Methodism, Pacifism, and Gandhian Nonviolence in the Civil Rights Movement: the Principles and Praxis of James M
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Freedom North Studies, the Long Civil Rights Movement, and Twentieth
JUHXXX10.1177/0096144216635149Journal of Urban HistoryReview Essay 635149review-article2016 Review Essay Journal of Urban History 2016, Vol. 42(3) 634 –640 Freedom North Studies, the © The Author(s) 2016 Reprints and permissions: Long Civil Rights Movement, and sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav juh.sagepub.com Twentieth-Century Liberalism in American Cities Patrick D. Jones (2009). The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. xiii, 318 pp., maps, photos, notes, bibliography, index, $45.00 (cloth), $22.95 (paper). Phyllis Palmer (2008). Living as Equals: How Three White Communities Struggled to Make Interracial Connections during the Civil Rights Era. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. x, 299 pp., illustrations, notes, index, $69.95 (cloth), $27.95 (paper). Jerald Podair (2008). Bayard Rustin: American Dreamer. New York: Rowman & Littlefield. xiii, 173 pp., photographs, documents, bibliographical essay, index, $32.95 (cloth). Thomas J. Sugrue (2008). Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North. New York: Random House. xiii, 720 pp., illustrations, notes, index, $35 (cloth). Reviewed by: Brian Purnell, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME, USA DOI: 10.1177/0096144216635149 Keywords social movements, interracial, civil rights, Black Power, post-WWII “For historians and general readers interested in the civil rights movement’s past,” writes Eric Arnesen, “these are indeed the best of times. Every month, it seems, new books roll off the presses of university and trade publishing houses, while academic journals and television docu- mentaries present specialized or general interpretations to their respective audiences.” Arnesen’s comment came before the fiftieth anniversaries of major civil rights movement milestones. -
Radical Pacifism, Civil Rights, and the Journey of Reconciliation
09-Mollin 12/2/03 3:26 PM Page 113 The Limits of Egalitarianism: Radical Pacifism, Civil Rights, and the Journey of Reconciliation Marian Mollin In April 1947, a group of young men posed for a photograph outside of civil rights attorney Spottswood Robinson’s office in Richmond, Virginia. Dressed in suits and ties, their arms held overcoats and overnight bags while their faces carried an air of eager anticipation. They seemed, from the camera’s perspective, ready to embark on an exciting adventure. Certainly, in a nation still divided by race, this visibly interracial group of black and white men would have caused people to stop and take notice. But it was the less visible motivations behind this trip that most notably set these men apart. All of the group’s key organizers and most of its members came from the emerging radical pacifist movement. Opposed to violence in all forms, many had spent much of World War II behind prison walls as conscientious objectors and resisters to war. Committed to social justice, they saw the struggle for peace and the fight for racial equality as inextricably linked. Ardent egalitarians, they tried to live according to what they called the brotherhood principle of equality and mutual respect. As pacifists and as militant activists, they believed that nonviolent action offered the best hope for achieving fundamental social change. Now, in the wake of the Second World War, these men were prepared to embark on a new political jour- ney and to become, as they inscribed in the scrapbook that chronicled their traveling adventures, “courageous” makers of history.1 Radical History Review Issue 88 (winter 2004): 113–38 Copyright 2004 by MARHO: The Radical Historians’ Organization, Inc. -
The US Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory
BRATYANSKI, JENNIFER A., Ph.D. Mainstreaming Movements: The U.S. Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory (2012) Directed by Dr. Thomas F. Jackson. 190pp. By the time of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, in 1990, television and film had brought South Africa’s history of racial injustice and human rights violations into living rooms and cinemas across the United States. New media formats such as satellite and cable television widened mobilization efforts for international opposition to apartheid. But at stake for the U.S. based anti-apartheid movement was avoiding the problems of media misrepresentation that previous transnational movements had experienced in previous decades. Movement participants and supporters needed to connect the liberation struggles in South Africa to the historical domestic struggles for racial justice. What resulted was the romanticizing of a domestic civil rights memory through the mediated images of the anti-apartheid struggle which appeared between 1968 and 1994. Ultimately, both the anti-apartheid and civil rights movements were sanitized of their radical roots, which threatened the ongoing struggles for black economic advancement in both countries. MAINSTREAMING MOVEMENTS: THE U.S. ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT AND CIVIL RIGHTS MEMEORY by Jennifer A. Bratyanski A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate School at The University of North Carolina at Greensboro in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Greensboro 2012 Approved by Thomas F. Jackson Committee -
"I AM a 1968 Memphis Sanitation MAN!": Race, Masculinity, and The
LaborHistory, Vol. 41, No. 2, 2000 ªIAMA MAN!º: Race,Masculinity, and the 1968 MemphisSanitation Strike STEVEESTES* On March 28, 1968 Martin LutherKing, Jr. directeda march ofthousands of African-American protestersdown Beale Street,one of the major commercial thoroughfares in Memphis,Tennessee. King’ splane had landedlate that morning, and thecrowd was already onthe verge ofcon¯ ict with thepolice whenhe and other members ofthe Southern Christian LeadershipConference (SCLC) took their places at thehead of the march. The marchers weredemonstrating their supportfor 1300 striking sanitation workers,many ofwhom wore placards that proclaimed, ªIAm a Man.ºAs the throng advanceddown Beale Street,some of the younger strike support- ersripped theprotest signs off the the wooden sticks that they carried. Theseyoung men,none of whomwere sanitation workers,used the sticks to smash glass storefronts onboth sidesof the street. Looting ledto violent police retaliation. Troopers lobbed tear gas into groups ofprotesters and sprayed mace at demonstratorsunlucky enough tobe in range. High above thefray in City Hall, Mayor HenryLoeb sat in his of®ce, con®dent that thestrike wasillegal, andthat law andorder wouldbe maintained in Memphis.1 This march wasthe latest engagement in a®ght that had raged in Memphissince the daysof slaveryÐ acon¯ict over African-American freedomsand civil rights. In one sense,the ª IAm aManºslogan wornby thesanitation workersrepresented a demand for recognition oftheir dignity andhumanity. This demandcaught whiteMemphians bysurprise,because they had always prided themselvesas being ªprogressiveºon racial issues.Token integration had quietly replaced public segregation in Memphisby the mid-1960s, butin the1967 mayoral elections,segregationist candidateHenry Loeb rodea waveof white backlash against racial ªmoderationºinto of®ce. -
Prophet of Pacifism by Nilesh Nathwani
Prophet of Pacifism. By Nilesh Nathwani Revolutionary thinkers believe in incessant revolution. They see constant change as a way of life. Initially, Mahatma Gandhi was concerned about creating an environment hospitable to change within a relatively stable political system of colonialism. He wanted a political system in which healthy unrest would work for continuous renewal. Freedom would be continually enlarged and extended, resulting in the upward evolution of a society towards a higher and different power as he described it. This process would start when a political system is created, where people respect minorities. The sense of freedom would then become a national and individual pride. Freedom is gained by vigilance and struggle; it can, however, be lost if society remains indifferent and supine. One has to fight for freedom with the right weapons, though not with guns. The sense of freedom should be from within and not brought about by an outer force. However controversial it sounds, Gandhiji demonstrated this principle in his lifetime. He went behind bars to gain that freedom. He preferred to be behind walls than to suppress his struggle for freedom. When jailed for refusing to pay the salt tax at the end of the Dandi March, he observed that even behind walls of stone and mortar he was freer than those who had jailed him. Gandhiji practised the struggle with his soul spirit and gave the world the principle of Satyagraha. The Encyclopaedia Britannica describes Satyagraha as truth force. I would call it soul force. It is a principle that encourages you not to submit to wrong or to co-operate with it in any way. -
Unit 13 Civil Rights Movements in the United States
UNIT 13 CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES Structure 13.1 Introduction Aims and Objectives 13.2 Discrimination of the Disadvantaged Groups 13.2.1 African Americans 13.3 Black Civil Rights Movements 13.4 Consequences of Civil Rights Movements 13.4.1 Native Americans 13.4.2 Hispanic and Asian Americans 13.4.3 Women and Civil Rights Movements 13.4.4 Rights of Homosexuals 13.5 Democrats and Civil Rights 13.6 Republicans and Civil Rights 13.7 Summary 13.8 Terminal Questions Suggested Readings 13.1 INTRODUCTION Mahatma Gandhi’s influence on civil rights movements around the world is beyond anyone’s doubt. Non-violent resistance through non-cooperation and civil disobedience are powerful tools of the deprived over the privileged sections of the society. Gandhi’s influence is nowhere more discernible in the developed West than in the United States itself. Martin Luther King, Jr., the leader who led the non-violent civil rights movement, in the United States to empower the African Americans, was highly inspired by Mahatma Gandhi. Civil rights denote the rights of individuals to equal protection under the laws of the land and equal access to public amenities and services in society. Civil rights differ from civil liberties. Significantly, civil liberties involve freedom of speech and expression and other freedoms of the citizens that are protected from the possible violation by the government. Civil rights, on the other hand, refer to individual members or groups—whether racial, religious and others—who need to be treated equally by the government and even by the private parties to a certain extent. -
Self-Actualization: Transcendentalist Discourse in the Work of Stuart Saunders Smith
SELF-ACTUALIZATION: TRANSCENDENTALIST DISCOURSE IN THE WORK OF STUART SAUNDERS SMITH José Augusto Duarte Lacerda A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF MUSICAL ARTS December 2015 Committee: Roger Schupp, Advisor Timothy Messer-Kruse Graduate Faculty Representative Marilyn Shrude Robert Wallace Thomas Rosenkranz © 2015 José Augusto Duarte Lacerda All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Roger Schupp, Advisor Born and raised in Maine, composer Stuart Saunders Smith (1948) grew up immersed in a milieu that still echoed the influence of the nineteenth-century literary movement known as Transcendentalism. The work of key Transcendentalist figures, such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau, show the movement’s emphasis on autonomy, intuition, pacifism, and social justice. But Transcendentalism also maintains a spiritual focus: a claim that each person is part of a single universal spirit—“Oneness.” However, this “Oneness” does not equate to homogeneity of ideas and individual voices. Rather, each person’s divine worth grants them autonomy of thought and agency. Both the social and spiritual ideas of Transcendentalism have informed Smith’s music, his writings on music compositional process, and his personal life. Amongst the Transcendentalist notions displayed in Smith’s music, pacifism and anti- technologism appear in his use of intricate rhythms. A Thoreauvian anti-materialism can be found in Smith’s limited use of instrumentation and in his concept of “percussion ecology.” Moreover, the Transcendentalist non-teleological stance is reflected in Smith’s tendency to write evening-length pieces that disregard form, his recurring references to New England imagery, and his use of non-sequiturs. -
The Futility of Violence I. Gandhi's Critique of Violence for Gandhi, Political
CHAPTER ONE The Futility of Violence I. Gandhi’s Critique of Violence For Gandhi, political life was, in a profound and fundamental sense, closely bound to the problem of violence. At the same time, his understanding and critique of violence was multiform and layered; violence’s sources and consequences were at once ontological, moral and ethical, as well as distinctly political. Gandhi held a metaphysical account of the world – one broadly drawn from Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist philosophy – that accepted himsa or violence to be an ever-present and unavoidable fact of human existence. The world, he noted, was “bound in a chain of destruction;” the basic mechanisms for the reproduction of biological and social life necessarily involved continuous injury to living matter. But modern civilization – its economic and political institutions as well as the habits it promoted and legitimated – posed the problem of violence in new and insistent terms. Gandhi famously declared the modern state to represent “violence in a concentrated and organized form;” it was a “soulless machine” that – like industrial capitalism – was premised upon and generated coercive forms of centralization and hierarchy.1 These institutions enforced obedience through the threat of violence, they forced people to labor unequally, they oriented desires towards competitive material pursuits. In his view, civilization was rendering persons increasingly weak, passive, and servile; in impinging upon moral personality, modern life degraded and deformed it. This was the structural violence of modernity, a violence that threatened bodily integrity but also human dignity, individuality, and autonomy. In this respect, Gandhi’s deepest ethical objection to violence was closely tied to a worldview that took violence to inhere in modern modes of politics and modern ways of living. -
7. Extension: Find out About Some People Who Have Practised Pacifism
1. What are your thoughts on pacifism? Examples of religious beliefs for () and against () Pacifists believe it is 2. Explain what pacifism is and what pacifists believe. pacifism better to be passive and not be violent, Pacifism is a belief that… ! Some Christians, such as A _______________, are whatever the consequences, than to pacifists. They believe Jesus taught peace and actively be violent and forgiveness, and opposed violence even in self- cause harm. defence. Non-religious Some Muslims believe Allah prefers peace to B people have _______________. different views Pacifists may also believe… on pacifism. 3. Fill in the quote. Many Hindus are pacifists because of the Hindu belief in ahimsa (C _______________) Some Christians, Muslims and Hindus are not pacifists, as they believe violence is D _______________ in some circumstances, e.g. the Qur’an permits violence in E _______________. 7. Extension: Find out about some people who have practised pacifism. Note down some examples. (Matthew 5:44 NRSV) ‘Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be 4. Write the correct multiple-choice answer in the gaps above. called children of God.’ (Matthew 5:9 NRSV) A – fundamentalists Catholics Quakers B – forgiveness violence death 5. Give some potential problems with pacifism. C – non-violence violence peace D – justified wrong useless E – anger self-defence all circumstances 6. Extension: ‘People should not be pacifists.’ Evaluate this statement. (12 marks) Argue for and against this statement. You must give religious arguments and you may give non-religious arguments. Reach a conclusion which follows from your argument. Make some notes here, and then complete the answer in your book or on the back. -
68-77 M.K. Gandhi Through Western Lenses
68 M.K.Gandhi through Western Lenses: Romain Rolland’s Mahatma Gandhi: The Man Who Became One With the Universal Being Madhavi Nikam Volume 1 : Issue 06, October 2020 Volume Department of English, Ramchand Kimatram Talreja College, Ulhasnagar [email protected] Sambhāṣaṇ 69 Abstract: Gandhi, an Orientalist could find a sublime place in the heart and history of the Westerners with the literary initiative of a French Nobel Laureate Romain Rolland. Rolland was a French writer, art historian and mystic who bagged Nobel Prize for Literature in 1915. Rolland’s pioneering biography (in the West) on Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi published in 1924, not only made him popular overnight but also restructured the Indian figure in the minds of people. Since the publication of his biography, number of biographies on Gandhi appeared in the market from various corners of the world. Rolland himself being a pacifist was impressed with Gandhi, a man with different life style and unique modus operandi. Pacifism has greatly benefited from the biographical and historiographical revival by contribution of such great authors. Gandhi’s firm belief in the democratic and four fundamental principles of Truth (Satya), non-violence (Ahimsa), welfare of all (Sarvodaya) and peaceful protest (Satyagraha) left an indelible impact on the writer which helped him to express his resentment at imperialism in his later works. The paper would attempt to reassess Gandhi as a philosopher, and revolutionary in the context with Romain Rolland’s correspondence with Gandhi written in 1923-24. The paper will be a sincere effort to explore Rolland ‘s first but lasting impression of Gandhi who offered attractive regenerative possibilities for Volume 1 : Issue 06, October 2020 Volume Europe after the great war. -
The Persistent Effect of U.S. Civil Rights Protests on Political Attitudes
The Persistent Effect of U.S. Civil Rights Protests on Political Attitudes Soumyajit Mazumder Harvard University Abstract: Protests can engender significant institutional change. Can protests also continue to shape a nation’s contemporary politics outside of more formalized channels? I argue that social movements can not only beget institutional change, but also long-run, attitudinal change. Using the case of the U.S. civil rights movement, I develop a theory in which protests can shift attitudes and these attitudes can persist. Data from over 150,000 survey respondents provide evidence consistent with the theory. Whites from counties that experienced historical civil rights protests are more likely to identify as Democrats and support affirmative action, and less likely to harbor racial resentment against blacks. These individual-level results are politically meaningful—counties that experienced civil rights protests are associated with greater Democratic Party vote shares even today. This study highlights how social movements can have persistent impacts on a nation’s politics. Replication Materials: The data, code, and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this arti- cle are available on the American Journal of Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: http://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/WKJJ3Z. ocial movements are generally associated with pe- titude change among the target public.1 Second, historical riods of massive political and economic change. ideational change persists long after a social movement’s S These movements may spur democratization such life through a system of intergenerational transmission of as the case with the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, beliefs. Together, these theoretical premises suggest that enfranchise oppressed racial or ethnic groups as seen with social movements can shift public opinion in the long the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, or hasten run. -
Ebony Magazine and the Civil Rights Movement
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 5-2018 Black Business as Activism: Ebony Magazine and the Civil Rights Movement Seon Britton The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2659 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] BLACK BUSINESS AS ACTIVISM EBONY MAGAZINE AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT by SEON BRITTON A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2018 © 2018 SEON BRITTON All rights reserved ii Black Business as Activism: Ebony Magazine and the Civil Rights Movement by Seon Britton This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts. Date Karen Miller Thesis Advisor Date Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Executive Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Black Business as Activism: Ebony Magazine and the Civil Rights Movement by Seon Britton Advisor: Karen Miller In the fight for justice, equality, and true liberation, African American organizations and institutions have often acted as a voice for the African American community at large focusing on common issues and concerns. With the civil rights movement being broadcast across the world, there was no better time for African American community and civil rights organizations to take a role within the movement in combatting the oppression, racism, and discrimination of white supremacy.