MONTHLY ANALYSIS APRIL 2020

SUMMARY

Nepal has remained under lockdown for more than a month, and the aftereffects of the lockdown can be seen almost everywhere. Globally as well, the lockdown has created waves of political, economical, social, psychological, and health complications. Coronavirus has killed more than 210 thousand people across the globe and the number of affected has crossed three million. Still, the fire is raging. The rate seems to have slowed down but it is still too early to say if it will die down or this is a pit stop before the race restarts all over again.

As of May 1, 2020, has remained comparatively safe from COVID-19, with 59 positive cases, 16 recoveries and no deaths so far. The increase in testing is sure to increase the number of positive patients in the coming days. People are scared and have remained inside their houses, going out only in emergency cases. But how long will people stay is the moot question? With each day of closure, the country is losing millions and we have already closed the country for 40 days.

Nepal underwent lockdown from March 24, with a complete shutdown of transportation. With the transportation shut down, people who had been traveling to different places within the country were unable to go back to their native places. With the lockdown extending not once, twice or thrice, but four times, some of them decided to return on foot, taking perilous journeys for weeks to be with their families. In the village, even if there is poverty, there is a social safety net in their community, in their family and extended family. In the city, they are no more than a working body. There is a chain that connects them to their families in their villages. They were not here earning for themselves. They are here earning because they need to support poor families in their villages.

During the lockdown, the government seems to not to have given a thought to policy preparations, to system preparation, to getting in place the Disaster Management Act to making sure that any kind of human crisis did not happen. Lack of foresight and lack of preparedness is clearly seen in the government when it had ample time to prepare itself for it as Nepal remained with only one COVID-19 positive patient for two months. We did not even have mechanisms to have personal protective equipment for our heroic frontline health workers in place until local people came up front and started production.

The apathy shown by the government towards its citizens in the time of crisis shows that it does not have a right plan in combating the pandemic, which was clearly seen on how the people had to play with their lives to reach their homes. The situation eased only after the Supreme Court ordered the government to. It does not have any communication with other political parties nor

with the local and federal governments to assist in relief and operations. No coordination was seen at all. Instead, the local representatives themselves rose to the occasion to educate, monitor, and help people at the grassroot levels with available resources in hand and a few resources they received from the federal government later.

When the government implemented lockdown, there was no clear roadmap as to what they should do after the people were in their homes. The first two weeks were wasted away, with the government unable to procure the necessary medical equipment. Once it did, a huge hole of corruption came out. Even in the time of crisis, there were players who did not hesitate to lynch people off their money. An example is of the Honorary Consul of Kyrgyzstan who was found to be selling thermal guns at record high prices.

The prime minister, instead of focusing on how to deal with the pandemic on hand, played a poltical card, which misfired. His untimed ploy to try to break other parties now has him in a shaky position in the current Nepali politics. Not only has the PM lost the trust of his own party leaders but also of the Nepalis globally, who have been watching him since he took the chair as the most powerful person of the country. Now, many believe that the Prime Minister with his new plan to make Bam Dev Gautam as the next PM of the country, is just extending his premiership because no one knows when the Coronavirus pandemic is going to slow down.

With weak governance and, therefore, a low approval, PM Oli's search for legitimacy and power turned towards politics. He attempted to divide the Madhes-based parties, particularly the Samajwadi Party Nepal (SPN) and alter the power equation in Province 2 through a new ordinance amending the Political Party Act, which would have allowed any party to split after a 40% support either in the parliamentary party or in its central committee. The SPN did experience the blow first hand; seven of its 17 MPs, led by lawmaker Renu Yadav, seemed to come together to split and form a new political party. In a precautionary move, however, the Rastriya Janata Party (RJP) and the SPN—who had long been in a negotiation for a merger—united to form Janata Samajwadi Party (JSP), which ruined the 40% dream of the Yadav-led faction. On April 23, the new merger beat the Samajwadi-split group and applied in the Election Commission for registration as one political party. This meant that the splinter group could no more make the required 40% of the new JSP to form their own party, and Oli's Madhes strategy did not just fail but backfire.

Along with the Political Party Act, Oli proposed amendment to the Constitutional Council Act which says that if the first meeting of the council fails to take a decision, the next meeting shall be

called within 24 hours and decisions will be taken based on majority votes of the members present in the meeting. This amendment will give Oli the upper hand, as he can almost all the time have decisions in his favour. This step by the Prime Minister is a way to control the judiciaries and make the members of the constitutional council redundant, thus closing any impeachment threats , if any. PM Oli does not trust anyone, which has been clear by all his maneuvers.

Bringing these two acts on the amendment table, PM Oli clearly showd that he is not serious on saving people’s lives but on attacking the fundamentals of democracy and parliamentary system.

Oli, a failed strategist The first phase of the political drama over KP Oli's resignation came to a close on Saturday May 2 after meeting of the NCP party secretariat held at the Prime Minister's residence. At the meeting, PM Oli is reported to have apologized for his past behavior, promised to consult with the party while taking executive decisions, and respect 's sentiments in the affairs of the party and the government.1 The highlight of the meeting was PM Oli's recognition of Dahal as an equal, symbolized by seating Dahal next to him and covering his table with a red tablecloth.2 Prior to that, PM Oli had effectively managed to sideswitch Bam Dev Gautam.3 The rapprochement, though temporary, has offered respite to PM Oli as well as allowed other party leaders to further their interests.

The political drama to push for PM Oli's ouster started after his failed attempt to split Upendra Yadav's Samajbadi Party by gathering several detractors.4 The attempt to split Madhes-based parties was accompanied by two hastily drafted ordinances to amend the Political Party Act 20735 and the Act Related to the Constitutional Council.6 Oli's moves to consolidate power backfired. A large chunk of the civil society and his party stood against him while the Rashtriya Janata Party

1 https://ekantipur.com/feature/2020/05/03/158849187452973359.html 2 In an earlier party secretariat meeting, only PM Oli's tablecloth was red; the rest were white. 3 https://kathmandupost.com/national/2020/05/03/by-courting-dahal-and-gautam-oli-has-effectively- silenced-opponents-calls-for-his-resignation 4 One of them, Dr Surendra Yadav, was collected from his home by former IGP Sarbendra Khanal and Oli's loyal henchman, MP Mahesh Basnet. For details of the drama, see https://en.setopati.com/political/152740 5 The ordinance changed four articles easing the restrictions for the split of smaller and new nationally recognized parties. See rajpatra.dop.gov.np/welcome/book/?ref=24021 6 The change allowed the Council to meet with just four council members and take decisions through a majority. rajpatra.dop.gov.np/welcome/book/?ref=24017

and the Samajbadi Party went into overdrive for a merger.7 The series of events encouraged a section of NCP secretariat, known as the Jhamsikhel alliance, to oust Oli from power.

The recent political drama was a result of PM Oli's personal interests and incentives coming into conflict with that of the NCP party leaders, the civil society, and the Madhesh movement.

PM Oli's interests and incentives The first group of actors are PM KP Oli and his group of party loyals, the face of which is represented by President Bidya Bhandari. Key actors within this group are PM Oli's advisors and party leaders, including Subhas Nembang and Ishwar Pokhrel. The office of the President has been complicit in partisan political manoeuvres and has frequently taken the lead in internal party politics of the (NCP). In recent years, the President has acted as an executive in many instances, whether in the conduction of foreign policy or taking part in government functioning. The latest episode marks another instance where the President has failed to uphold the constitution and rise above petty politics. Her moves have debased the office of the president, undermined democratic principles and destabilized Nepali politics.

PM Oli's primary interests are consolidation of political and financial power, which requires control over both party organization and the state. PM Oli and his group are gradually moving away from Nepal's culture of shared power and collusion among political elites towards monopoly over political and financial power. In the past, political parties had a habit of colluding to allocate constitutional positions to their cronies. In recent years, PM Oli has been using the Council to strengthen executive control. It is one of the reasons why other political leaders are so peeved.

While doing so PM Oli appears intent on weakening political competitors, particularly by limiting their access to powers of the state and extraction of financial gain. Oli resisting the political pressures from his adversaries by threatening retaliation by using party as well abusing institutions of the state. PM Oli appears to be working on control of political succession and handing over of power to his group. In particular, he has a habit of rewarding those who had stuck to him during times of difficulties.

PM Oli is also driven by other personal interests linked to his identity and habit. He wants to punish those who've stood against him or those who try to belittle He wants to promote a narrative of

7 https://kathmandupost.com/politics/2020/04/23/how-oli-aimed-ordinances-at-splitting-parties-but- instead-led-to-their-merger

greatness and control this narrative of a political leader delivering economic development while promoting and protecting nationalism and Nepali-ness. The key detractors to this narrative, in his view, are India, the Madhesh movement, and a section of the civil society. The greatest threat to PM Oli's political authority has come from inside his party and from the Madhes. Therefore, he is abusing his executive control over bodies like the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) and the Department of Money Laundering Investigation (DMLI) to silence his political opponents, including Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda. As a result, the cold war between the Prime Minister and Dahal has spilt over into the media.

Oli's moves to consolidate power coincided with efforts to split the Madhesh-based parties and alter the power equation in Province 2. Weakening the Madhes-based forces by splitting them and changing the Chief Minister in Province 2 would have marked a satisfying personal victory for PM Oli. In addition to luring the potential defectors—those who were already dissatisfied with Upendra Yadav's leadership—by offering money, individuals close to the Prime Minister were threatening prosecution in cases of corruption, people directly knowledgeable about the chain of events claimed.

The Jhamsikhel Group consists of a group of five disgruntled party secretariat leaders—Narayan Kaji Shrestha, Bam Dev Gautam, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Madhav Kumar Nepal and Jhala Nath Khanal—started an organized resistance to K P Oli's machinations with a formal January 2019 meeting in Jhamsikhel. The participants of the meeting felt that Oli was frequently bypassing other party leaders while taking decisions about government and party functioning and began initiatives to remove Oli as the leader of the parliamentary party. These leaders have their own sub-groups in the party. Government functioning that does not address their political, status and financial interests. The meeting discussed how Oli was bypassing other party leaders while running the government as well as the party. The leaders used the frame of mis-governance to hide their vested interests.8 The meeting, then, had excluded Ram Bahadur Thapa Badal, Ishwar Pokhrel and Bishnu Paudel.

This group’s voice is increasingly being represented by Naya Patrika Daily, which has rendered Kantipur publications to the sidelines as a voice of opposition. The others, including former Maoists like Home Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa Badal, Janardan Sharma, Dev Gurung and Pampha Bhusal, who're trying to assert their own influence without overtly antagonizing the other

8 https://nepalkhabar.com/np/news/politics/55390/

two groups. Former UML leader, Bishnu Paudel, also falls in this group, although he is a bigger player in relation to the kleptocratic network.

Dahal and the Maoists Despite the merger of the Maoists and the UML, PM Oli has continued efforts to weaken Dahal's political, financial and security interests by limiting Dahal's access to the machineries of the state and the party. There was a power sharing agreement between Oli and Dahal before the merger. However, PM Oli gradually pushed Dahal out of the picture through tactics ranging from popular support, party organization, and misuse of state institutions. In allowing K P Oli full five years, months after a vicious tussle, Dahal indicated that he was using the agreement as a leverage to negotiate other interests and incentives. In addition to the personal differences between these two leaders, the unification process has always faced a considerable amount of strain, with party leaders claiming other forces have been trying to play on the differences within the party. The conflict between Dahal and Oli's financial and political interests has frequently resulted in media warfare, one-side exposing and weakening the other. The conflict between Dahal and PM Oli, in this sense, is also a conflict between the financial interests that have access to the spoils of the state and those whose access in recent years have been curtailed.

While Dahal has many hidden financial, political and security interests, he also shares some common interests with the former Maoist leaders. One of these issues is that of transitional justice and the possibility of prosecution for human rights violations during the Maoist conflict. The midnight meeting9 between Oli and Chief justice on April 28 raised concerns among the Maoists that the Prime Minister was trying to use the court—and the issues of criminal cases and transitional justice—to push back the Maoists. On April 26, the Supreme Court upheld a principle of transitional justice and repealed a case filed by the government petitioning the court to revise its 2015 verdict that prevented the state from giving amnesty to perpetrators of serious human rights violations.10 The move was closely watched and praised by international institutions.11

Under pressure, Oli has sought to consolidate power by creating strategic allies. One of them is Bam Dev Gautam, who is eager to become the next prime minister.12 While Dahal has wavered

9 https://ekantipur.com/news/2020/04/29/158812192848284499.html 10 https://kathmandupost.com/national/2020/04/28/supreme-court-thwarts-attempt-to-retain-amnesty- provisions-in-transitional-justice-law 11 https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/05/01/nepal-supreme-courts-decision-reaffirms-need-amend- transitional-justice-law 12 https://kathmandupost.com/national/2020/05/03/by-courting-dahal-and-gautam-oli-has-effectively- silenced-opponents-calls-for-his-resignation

between working with China and maintaining relations with India, Bam Dev Gautam has clearer personal interests. On July 13, 2019, Oli celebrated Bamdev Gautam's birthday in the PM's office. Relations between the two began to improve. Soon Gautam left Prachanda camp, and switched side towards Oli. A week later the party allocated portfolios; Gautam received the position of vice- chairperson—current party statute does not provide for the position—and head of the party organization department.13 Gautam then initiated moves to consolidate support for Oli under the ideological umbrella of "people's multiparty democracy" as the rift between the former UML and the former Maoists escalated.14 Gautam is known for his allegiance to power and privileges rather than political ideals and norms. He has, in recent years, been viewed as one of the patrons of the emerging kleptocracy in Nepal.

Our recent interviews with many party workers revealed that they are primarily concerned by the self-centered working style of PM K P Oli as well as Prachanda, which has terrorized the minority groups and ordinary party workers. According to them, Oli and Prachanda have come to rely more on money and resources than on ideas to motivate and convince their supporters. They are used to allocating finances, state resources, party positions, or appointments to obtain loyalty. If that does not work, then they can also use threat.15

The China Factor The unfolding conflict and its resolution has revealed the interests and maneuvers of geo-political interests, particularly that of China. China sees the stability of the ruling party as a cornerstone of its diplomatic efforts in Nepal and has long worked to stabilise Nepali politics and strengthen the communist alliance.16 Geo-political pressure against China's national interests, particularly after Covid-19 outbreak, has made this more critical.

As the dipute within the party raged, Chinese ambassador Hou Yangqui held a series of ‘frantic’ meetings with the leaders of the NCP. According to media reports, she sought to seek Nepal's support for China against international propaganda led by the United States while offering China's support for Nepal's fight against Covid-19. She also talked about the internal crisis going on inside

13 https://www.kantipurdaily.com/news/2019/07/19/1563546973841119.html 14 https://kathmandupost.com/politics/2019/08/15/after-a-brief-respite-ruling-party-sees-turmoil-again 15 Bhusal, Thira L., personal communication. 16 Several incidents support this view. China was believed to have played a major role in the merger of the former UML and the CPN (Maoist Center) into Nepal Communist Party. These incidents have been documented elsewhere in CESIF's research reports. For example, in private conversations with close politicians and journalists, Dahal has said that China had put a lot of "pressure" on him for party unity. Also see https://kathmandupost.com/politics/2020/05/02/in-a-series-of-meetings-chinese-envoy- calls-for-unity-among-ruling-party-members

the ruling party. Her efforts were bolstered by top Chinese leaders including President Xi Jinping and Foreign Minister Wang Yi held telephonic and video conferences with other party leaders including President Bidya Bhandari and Madhav Kumar Nepal. Party insiders say the contacts were not mere coincidence and believe PM Oli and Dahal's flexibility was a direct result of China's mediation. Madhav Kumar Nepal was only later informed of the ‘back-stage developments’.17

Conclusion PM Oli may be down but is not out. To bolster his position, PM Oli is likely to use the two remaining tools: executive control and the agenda of nationalism. However, PM Oli's incentives have not changed. He will continue to resists attempts by political competitors to gain greater access to the party and the state. His monopolistic tendencies, as a result, will likely result in continued conflict in the future despite pressures to manage and mediate such conflict.

In the future, other actors will get increased opportunities to shape Nepal's political future. These actors include the state and its institutions (their ability to remain neutral); the kleptocratic networks and their financial interests; the intermediate classes (including a section of the civil society) who receive opportunities for spoils of corruption and power; foreign powers; the civil society and the citizens; the ; Madhes-based parties; and emerging or new parties.

One of the Maoist's major concerns is the issue of transitional justice and the possibility of prosecution for war crimes. The midnight meeting18 between Oli and Chief justice on April 28 raised concerns among the Maoists that the Prime Minister was trying to use the court—and the issues of criminal cases and transitional justice—to push back the Maoists. On April 26, the Supreme Court upheld a principle of transitional justice and repealed a case filed by the government petitioning the court to revise its 2015 verdict that prevented the state from giving amnesty to perpetrators of serious human rights violations.19 The move was closely watched and praised by international institutions.20

Oli in the time of Pandemic Since emerging in China late December, COVID-19 is defining a global health crisis, making it the greatest challenge of the 21st century so far. From Donald Trump to Narendra Modi, all executive country heads have sprung into action and taken swift action in leading a response to an

17 https://english.khabarhub.com/2020/03/93509/ 18 https://ekantipur.com/news/2020/04/29/158812192848284499.html 19 https://kathmandupost.com/national/2020/04/28/supreme-court-thwarts-attempt-to-retain-amnesty- provisions-in-transitional-justice-law 20 https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/05/01/nepal-supreme-courts-decision-reaffirms-need-amend- transitional-justice-law

unforeseen pandemic. Countries are racing to slow the spread of the virus by tracing, testing and treating patients. Academic institutions have been shut. Large gatherings are discouraged and social distancing is endorsed. Almost the entire world is under quarantine. World leaders are making important announcements from time to time to keep the public morale high.

In Nepal, PM Oli had a kidney transplant surgery, just weeks before the country was forced to go on a lockdown. His full recovery could take upto six months, and doctors have advised him to abstain from meetings and events for three months. Even though the prime minister is recuperating, PM Oli still has not designated an apparent heir to take up his responsibilities, in his absence. Oli refuses to even temporarily hand over his responsibilities. Such circumstances make it difficult for the government to make timely decisions without the Prime Minister’s active participation. A strong executive head is required for state mechanisms, in a normal time for a country - but even more so during a crisis. The absence of Prime Minister Oli’s strong command in handling a pandemic response has been felt in the past month since the corona virus started spreading in the country. When the epidemic cast its spell in the country, Nepal found itself unprepared - without test kits, protective equipment for healthcare workers and even just basic medicine. Before going into surgery, although Oli formed a committee led by the Deputy Prime Minister Ishwor Pokharel, the committee failed to procure quality necessities from China. In such a time, the government was found to be buying medical kits from Omni Group21, which were sub-standard. The government then terminated the contract unilaterally amid charges of irregularities after it appeared that the cost of most of the goods being supplied by Omni was several times higher than what other medical suppliers had quoted.

While all sectors of society are involved in pandemic preparedness and response, the national government, especially the executive head, should be the natural leader for overall coordination and communication efforts. Since his first televised address on the lockdown, PM Oli has addressed the country twice, only to extend the lockdown. It was only after the second phase of lockdown that The Ministry of Health and Population22 hired and trained doctors and nurses to deploy them in intensive care units where necessary. This preparation should have been done ahead of the escalation of positive cases. Amidst a crisis, PM Oli was driven by a selfish motive. The pair of new ordinances were made to be passed that makes the people question the ability of the NCP-led government to collectively fight the corona pandemic. PM Oli seems like he is madly

21 https://kathmandupost.com/national/2020/04/02/government-not-contractor-chartered-flight-to-ship-medical-supplies 22 https://kathmandupost.com/health/2020/04/08/government-is-completely-lost-and-out-of-focus-in-its-preparedness-against-covid-19-medical- experts-say

scrambling for power. There can be no credible justification for his creeping authoritarianism in the time of mega-crisis.

While it may sound like common sense to many, the Oli government should have put people ahead of institutions. During a pandemic lives are at stake, families are under stress and strain. The Oli government should have driven itself to assist and aid the daily wagers during such a time. While many people were traveling out of the valley when the lockdown was imposed, Oli instructed to constrict any movement during the lockdown. How are the poor and the needy to feed their families when industries have shut? During a mega-crisis the least fortunate, are the most unfortunate. He should have catered to the needs of those who were living on daily wage. To add to that, PM Oli failed to address the grievances of hundreds of people who were stuck at the Nepal-India border, days on end, unable to enter their own country. As an executive head he should have been prepared for a crisis much larger than the pandemic itself.

By all means, this is a time to help, share, donate, give. The government rather made it a brand out of itself, prying to make money at any given chance during such a time. Oli in his televised address was expected to address the allegations of corruption against the two top ministers23. Rather he refrained from discussing it, instead he resorted to making oblique references to “propaganda” aimed at making the government look incompetent.

During the 2017 elections, people had overwhelmingly supported Oli. But now, Oli is using this star power to grab authoritarianism. The lack of Prime Minister’s direct and active leadership has already been visible in the fight against the pandemic. However, it is still not too late for him to be participating more actively to, strategize and execute a strong hold of proper plan, during such a time of crisis.

Nepal's Fight against COVID-19 and the Superpowers On April 22, 2020, Nepal received essential medical supplies, as grants, from both India and China's Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). Whereas the TAR government donated "10,000 units of N-95 mask, 10,000 units of PPE, 1,000 units of infrared thermometre, two units of PCR machine, 20,000 units of testing kit, and 50 units of wet wipes,"24 the Indian government offered "23 tonnes of essential medicine," including paracetamol and hydroxychloroquine, as "a gift from

23 https://kathmandupost.com/national/2020/04/07/oli-emerges-to-address-the-nation-but-questions-remain-regarding-measures-to-fight-the- pandemic 24 https://english.onlinekhabar.com/medical-supplies-donated-by-tibet-arrive-in-nepal.html

the people of India."25 Besides the most recent display of neighborly affection towards Nepal in its fight against the COVID-19 outbreak in the country, the Asian giants' broader foreign policy requires a closer look because it affects Nepal through possible geopolitical shift.

Global and regional powers' interest in Nepal, due to its strategic position in the region, remains no secret. While China and the U.S. battle for a greater influence over Nepal through technical support, development aid, and diplomacy, India continues to leverage its cultural, historical, and geographical connection to keep Nepal and Nepali leaders under its sway. In addition, the crucial role of India in the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) to counter China's Belt-and-Road Initiative (BRI) further complicates the interplay of these countries and, therefore, makes Nepal an interesting case for the geopolitics experts to observe. In fact, weeks before the global pandemic stole the show, Nepali politics and society was fragmented over whether the federal parliament should endorse the American Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact. Some argued the stated supremacy of the MCC agreement over Nepal's constitution and an attack on Nepal sovereignty to be the major reasons behind some communist leaders' resistance to the generous $500 million USD grant; others suggested the leaders' closer ties with China, to which Nepal had already committed for its BRI project. Against this backdrop, the COVID-19 pandemic struck the world, shifting the attention away from Nepal—a country comparatively less affected by the coronavirus outbreak. With a growing cases of COVID-19 infections in Nepal, however, the policies and actions of these actors in Nepal proves not only meaningful but necessary.

Troubled by the outbreak at home, the worst-hit United States has had an inward-looking foreign policy in the recent weeks. Quite unsurprisingly, the Trump government has put America and American people first, to an extent where poorer and lesser developed countries, such as Nepal, will suffer due to the shortage of necessary medical supplies to fight the pandemic. First, president Trump halted the U.S. funding to the World Health Organization (WHO), accusing it of "severely mismanaging and covering up" the spread.26 Later, American officials warned nonprofit aid groups not to use ‘money from the United States Agency for International Development to buy personal protective equipment for needy nations while American health providers face dwindling supplies’.27 Such a directive pus the ‘unmatched generosity of the American people’28 at shame, for poorer and worst-hit countries cannot buy protective gears and medical supplies while the U.S.

25 https://kathmandupost.com/national/2020/04/22/india-gifts-23-tonnes-of-essential-medicines-to-nepal-to-fight-covid-19 26 https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/14/us/politics/coronavirus-trump-who-funding.html 27 https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/16/us/politics/coronavirus-foreign-aid-protective-equipment.html 28 https://www.state.gov/continuing-u-s-leadership-in-the-global-covid-19-response-through-additional-u-s-foreign-assistance/

itself struggles to obtain those. To minimize employment competition for American people, the U.S. declared a ‘a 60-day pause on the issuance of green cards’.29

Despite the visible inwardness of the US government, it did not fail to prove its interest and generosity to Nepal; in fact, it was the first of the three countries to extend support to Nepal when it ‘assisted the Nepal Army on February 18, with seven sets of medical personal protection equipment, 400 sets of latex gloves, and 110 biohazard bags to evacuate Nepali students from Wuhan city’.30 On March 6, the USAID provided PPE, and on March 19, it ‘pledged USD 1.8 million in assistance’ to Nepal.31 Although the U.S. is now busy trying to contain the coronavirus outbreak in its own country, its readiness to help Nepal does attest its interest in the region and suggests that it is not willing to forego Nepal to China.

China, on the other hand, claims to have overcome the COVID-19 crisis nationally and is now leading the charge to help the worst-affected countries battle the pandemic. From offering essential medical supplies to sending medical teams to several countries, China has been aggressive in expanding its support and leadership globally. Between March 1 and April 4, the country exported USD 1.4 billion worth of pandemic supplies.32 However, the United States claims that its "donation diplomacy" deflects the blame—for hiding the outbreak—from China.33 Putting aside the U.S. concern over losing out its global influence to China, the Chinese effort to contain the virus globally is indeed commendable.

The northern neighbor has been generous, yet cautious, to Nepal during the pandemic. China officially offered to help Nepal on March 17.34 The help that followed constitutes of both grant and purchase. On April 13, for instance, Xi'an municipality of China's Shaanxi Province donated NRs 18.8 million worth of medical goods. Similarly, on April 22, Nepal received donations from TAR. Apart from these grants, Nepal has also made a G2G agreement with the Chinese government for the procurement of medical supplies and handed over the responsibility to Nepal Army.35 Despite its praiseworthy generosity in providing essential medical equipment to Nepal, China showed a notable resistance to reopen the border with Nepal.36

29 https://thehimalayantimes.com/world/trump-bars-new-immigration-green-cards-not-temporary-visas/ 30 https://thediplomat.com/2020/03/coronavirus-geopolitics-and-nepal-between-great-powers/ 31 https://thediplomat.com/2020/03/coronavirus-geopolitics-and-nepal-between-great-powers/ 32 https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/14/us/politics/coronavirus-china-trump-donation.html 33 https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/14/us/politics/coronavirus-china-trump-donation.html 34 https://ekantipur.com/news/2020/03/18/158449352459563990.html 35 https://www.nayapatrikadaily.com/news-details/41305/2020-04-15 36 https://kathmandupost.com/national/2020/04/09/tatopani-border-opens-for-one-way-cross-border-movement-of-goods-from-china-to-nepal

China's policy towards Nepal is clear: it has no intention of losing its influence and allowing the U.S. or India to completely take over. Not only as a neighboring country but also as a global superpower, China wants to continue dominating the landlocked country, especially when it has a more favorable political climate here; Nepal's Communist government naturally tilts towards the northern neighbor, which is evidenced by president Xi's visit to Nepal, the joint communist- workshops in Kathmandu, and the resistance to MCC and the IPS.

Covid-19: Economic Implications for Nepal

Governments all over the world have taken drastic measures in order to subdue the coronavirus outbreak as the number of infections and deaths continue to rise in the thousands. As of April 24, 2020, there have been over 2.7 million cases of COVID-19 reported worldwide. From a medical standpoint, severe measures such as a lockdown appear all the more necessary as enforcing nationwide quarantine has proven to be an effective method to bring the overall transmission down and ‘flatten the curve’. Furthermore, the ability of individuals who are asymptomatic or have mild symptoms but can spread the disease also explains why restricting contact is critical. However, with millions of people under lockdown and a viable vaccine yet to be discovered, large parts of the economy worldwide are slowly coming to a halt. The effects of the virus are proving to be dangerous not only to health but also for the economy.37

Nepal’s economy has long struggled because of the challenges brought upon by political instability, poor infrastructure, and lack of foreign investment. However, post 2015, Nepal has managed to somewhat overcome these obstacles due to a spike in reconstruction aids, higher electricity production, and investment in infrastructure projects, even achieving an economic growth rate of 7%. However, the shock brought on by the pandemic has endangered Nepal’s economic ambitions. 38 Nepal’s GDP is expected to shrink from 7.1% to 5.3% in the current fiscal year and the reduction could be even greater if the pandemic persists. 39 A recent World Bank report has forecast a drastic drop in GDP growth over the next three fiscal years, stating that ‘the risk of falling into poverty is high, and it will increase into 2020’. 40 The Asian Development Bank’s ‘COVID-19 Economic Impact Assessment Template’ released in March has predicted a

37 https://www.gavi.org/vaccineswork/why-coronavirus-lockdown-necessary 38 https://thediplomat.com/2020/04/covid-19-imperils-nepals-high-economic-ambitions/ 39 https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/institutional-document/577946/nepal-macroeconomic-update-202004.pdf 40 https://thediplomat.com/2020/04/coronavirus-severs-nepals-economic-lifeline/

loss of up to MUSD 322. The economic repercussions brought on by the pandemic are being felt globally and Nepal is not immune.41

The pandemic has caught the world off guard, with enormous repercussions for Nepal’s economy and the shocks are being felt on multiple fronts. Tourism is one of Nepal’s largest sources of income and employment. This year, the government had launched the Visit Nepal 2020 campaign setting an optimistic goal of attracting two million tourists.42 However, with the campaign now suspended, a domestic lockdown and restricted international mobility for the foreseeable future, Nepal’s economy is likely going to be hit hard. Hotel occupancy rates as well as number of clients for mountain expeditions began dropping in early March, which is considered to be peak season. The pandemic has also had a disastrous impact on Nepal’s remittance-dependent economy, which was responsible for being Nepal’s main source of foreign exchange and growth in the service sector. According to experts, the domino effect of the pandemic lockdown is likely to result in drastic fall in aggregate demand, the total spending on goods and services.43 This will result in businesses failing to sell products, reducing future production, in turn leading workers to lose their jobs. Experts argue that the impact is likely to worsen unless the lockdown is accompanied by an economic bailout strategy and a social safety net for the most vulnerable.44 However, the uncertainty surrounding evolution of the pandemic has made it challenging for authorities to execute strategies that can protect the people from its economic blows.

In an effort to cushion the impact of the virus on the economy while protecting the most vulnerable sections of the population, the government of Nepal and Nepal Rastra Bank have introduced relief packages. This includes monetary and material support for low wage working populations.45 However, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) notes that many of these are short-term solutions and will not be sustainable in the long-term scenario. It also includes discount on electricity and waiver of penalties for late payments of utility bills and taxes.46 Among other safety nets, the government has announced a 10% concession on essential food items such as oil, rice, salt, sugar, etc. The provincial and municipal government will also distribute food aid after a list of eligible people is drawn. However, these relief and exemptions need to be broadened.47

41 https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-economy-already-weak-takes-direct-hit/ 42 https://kathmandupost.com/columns/2020/04/04/the-novel-coronavirus-puts-nepal-s-economy-under-the-microscope 43 https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-economy-already-weak-takes-direct-hit/ 44 https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-prepares-for-economic-fallout-of-pandemic/ 45 https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-prepares-for-economic-fallout-of-pandemic/ 46 https://kathmandupost.com/columns/2020/04/13/the-economy-and-the-pandemic 47 https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-covid-19-relief-package/

With the world economy headed into an uncertain future, every sector of the Nepalese economy is likely to suffer. Tourism has dried up, supply chains have been disrupted, consumer and investor sentiments have deteriorated, international capital is being withdrawn, and inflows of remittances are being disrupted. 48 On top of the deterioration of the international environment, the lockdown in most countries has frozen large parts of the domestic economy.49 Nepal is yet to experience the full impact and aftermath of the virus that will not be limited just to health but will also directly affect livelihoods.

Is there a future for remittance? Most of the developing countries are becoming increasingly reliant on remittances. When the country goes through a phase of instability following a political conflict or natural disaster, the remittances secure the country against a full blow out.

The remittances make up for almost a third of Nepal's GDP, and Nepal ranks 19th amongst the countries receiving maximum remittances. There is also evidence of a positive relation between Nepal's economic growth, per capita income and the remittance inflow. Therefore, migrant workers play a prominent role in shaping the country's GDP. But when the world is under lockdown and economies are closed due to a pandemic, the migrant workers are left redundant. It is hard to cushion the economic impact of such a calamity as it also leaves the nation with a blurry future. Nepal's high sensitivity to external factors will have a disastrous impact on foreign employment and the economic growth. The remittance model may be beneficial but is not sustainable in the long-run.

The chilling impact of COVID-19 on the key Nepali economy sectors such as tourism and foreign migrant work will undoubtedly be severe. The pandemic will most likely create a vacuum not only in the country but also worldwide.

In Nepal, the tourism industry and remittances constitute for up to 7.9% and 28.56% of the economy, respectively. Nepalis started seeking job opportunities in a foreign land to achieve financial stability from 2005. The Department of Foreign Employment has issued over 3.5 million labour permits since 2009 for migrant workers. Within a decade, remittances from foreign destinations have more than tripled, from USD 2.54 billion to USD 8.79 billion. The government has approved 110 destinations for labour migrants which prominently feature Asian countries such

48 https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/33478 49 https://www.investopedia.com/special-economic-impact-of-pandemics-4800597

as Malaysia, member-nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and the immediate Indian neighbour.

However, the pandemic has pushed the migrants in a precarious position. Restricted domestic and international mobility, coupled with the gradual collapse of the economy has ceased the construction and industrial work entirely. Many countries are scrambling to control the spread of the virus and have resorted to a complete lockdown. This lockdown has disrupted the lives of all the foreign workers who are now vulnerable and lack job security. Most of the Nepali workers are stranded in their destination countries even without their basic necessities addressed despite the government’s assurance. The headlines have daily started to read about the ill-treatment the workers are being subjected to.

Moreover, daily wagers are at a high risk of losing their jobs. Few countries have gone as far as threatening the workers to return to their home countries and tricking them into signing unpaid leaves rendering the desperate helpless.

Again, there are local migrants, who travelled to urban cities for employment, and there are now fears that they will fall back into poverty. There is also evidence of growing inequality and food insecurity. The vital point to be noted is that Nepal went through a similar phase after the devastating earthquake in 2015. As with every disaster, the economy reaches a standstill and growth rate plunges when hit by disaster. The resources are not fully utilized and human capital stays indoors, with the economy facing high costs of the disaster. However, this time, the disaster has hit home not only in Nepal or just in Asia, the entire world has come under the attack of the disastrous pandemic. The future seems uncertain, and experts have claimed that the world economies may slip into recession.

Through economic lenses, the overall revenue loss is predicted to be worth Rs 200 billion. The immediate impact on the formal sector employees may not be as much as on the informal and domestic sector migrants. The formal sector employers have to comply with government regulations, which provides some sort of job security. On the other hand, informal and domestic workers are exposed to higher risks.

However, in the medium-run, the formal sector migrants who work in the tourism industry, service sector etc. will be the ones most affected. There might be mass exodus as the labourers will be pushed out of their jobs illegally and forcefully. Due to less demand and further lesser revenues, employees will be shovelled out. Gulf countries have already warned migrants staying over that their visas won’t be renewed. According to the economic notion, as international labour demand decreases, lesser wage rates will be offered, and therefore, less labour will be supplied. The

reduced income from the tourism industry and remittances will also shake up the BOP of Nepal direly.

Subsequently, when these workers will return, there will be massive unemployment in the country. At present, the unemployment rate is at 11.4%, which will balloon to a higher number when the migrants who lose their jobs begin their way back. However, there might be some opportunity for a few Nepali migrants back at home; they can fill in the positions of over 600,000 Indian workers in Nepal and prove their capability.

The pandemic has undoubtedly erected barriers for the Nepali migrant workers. The future remains unforeseeable. The white-collar and other formal sector employees may find it hard to keep their jobs in the immediate future. Gulf countries are known for laying off employees and reducing salaries while going through financial crises. This will cause a significant influx of labourers in Nepal increasing unemployment but this can also be an opportunity to create jobs and save the country from an economic crisis. It is given that not all the returnees can be accommodated but some can be. The high unemployment rate might even reduce the average wage rate across all sectors. Besides, decreasing migrants will also sweep out remittance revenue. Nevertheless, in the medium-run, the Gulf economies will restore the international labour market.

Contrary to most opinions, the domestic labour demand in the Gulf countries and India will not drastically fluctuate. Economies like Kuwait and UAE heavily depend on migrants from third- world countries for most of their domestic work — cleaning, driving, security guard etc. They are unlikely to compromise on this luxury. There could be a slight decrease in demand, but no substantial downfall is expected. Therefore, it is safe to assume that the domestic labour demand in these countries will not alter.

Furthermore, the IMF has forecasted that the Gulf economies will comparatively bounce back more cogent in 2021. However, the twin effect of negative global oil prices and COVID-19 impact has left space for ambiguity. The pandemic will alter the demographic composition and the reliance on foreign workers in the GCC States. Overall there are approximately 17 million foreign workers in the Gulf countries, and if the workers are forced to repatriate, the Arab states will fill in the employment gaps with the local population. In the future, this might reduce job opportunities for migrant workers leaving little room for foreign migrants after the economy restores. However, these are just speculations. The lives of Gulf countries are engineered in such a way that they depend on international labour. The demand for employment in the medium-run will climb back to a certain extent. The service sector work, such as construction relies on contractual labour and developing the GCC States, will not cease demand for such labour.

Meanwhile, the GDP of Nepal will be compromised. The Indian job market for Nepalis will also shrink as India faces a prolonged slowdown. The unemployed will be pushed back to a state of poverty. The Nepal government has been slow so far but should now take immediate action for the struggling unemployed personnel. With each passing day, it will become challenging to cushion the impact of the pandemic on the economy, but the nation must remain optimistic. There will be a silver lining for remittances when the Indian and Gulf economies revive.

Healing of Earth may heal the wound of women and marginalized group

To control the spread of COVID-19, several countries have implemented movement restriction and complete lockdown. The lockdown has mainly affected the economy by reduction in industrial activities, production, distribution, and consumption of other goods. Airlines and road traffic have also limited or completely stopped their activities. These have been the greatest source of emission of harmful greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide, nitrous oxide, methane etc. Hence, reduction in air pollution and greenhouse gases emission have improved air quality and environment even in the world’s major cities. Because of the reduction in human activities, animals are roaming around freely. They are reclaiming their share on the world which was overtaken by human beings.

The lockdown of economic activities has been healing the earth and recovering the damage caused by human beings for their own materialistic advantages. Capitalism and consumerism have monetized and commodified natural resources which have adversely affected the environment. Due to climate change as a result of environmental degradation, human beings have been suffering for their health, life, and livelihood. It has become the greatest threat to the human kind and national security. However, the issues of climate change and environmental exploitation could not be able to get sufficient attention and concerns in the capitalistic and competitive world before.

The impact of climate change affects the one who is most reliant on natural resources for their livelihood, and these people mostly belong to marginalized indegenous communities. Among them women and girls are disproportionately affected worldwide due to the gender roles and reproductive health needs. Hence, people who are historically backward and marginalized have been bearing the wrongdoing of elite people who benefit by exploiting nature. Thus, environmental and climatic healing of earth will solve the problems of women and marginalized groups caused by climate change.

Hence, the COVID-19 pandemic has given a chance to rethink human behaviour towards the environment and correct them. Once the devastating pandemic ends, every human activity may begin as before. But it is a high time to reconsider and reconstruct all those activities in an eco- friendly way, from which all life spans of our planet become sustainable and longer. This short- term lockdown will not bring long term environmental positivity, but strategic political decisions on environmental issues can. So, learning from this pandemic, all developmental programs and policies should incorporate environmental analysis in its design and implementation. Those efforts also need to be analyzed from a gender and social inclusion lens for equitable development of all peoples. Likewise, indegenous knowledge and women’s agency in protecting the environment also need to be acknowledged.

Adverse impacts of COVID-19 on Women

Pandemic affects different groups of people differently widening existing inequality and creates further marginalization. Coping capacity and resilience also varies according to the contextual needs of different people. Due to the existing socio-economic inequality and biological differences, women and girls are being impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic adversely all over the world. Their resilience to cope with the consequences of the pandemic might be lower due to low economic status. However, the ‘gendered’ impact of the pandemic has not gotten enough priority and discussion among policy and decision makers.

Women estimated almost 70% of health workers worldwide. Most of them are engaged as frontline health workers in the COVID-19 treatment. Due to lack of proper protective equipment, they are at high risk of viral infection. There are no special measures for pregnant women and new mothers who are frontline medical workers. Reports from several countries show that the majority of health workers who face workplace violence are also women. Similarly, a recent study in China shows that the symptom of mental illness is higher among women frontline workers.50 These women are also primary caregivers at home which have intensified their work burden and their labor as care workers doesn’t have any recognition.

The impact of the pandemic on women health workers in a developing country like Nepal is huge where they are working even without PPE. The reproductive need of women health workers is the most ignored factor in Nepal. Pregnant and new mothers have been working equally as others in

50 https://gbvguidelines.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/202003-securing-safety-and-wellbeing-of-women-frontline-healthcare-workers- covid-19_final_version.pdf

the high risk areas. Both physical and mental health risks are highly underestimated. The government of Nepal has also decided to mobilize 50,000 women health volunteers to combat the pandemic.51 These volunteers have been key actors in rural health sectors since a long period despite getting a negligible amount of facility from the government. In combating the COVID-19 pandemic, their health and well-being must be secured through insurance, pay, and other facilities, equal to other health workers.

Women’s sexual and reproductive health and services is the most affected but highly neglected in the measures taken to cure the impacts of pandemic. It has disrupted access to sexual and reproductive health and services such as antenatal and postnatal health care, access to modern contraception and emergency contraception, safe abortion and post-abortion service due to lockdown of movement, and vaccination programs have also been halted. Recently, a woman from Baglung died due to delay in emergency helicopter rescue service. Authorities said that the delay in getting permission from the Home Ministry to send the helicopter during lockdown took her life. Insensitivity among officials has widened gender impacts of the pandemic.52

The economic aspect of the pandemic will also disproportionately fall upon women which will promote financial and economic inequality between men and women. Women are mostly engaged in informal sector jobs which are likely to be lost in the time of crisis. Because of the nationwide lockdown, both life and livelihood of daily wage earners, especially in the urban areas are at risk. The government has introduced some relief packages but real poor and needy ones haven’t benefited from it. The urban-area wage earners are walking to their villages since the lockdown.53 Most of the workers who often belong to poor and marginalized groups of society are facing the challenges emerging from ‘the lockdown without preparedness’. Women migrant workers in the Gulf countries are also at higher risk as they constitute as majority of the undocumented migrants. A research conducted by Equidam Research Center also shows that undocumented domestic workers are more vulnerable because they are considered illegal and couldn’t get facilities given by the respective countries. Nepal also cannot rescue them as their data is not present.

Meanwhile, the cases of domestic violence are also increasing at alarming rates compared to other forms of violence during the lockdown. Women in abusive relationships are trapped in their home with their perpetrators, and lack of counseling and support services is driving many women to face

51 https://thehimalayantimes.com/nepal/govt-to-mobilise-50000-health-volunteers/ 52 https://www.setopati.com/social/204145 53 https://ekantipur.com/news/2020/04/12/158666136356775377.html

mental as well as physical hazards. According to Nepal Police data, violence against women and girl has increased during the lockdown. In 21 days of lockdown, 76 rape cases, 10 rape attempt, and 72 cases of domestic violence were registered. Most of the perpetrators of rape cases were family members and neighbors.54

In the near future, the gendered impacts of the pandemic will be multiplied. The crisis will wipe out more jobs, agricultural production will decrease, and food insecurity will hit hard. Food insecurity also disproportionately affects women and children resulting in malnutrition. Similarly, the budget for developmental programs will be cut down due to worldwide economy recession. Countries like ours will be affected more if foreign investment/grants/donations are deducted. Unintended pregnancy, unsafe abortion, and maternal and child mortality will rise if foreign investment for sexual and reproductive health and services is cut off.

Hence, harm associated with pandemic is greater than the pandemic itself, especially for women and marginalized groups. However, gender blind policy ignores specific needs of women. The gender discourse in the measure taken to control pandemic has not started in the decision making level yet.

Major provincial hospitals’ testing and preparation for COVID-19

PCR Test RDT Test Negative Positive

9200 34523 43,675 48

Quarantine Isolation Recovered Deaths

10573 86 9 0

Source: The Ministry of Health and Population (MoHP) *as on April 22

Nepal has set up 16 Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) machines for the Novel Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) test across the country.55 The government has plans to set up additional PCR machines as the number of COVID-19 positive cases are increasing day by day. As of April 26, 2020, there have bee 51 confirmed positive so far.56

54 https://nayapatrikadaily.com/news-details/41628/2020-04-20 55 https://www.spotlightnepal.com/2020/04/19/nepal-expands-testing-across-country29567-test-conducted/ 56 https://thehimalayantimes.com/nepal/three-more-test-positive-for-novel-coronavirus-disease/

Shortages of Rapid Diagnostic Test (RDT) kits in three districts of Karnali Pradesh. Remaining seven districts of Karnali Pradesh also have a low availability of kits.57 There is a possibility of shortage in other districts over the country. However, other districts have run out of the test kits already. On April 10, the Ministry of Health and Population (MoHP) had sent 5,000 kits to each of the seven provinces.58

Private health institutions reduced its health care services

Most private health institutions reduced its health care services. Meanwhile, two people in Bara district died after private institutions refused treatment.59 There is no record of the several patients that returned from the premises of the health institutions after being denied treatment. For example, without running tests, private health institutions in Province 1 have been referring patients to the BP Koirala Institute of Health in Dharan.60 However, the government has repeatedly instructed the private health institutions to provide treatment to those suspected of the COVID-19. While Health institutions have a vital role to play under these circumstances, people have been feeling neglected.

Despite the provincial governments’ decision to revoke the license of private health institutions if they refuse treatment, they have not obliged to provide the necessary services. This issue was taken up by the government and the Supreme Court issued an order to take action against these health institutions. The Gandaki Pradesh government made it mandatory for all hospitals and health institutions to provide treatment. The government has also directed the local administration to take action against the private hospitals denying treatment.61 After the Court’s decision and administration’s instruction, private health institutions began providing limited health care services.

Sluggish services

The provincial governments have not expanded nor set up an abundant-corona-based-hospital. Despite seven provincial governments conducting COVID-19 test through PCR and RDT methods, people feel that this has so far been a sluggish response to prevention and control of

57 https://kathmandupost.com/karnali-province/2020/04/19/rapid-tests-halted-in-three-karnali-districts-due-to-shortage-of-rdt-kits 58 https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/5-000-rdt-kits-sent-to-each-province-govt/ 59 https://ratopati.com/story/125364/2020/4/8/national-medical-case-?fbclid=IwAR17jdBuGQ8TDqMMKSSxAaD5- z8bWz0STTDZG1vQpMrDpijgO_wz5yfhCek 60 https://kathmandupost.com/province-no-1/2020/04/05/most-hospitals-designated-for-covid-19-test-sample-collection-are-not-doing-their-job 61 https://ekantipur.com/pradesh-4/2020/04/04/158599910467132742.html

COVID-19.62 Due to the lack of supportive equipment, some hospitals are unable to provide test facilities even though the PCR machine has been set up. For example, hospital had not been operating because of the lack of required materials.63 Similarly, doctors of the Narayani Sub- Regional Hospital are reportedly facing the same problem.

Local, provincial, and federal governments have plans to set up a special hospital dedicated to COVID-19 which is still pending due to lack of funds, basic facilities, and pre-plans. For example, Karnali’s decision to set up isolation wards in three hospitals—Surkhet, Jumla, and Rukum (West).64 Similarly, Province 2 government’s plan to set up a 250-bed quarantine is also pending.

Provincial government officials have raised concerns that since the province would be unable to sustain itself if COVID-19 spread in the country. Province 5 government informed that it lacks all services and equipment to fight the virus such as doctors, health workers, ambulances, drivers, Personal Protective Equipment (PPE), and COVID-19 test kits.65 However, this issue is emerging as a problem nationwide.

Insufficient Distribution of medical equipment

Many hospitals and health offices have reported the provincial and federal government’s insufficient distribution of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) sets and medical supplies. Palpa district complained that the PPE set they received consisted of only gowns.66 Darchula health office also reported receiving inadequate medical supplies.67 Similarly, Koshi Zonal Hospital, also received inadequate medical equipment even after a long wait and complained that the federal government had a poor coordination with the COVID-19 response. Due to inadequate equipment and delay supplies, the health services have been halted in such a situation.

Delayed response to combat with the COVID-19 has left Nepal unprepared and vulnerable even though the number of live cases in the country are not as significant in comparison to countries around the world. Although the government has enforced a lockdown to restrict spread and carry out tests, the response appears weak and Nepal is still largely vulnerable without long term solutions. Complaints issued by representatives of all three tiers of the government are large in number however, the authorities still lack a concrete plan and appear rather invested in other issues

62 https://ekantipur.com/news/2020/04/09/15863967980175201.html 63 https://kathmandupost.com/province-no-2/2020/04/02/covid-19-testing-lab-yet-to-come-into-operation-in-janakpur-provincial-hospital 64 https://kathmandupost.com/karnali-province/2020/04/07/karnali-government-s-decision-to-set-up-isolation-facilities-yet-to-be-implemented 65 https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2020/04/855653 66 https://ekantipur.com/pradesh-5/2020/04/04/158600378280467546.html 67 https://ekantipur.com/news/2020/04/02/15858447372919023.html

of political nature. The government should mobilize doctors and nurses, set up hospitals and isolation wards, provide adequate medical equipment and health centers to remote areas of the country. However, Nepal is still dependent on nationwide lock-down, RDT, and PCR tests to counter COVID-19 even though these measures are a part of a short term and insufficient response.