were, above all these prevailed the families of the Kazirunis and the Tibis. I have already pointed out the support given by Kazirun and, in particular, by one of its most prominent personalities, to the Buyid seizure of power in Fars and their policy based on delicate equilibriums with the local traditional mercantile class. Such control was to re-emerge during the 12th-13th centuries AD in a different form. Coming from a dervish khanaqa founded in Khunj at the beginning of 13th century AD by a pious man, Shaykh Rukn al-Din Danyal,26 it spread rapidly and was further consolidated by close links with the

21 Ibn al-Mujawir, Ta'rikh al-Mustahsir, (ed. O. Löfgren), (Leiden, 1951), I, p. 43; Mu'in al- Din Junayd al-Shirazi, Shadd al-Izar, (eds. Qazvini-Eqbal), (Tehran, 1327 AH sh./1958-1959 AD), p. 61, 421, 522 et infra; Ibn al-Balkhi, Fars-Namah, p.145; Wassaf, Ta'rikh, p. 170 et infra. 22 Ibn Junayd al-Shirazi, Shadd al-Izar, p. 421; Wassaf, Ta'rikh, p. 170. 23 The Fali families played a prominent role during the final clash between Hormuz and Qays, firmly turning their backs on the Tibi family and Fars power and military predominance, and supporting Hormuz and the Gulf aspect of its dominion. A. M. Thabiti, Asnad wa Namah-ha-ye Ta'rikh, (Tehran, 1346 AH sh./1967-1968 AD), pp. 161 ff. Ibn Battuta also provides us with some information. 24 The Abzari family also entered the competition for supremacy between Hormuz and Qays, and, alongwith the Falis, they would play a decisive role, supporting Hormuz power during the final clash at the end of the 13th century AD. Shadd al-Izar, p. 215 and note 1, pp. 427-428, pp. 517-527 and footnotes. J. Aubin, “La survie de Shilau.” 25 Shadd al-Izar, pp. 427-428. 26 Shaykh Rukn al-Din Danyal is a figure hovering between reality and legend, a holy man still remembered in local tradition and venerated by the local population for the miracles which – apparently – he still continues to perform. At Lar in 1984 I could personally visit a local shrine bearing a dedicatory inscription to shaykh Danyal dated 849 AH. Literary sources provide us with rich documentation referring to the Kazirunis and this same Shaykh Rukn al-Din (Mahmud ibn Uthman, Firdas al-Murshidiyah, ed. F. Meier, pp. 466-470; Muhammad Ghawthi, Golzar-e Abrar (ms. John Rylands Library), fol. 45 b et infra; Hamdollah Mostowfi Qazvini, Ta'rikh; Ibn Battuta etc.). Due to the role played by this khanaqa in the dispute between Qays and Hormuz, 154 MERCHANT FAMILIES IN THE GULF local mercantile class. The Kazirunis had firm hold on the main land trade routes and the outlets to the sea. Thus – by combining devotion with force – they could exert, either at peace or at war, an even firmer control over an immense volume of trade. The Tibis, a powerful and imposing family from Qays whose power was based at Shiraz and in Fars, had their destinies closely associated with the struggle for power in this province during the 13th century, and would be the protagonists in the dispute between two already differentiated mercantile pow- ers, that is Qays and its Merchant Families on the one hand, and Hormuz, still on terra firma, and its mercantile aristocracy on the other. The Tibis would come to a dramatic conclusion with the final victory of the merchant families of Hormuz, at the time already strongly supported by ‘Umani forces. Among the most noteworthy personalities of this family, one in particular stands out as the most influential of his time, that of Jamal al-Din Ibrahim ibn Muhammad al-Tibi, called al-Sawamili; the Il-Khan Jeykhatu showered honours on him, giving him the laqab of Shaykh al-Islam and Malik al-Islam. An influential court official, Jamal al-Din used his political position to create a real economic empire. Although the nisbah “al-Tibi” suggests an Arabic-‘Umani origin, no sources mention this at all. On the contrary, the manner in which he acquired and wielded political influence and economic power is typical of Persian culture and society. Therefore, if we wish to look at the Arabian Peninsula, it is easier to observe the warehouses and the riches that the ability and cunning of this character had enabled the Tibis to accumulate on that side of the Gulf too, giving renewed prosperity to its centres and renewed centrality to all crafts and commercial activities after the Buyid and Saljuq periods.27 If there is no doubt that the military power of the Mongols – together with the institutional-economic power of the local society – made Qays at the turn of the 13th century the most important emporium in the Gulf and the key to all Euro-Asian trade, it is also a reality that – at the entrance of the Gulf – there was Hormuz with its fleet and its connections, well capable of mounting an effective blockade to the detriment of any convoy passing through the straits. mention of it also occurs in the Portuguese sources, in particular in Joao da Barros, Da Asia, II, 2, and Pedro Teixeira, Relaciones, (Antverp, 1610), II, p. 12. See also A. Eqtedari, Larestan-e kohneh, (Tehran, 1344 AH sh./1955-1956 AD), p. 170 and the well documented studies by J. Aubin, Journal Asiatique, 1953, 1954, and 1956. 27 Wassaf dedicates more than one passage to the life and actions of Jamal al-Din ibn Muhammad al-Tibi; he stresses the role of the Shaykh al-Islam in building his mercantile maritime empire: “it was from the markets of India and the seas of the Far East in particular that the wealth of this Gulf island derived; but – he adds – also other countries in general, from Iraq to Khurasan, from the lands of the Rumis to those of the Franks, were under Jamal al-Din's control- ling interest:” Wassaf, Ta'rikh, pp. 268, 301-303, 331-332, 334-339 et infra. Some notes on the Shaykh al-Islam are also to be found in E. C. Ross, Annals of Oman, pp. 140-141, and in Elliot and Dawson, History of India, III, pp. 32-35. V. PIACENTINI 155

Towards the end of the same century, a notable character had emerged at Hormuz, too: Mahmud Qalhati – from the Arabian Peninsula – who may rea- sonably be considered the true architect of the political emergence of Hormuz and its power, his undertakings being prosecuted by another character, Ayaz the Turk – who in his turn tenderly loved ‘Uman and the ‘Umani region, such that he retired there at the end of his life. Mahmud Qalhati and Ayaz were the true protagonists of the growing supremacy of Hormuz, both typical exponents of Gulf coastal society and its enterprising merchants.28 Mahmud Qalhati relieved the dependance of Hormuz from the Iranian continent and its military force, that of the Qutlugh Khans. At the same time he re- organised the defensive and offensive capabilities of the city, reinforcing its walls, ramparts and bastions, he increased the fleet and enlarged the harbour and connected structures. Then, partly through negotiations and partly through military action, he extended Hormuz' control eastwards to include the coastal strip of Makran and some ports of India, too, as well as westwards, to include the main ‘Umani coastal centres through powerful alliances with local lords. Qalhati died in about 676 AH/1277-1278 AD. His organisational work was completed by Baha' al-Din Ayaz, a Turk acting as temporary regent for the infant prince.29 Ayaz had hardly ascended to the throne when, with ruthless cynicism, he applied himself to consolidating his power and securing Hormuz' supremacy. The fleet of Hormuz was further strengthened and the city's fortifications increased. He recruited an army from along the Arabian coasts and reinforced the positions which had already been taken along the ‘Umani shores, in particular Qalhat. It is very likely that it was also in this same period that Ayaz “acquired” the islet of Jerun, which was soon to become the heart of Hormuz' restructured dominion.30 The rest of Ayaz' reign passed in consolidation of the

28 With regard to Hormuz, see endnote (a). Cf. also V. Fiorani Piacentini, L'emporio e il regno di Hormoz (VIII- fine XV sec. D.Cr). Vicende storiche, problemi ed aspetti di una civiltà costiera del Golfo Persico, (Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere – Memorie, XXXV, 1), (Milano, 1975); V. Fiorani Piacentini, The Bandar and the Kingdom of Hormuz. The mercantile dimension of the Gulf (1200-1515 AD), in press. 29 The name “Ayaz” is given in Arabic as “Iyad.” Teixeira gives the form Bahadin Ayaz Seyfin. He is also recorded by Gaspar da Cruz. Wassaf gives the form Baha al-Din Ayaz, which seems to be more correct and which I follow herewith (Wassaf, Ta'rikh, pp. 296-297). 30 Wassaf, Ta'rikh, pp. 287-299 et infra. It seems to be because he was well aware that this insular position would be a much safer and more defensible seat for the capital city of the new realm, and in view of the final confrontation with Qays and the Mongol army. To this, one must add that the Old Hormuz on terra firma (Hormuz-e kohneh) was no longer so safe and protected to landwards by mountains and deserts; bands of Tatars – probably Turko- Mongol peoples from Chaghatay ulus, drawn by the fame of the city and its wealth – had repeatedly pushed southwards along the caravan routes of the steppes, attacking, plundering, raiding caravans and any convoy, sacking, and bringing ruin, misery and death also to Hor- muz. 156 MERCHANT FAMILIES IN THE GULF possessions gained and reinforcement of the alliances and economic power which Hormuz had acquired both on land and at sea.31 At the end of the 13th century a clash between the forces of Fars and the interest of the cosmopolitan society of the Gulf was inevitable and was destined to end with the victory and supremacy of one or the other.

4. TWO DISTINCT MERCANTILE DIMENSIONS.

Here another reality can be clearly seen, which is not merely economic but economic and political at the same time. As we have seen, it was at Shiraz – the capital city of Fars – and on the Ira- nian continent that these merchant families usually lived at the glorious period of Sirafi supremacy, that is, in the 9th and 10th centuries AD. From here they ran their immense business, and sent orders to their bankers and representatives, who were present and active in all the main ports and markets of the world. From Shiraz they administered the fabulous riches accumulated in the warehouses along the trade routes, and controlled new and ever more distant markets – sometimes by means of a shrewd choice of wife as well. Moreover, they were not above occupying important and influential positions in the public administration of Shiraz and its provinces (we find these same personages as qadis, walis, vizirs etc.). Thus, by combining economic and administrative- bureaucratic prestige, they could create true mercantile empires and exercise ever tighter control over the political-military power of the time at Shiraz. However, in this precise context, their power was always dependent on the armies and the military force of the local princes, thus becoming strictly associated also with their fortunes and misfortunes. This is the reality of the great Merchant Families of Fars, typical exponents of the Iranian cultural tradition. But this is not the reality of the growing power in Hormuz and “its” Mer- chant Families who – from the 10th century on – began to distance themselves from this tradition and gave life, as already indicated, to their own cultural model. Such a model had a definite projection towards the sea, was centered on the sea and around it, and was focused on close links and interlinks between both shores, the Arabian and the Iranian, based on delicate balances between the two. At the end, we can see that the Merchant Families of Fars, who with their wealth could contribute to the arming of a military force or a fleet, could not withdraw themselves from the will of the current ruler and the force of his

31 These alliances – by that epoch – included the Falis, the Abzaris, and the Kazirunis on the Iranian continent, and the ‘Umanis along the Arabian coast. Wassaf, Ta'rikh, pp. 348-349, 401- 402, 404-405, 505. See also J. Aubin, “Les princes d'Ormuz,” pp. 97-99; V. Fiorani Piacentini, The Bandar and the Kingdom of Hormuz, chap. 3. V. PIACENTINI 157 army; often they had to serve political interests at variance with their own mercantile and financial targets. With time this strategy would prove to be a weakness and would be their own ruin. It is not a case that, with the decline of the Buyid power in Fars, we see the decline of Siraf, too, and the beginning of the emigration of its families. We find more than one “Sirafi” (in origin) merchant-group settling also at Hor- muz, contributing extensively with its riches, experience and political links to the growth of this city-emporium. This is the case of Suhar, too, which – at the time of the Mukramid amirs – was spared the fate and destiny of the other ‘Umani cities due to the presence of a rich Sirafi colony.32 Among these, and within this changed political framework, the Abzaris stand out, namely Amid al-Din As‘ad and his grandson Izz al-Din Muzaffar al- Shirazi, and the family of Majd al-Din Isma‘il al-Sirafi, who – also having high ranking positions in the administration – with their reversal were to play a significant role in the final clash between Qays and Hormuz. Literature records two other remarkable members of this family, the previously mentioned Majd al-Din Isma ‘il II and his brother, the qadì Ruh al-Din Ishaq, great builders of mosques, madrasahs, qanats and aflaj, bridges, and ribats. The Kazirunis also had an important role in the increased economic and political importance of Hormuz from the 13th century onwards. Bound to the local mercantile class and aristocracy by close links – even by marriage – they would gain great power and influence in Laristan and Kirman. Literature provides us with a wealth of material concerning the life and “miracles” of Shaykh Danyal, the founder of the tariqa.33 Beyond the still current local legends and seductive accounts of pirs and knights, there is, however, no doubt regarding the decisive role played by this khanaqa in the final clash between Qays – and the power of Fars on the one side – and Hormuz – that is, the growing power of the Gulf and of its lively, active, cosmopolitan society – on the other. From the overall picture outlined so far, one fact clearly emerges: from the end of the 12th century alliances between Hormuz – where Merchant Families from Siraf had settled and largely conditioned the political choices of the local ruler – the Abzaris and the Kazirunis were to reshape the mercantile life of the Gulf and drastically redimension the supremacy of the Iranian element. But in this, links with the Arabian coast – greatly reinforced – and the traditional in- teraction between the two shores were to play a decisive role, becoming the backbone indispensable for sustaining an increasingly enterprising and autono- mous mercantile policy. Such policy was to be fervently pursued by Qalhati, and reinforced by Ayaz on both the military-institutional and social-economic levels. As outlined above, the re-organisational work was begun in the second

32 See above notes 6 and 7. 33 See above par. 3 and note 26. 158 MERCHANT FAMILIES IN THE GULF half of the 13th century by Mahmud Qalhati and was completed by the Turk, Baha al-Din Ayaz, acting as temporary regent for the infant prince. He recruited an army along the Arabian coasts and reinforced the positions which had already been taken along the coast of ‘Uman, in particular Qalhat which – he realised – was of primary strategic importance. But he did not neglect also the mercantile dimension of these shores; the cities of the Arabian coast had by that time returned to their previous role and activity, enjoying splendour and prosperity, renowned for their pearl-fisheries and shipyards, celebrated for the wealth of their markets, where fresh fruit, vegetables, silk, amber, ivory, precious merchandise, refined objects, and even horses could be found. Ayaz died in 711 AH/1311-1312 AD. According to Turanshah, this restless Turk retired in the last years of his life to Qalhat, and there he died peacefully, his favourite wife, the sweet and gentle Bibi Maryam, at his side. According to Turanshah, she would have a magnificent tomb built for him at Qalhat: evoca- tive symbol of the popular memory of ancient heroic times. It also bears wit- ness to the close complementary link built by this Turk between the two shores of this sea. However events may have developed, the Turk disappeared from the political scene, power returned to the legitimate maliks of Hormuz, the de- scendants of Mahmud Qalhati, but, without doubt, he left behind him a cultural impression destined to last for centuries.

ENDNOTES

(a) Siraf is widely documented in the Islamic sources and existing literature. With regard to the latter see V. Fiorani Piacentini, Merchants – Merchandise and Military Power in the Persian Gulf. (Suriyanj/Shahriyaj – Siraf), (Memorie della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, ser. IX, III, n. 2), (Rome, 1992). See also the well documented studies by J. Aubin, “La rouine de Siraf et les routes du Golfe Persique aux XIe et XIIe siècles”, Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale, X-XII (1959); J. Aubin, “La survie de Shilau et la route du Khunj-o-Fal”, Iran, VII (1969), pp. 21-37; J. Aubin, “Les princes d'Ormuz du XIIIe au XVe siècle”, Journal Asiatique, (1953) 1, pp. 77-137; J. Aubin, “Le Royaume d'Ormuz au début du XVIe siècle”, (Mare Luso-Indicum, II), (Genève, 1973), pp. 77-179. Cf. also P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter nach der arabischen Geographen, (Leiden, 1896, repr. 1969-1970). The Persian literature is also very rich, with a few reservations concerning its originality, since this is mainly limited to refer- ences to writings in “western” languages; see in particular: Ahmad Eqtedari, Athar-e Shahr-ha-ye bastani-e Sawahel wa Jaza'yer-e Khalij-e Fars wa Darya-ye ‘Uman, (Tehran, 1349 AH sh./1969-1970 AD), specif. pp. 537-570, 573-597, 683-743; Ahmad Eqtedari, Khalij-e Fars, (Tehran, 1344 AH sh./1965-1966 AD); ‘Abbas Eqbal, Motola‘at-e cand dar Bab-e Bahrayn wa Jaza'yer wa Sawahel-e Khalij-e Fars, (Tehran, 1328 AH sh./1959-1960 AD); Abbas Faroughy, L'histoire du royaume d'Hormuz jusqu'à son incorporation dans l'empire persan des Séfevis en 1622, (Bruxelles, 1949). (b) With regard to Arabic and Persian sources and literature referring to the period under study, some texts are particularly telling with specific regard to the Buyid policy and the new mercantile dimension of the Gulf: Abu Dulaf Mis‘ar, Abu Dulaf Mis‘ar V. PIACENTINI 159

Ibn Muhalhil's Travels in Iran, (text and trans. V. Minorsky), (Cairo, 1955); Ibn al- Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Ta'rikh, ed. C. J. Tornberg), (Leiden, 1851-1876); Gardizi, Zayn al-Akhbar, (ed. M. Nazim), (Berlin, 1928); Al-‘Utbi, Al-Ta'rikh al-Yamini, (Cairo, 1869); Ibn Miskawayh, Tajarib al-Uman, (ed. and trans. H. F. Amedroz and D. S. Mar- goliouth), (Oxford, 1920-1921); Bundari, Zubdat al-Nusrah wa Nukhbat al-‘Usrah, (ed. M. T. Houtsma), (Leiden, 1889); Bayhaqi, Zahir al-Din, Ta'rikh-e Bayhaqi, (ed. A. Bahmanyar), (Tehran, 1317 AH sh.); Bayhaqi, Abu al-Fadl, Ta'rikh-e Mas‘udi, (eds. Ghani and Fayyad), (Tehran, 1324 AH sh.); Ibn al-Balki, Fars-Namah, (eds. G. Le Strange and R. A. Nicholson), (G.M.S. I), (London, 1921); Hamdollah Mos- towfi Qazwini, Nuzhat al-Qulub, (ed. G. Le Strange), (Leiden, 1915). The geographical genre provides us with no less revealing information, see in particular Anonymous (with additions by Abu Zayd Hasan al-Sirafi), Akhbar al-Sin wa al-Hind, (text, trans. and comm. J. Sauvaget), (Paris, 1948); Istakhri, Kitab al-Masalik wa al-Mamalik, (ed. M. J. de Goeje), (B.G.A.), (Leiden, 1870); Ibn Hawqal, Kitab Surat al-Ard, (ed. M. J. de Goeje), (B.G.A.), (Leiden, 1873); al-Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-Taqasim fi Ma‘ri- fat al-Aqalim, (ed. M. J. de Goeje), (B.G.A.), (Leiden, 1877); Anonymous, Hudud al- ‘Alam, (eds. Bosworth, C. E./Minorsky, V., rev. Barthold, V.V.), (London, 1970); Mas‘udi, Muruj al-Dhahab, (eds. C. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille), (Paris, 1861-1877); Ibn Khurdadhbih, “Kitab al-Masalik wa al-Mamalik”, (ed. C. Bar- bier de Meynard), Journal Asiatique, 6th ser., V (1865); Ya‘qubi, Kitab al-Buldan, (ed. M. J. de Goeje), (B.G.A.), (Leiden, 1892); Ya‘qubi, Ta'rikh, (ed. M. T. Houtsma), (Leiden, 1889); Yaqut, Mu‘jam al-Buldan, (ed. F. Wüstenfeld), (Leipzig, 1866-1873).