Cutting-Edge Technology and Know-How of Minoans/Mycenaeans During Lba and Possible Implications for the Dating of the Trojan War
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Kretan Cult and Customs, Especially in the Classical and Hellenistic Periods: a Religious, Social, and Political Study
i Kretan cult and customs, especially in the Classical and Hellenistic periods: a religious, social, and political study Thesis submitted for degree of MPhil Carolyn Schofield University College London ii Declaration I, Carolyn Schofield, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been acknowledged in the thesis. iii Abstract Ancient Krete perceived itself, and was perceived from outside, as rather different from the rest of Greece, particularly with respect to religion, social structure, and laws. The purpose of the thesis is to explore the bases for these perceptions and their accuracy. Krete’s self-perception is examined in the light of the account of Diodoros Siculus (Book 5, 64-80, allegedly based on Kretan sources), backed up by inscriptions and archaeology, while outside perceptions are derived mainly from other literary sources, including, inter alia, Homer, Strabo, Plato and Aristotle, Herodotos and Polybios; in both cases making reference also to the fragments and testimonia of ancient historians of Krete. While the main cult-epithets of Zeus on Krete – Diktaios, associated with pre-Greek inhabitants of eastern Krete, Idatas, associated with Dorian settlers, and Kretagenes, the symbol of the Hellenistic koinon - are almost unique to the island, those of Apollo are not, but there is good reason to believe that both Delphinios and Pythios originated on Krete, and evidence too that the Eleusinian Mysteries and Orphic and Dionysiac rites had much in common with early Kretan practice. The early institutionalization of pederasty, and the abduction of boys described by Ephoros, are unique to Krete, but the latter is distinct from rites of initiation to manhood, which continued later on Krete than elsewhere, and were associated with different gods. -
The Aegean Chapter Viii the Decorative
H. J. Kantor - Plant Ornament in the Ancient Near East, Chapter VIII: The Decorative Flora of Crete and the Late Helladic Mainland SECTION II: THE AEGEAN CHAPTER VIII THE DECORATIVE FLORA OF CRETE AND THE LATE HELLADIC MAINLAND In the midst of the sea, on the long island of Crete, there dwelt a people, possessors of the fabulous Minoan culture, who are known to have had trade relations with Egypt, and with other Near-Eastern lands. Still farther away towards the north lies the Mainland of Greece, a region that proved itself to be a very hospitable host to the graft of Minoan culture. Before the close of the LH period the ceramic results of this union were to be spread over the Near East in great profusion and it becomes necessary to define the extent of Aegean influence on those traditions of Near-Eastern art that lie within the scope of our topic. Before this is possible a concise summary of the plant ornamentation of the Aegean must be presented.1 This background forms a necessary basis without which the reaction of Aegean plant design on the main development of our story, be it large or small, cannot be determined. 1 A great deal of interest and work has been devoted to the study of Minoan decorative art almost since the beginning of its discovery, and full advantage of this has been taken in the preparation of the present survey. The chief treatments of the subject are as follows: Edith H. Hall, The Decorative Art of Crete in the Bronze Age (Philadelphia, 1907); Ernst Reisinger, Kretische Vasenmalerei vom Kamares bis zum Palast-Stil (Leipzig, Berlin, 1912); Diederich Fimmen, Die Kretisch-Mykenische Kulture (Leipzig, Berlin, 1924), Alois Gotsmich, Entwicklungsgang der Kretischen Ornamentik, Wein, 1923); Frederich Matz, Frühkretische Siegel (Berlin, 1928), covering a much wider field than is indicated by the title; Georg Karo, Die Schachtgräber von Mykenai (Munchen, 1939). -
Linguistic Study About the Origins of the Aegean Scripts
Anistoriton Journal, vol. 15 (2016-2017) Essays 1 Cretan Hieroglyphics The Ornamental and Ritual Version of the Cretan Protolinear Script The Cretan Hieroglyphic script is conventionally classified as one of the five Aegean scripts, along with Linear-A, Linear-B and the two Cypriot Syllabaries, namely the Cypro-Minoan and the Cypriot Greek Syllabary, the latter ones being regarded as such because of their pictographic and phonetic similarities to the former ones. Cretan Hieroglyphics are encountered in the Aegean Sea area during the 2nd millennium BC. Their relationship to Linear-A is still in dispute, while the conveyed language (or languages) is still considered unknown. The authors argue herein that the Cretan Hieroglyphic script is simply a decorative version of Linear-A (or, more precisely, of the lost Cretan Protolinear script that is the ancestor of all the Aegean scripts) which was used mainly by the seal-makers or for ritual usage. The conveyed language must be a conservative form of Sumerian, as Cretan Hieroglyphic is strictly associated with the original and mainstream Minoan culture and religion – in contrast to Linear-A which was used for several other languages – while the phonetic values of signs have the same Sumerian origin as in Cretan Protolinear. Introduction The three syllabaries that were used in the Aegean area during the 2nd millennium BC were the Cretan Hieroglyphics, Linear-A and Linear-B. The latter conveys Mycenaean Greek, which is the oldest known written form of Greek, encountered after the 15th century BC. Linear-A is still regarded as a direct descendant of the Cretan Hieroglyphics, conveying the unknown language or languages of the Minoans (Davis 2010). -
Late Bronze Age Harbours in the Aegean
118 Late Bronze Age Harbours · Eugenia Loizou Late Bronze Age Harbours in the Aegean Towards another theoretical approach Eugenia Loizou Abstract – Harbours and ports have always attracted the archaeological interest as places of economical, social and cultural interaction. Their study can give a better insight into the activities of the past cultures and the processes that took place in the broader harbour area. Prehistoric harbours though, in contrast with the ancient ones, leave scarce remains and have been less investigated. In this paper, the archaeological evidence of the Late Bronze Age harbours of the Aegean is presented and discussed and some problematization on the finds is also exposed. Moreover, a new theoretical approach on the study of the Bronze Age Aegean harbours is attempted. It is suggested that the Bronze Age harbours should be examined under the notion of the dynamic seascape and considered as ac - tive cultural landscapes with sociopolitical implications. These qualities can be found on the architectural and urban development of the settlement and especially on the structures that consist with an Aegean harbour-town. Inhalt – Natürliche und künstliche Häfen haben als Stätten der wirtschaftlichen, gesellschaftlichen und kulturel- len Wechselwirkung stets das archäologische Interesse angezogen. Ihr Studium kann bessere Einblicke in die Tätigkeiten vergangener Kulturen und in die Prozesse, die im weiteren Hafengebiet abliefen, bieten. Vor ge - schichtliche Häfen jedoch hinterlassen im Gegensatz zu den antiken dürftige Reste und sind weniger erforscht. In diesem Beitrag werden die archäologischen Zeugnisse spätbronzezeitlicher Häfen der Ägäis vorgelegt und diskutiert und einige mit den Funden verbundene Probleme aufgezeigt. Darüber hinaus wird ein neuer theoretischer Ansatz für das Studium bronzezeitlicher ägäischer Häfen versucht. -
The Role of the Philistines in the Hebrew Bible*
Teresianum 48 (1997/1) 373-385 THE ROLE OF THE PHILISTINES IN THE HEBREW BIBLE* GEORGE J. GATGOUNIS II Although hope for discovery is high among some archeolo- gists,1 Philistine sources for their history, law, and politics are not yet extant.2 Currently, the fullest single source for study of the Philistines is the Hebrew Bible.3 The composition, transmis sion, and historical point of view of the biblical record, however, are outside the parameters of this study. The focus of this study is not how or why the Hebrews chronicled the Philistines the way they did, but what they wrote about the Philistines. This study is a capsule of the biblical record. Historical and archeo logical allusions are, however, interspersed to inform the bibli cal record. According to the Hebrew Bible, the Philistines mi * Table of Abbreviations: Ancient Near Eastern Text: ANET; Biblical Archeologist: BA; Biblical Ar- cheologist Review: BAR; Cambridge Ancient History: CAH; Eretz-Israel: E-I; Encyclopedia Britannica: EB; Journal of Egyptian Archeology: JEA; Journal of Near Eastern Studies: JNES; Journal of the Study of the Old Testament: JSOT; Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement: PEFQSt; Vetus Testamentum: VT; Westminster Theological Journal: WTS. 1 Cf. Law rence S tager, “When the Canaanites and Philistines Ruled Ashkelon,” BAR (Mar.-April 1991),17:36. Stager is hopeful: When we do discover Philistine texts at Ashkelon or elsewhere in Philistia... those texts will be in Mycenaean Greek (that is, in Linear B or same related script). At that moment, we will be able to recover another lost civilization for world history. -
The Early History of Syria and Palestine
THE GIFT OF MAY TREAT MORRISON IN MEMORY OF ALEXANDER F MORRISON Gbe Semitic Series THE EARLY HISTORY OF SYRIA AND PALESTINE By LEWIS BAYLES PATON : SERIES OF HAND-BOOKS IN SEM1T1CS EDITED BY JAMES ALEXANDER CRAIG PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES AND HELLENISTIC GREEK, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN Recent scientific research has stimulated an increasing interest in Semitic studies among scholars, students, and the serious read- ing public generally. It has provided us with a picture of a hitherto unknown civilization, and a history of one of the great branches of the human family. The object of the present Series is to state its results in popu- larly scientific form. Each work is complete in itself, and the Series, taken as a whole, neglects no phase of the general subject. Each contributor is a specialist in the subject assigned him, and has been chosen from the body of eminent Semitic scholars both in Europe and in this country. The Series will be composed of the following volumes I. Hebrews. History and Government. By Professor J. F. McCurdy, University of Toronto, Canada. II. Hebrews. Ethics arid Religion. By Professor Archibald Duff, Airedale College, Bradford, England. [/« Press. III. Hebrews. The Social Lije. By the Rev. Edward Day, Springfield, Mass. [No7i> Ready. IV. Babylonians and Assyrians, with introductory chapter on the Sumerians. History to the Fall of Babylon. V. Babylonians and Assyrians. Religion. By Professor J. A. Craig, University of Michigan. VI. Babylonians and Assyrians. Life and Customs. By Professor A. H. Sayce, University of Oxford, England. \Noiv Ready. VII. Babylonians and Assyrians. -
The Origin of the Etruscans
The Origin of the Etruscans Bestand: m:/share/Akademie/9505i38_LetMed_Beekes/02-Binnenwerk.3d ^ Pagina i<i>59 koninklijke nederlandse akademie van wetenschappen Mededelingen van de Afdeling Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks, Deel 66 no. i Deze Mededeling werd in verkorte vorm uitgesproken in de vergadering van de Afdeling Letterkunde, gehouden op ii februari 2002. Bestand: m:/share/Akademie/9505i38_LetMed_Beekes/02-Binnenwerk.3d ^ Pagina i<2>59 r.s.p. beekes The Origin of the Etruscans Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Amsterdam, 2003 Bestand: m:/share/Akademie/9505i38_LetMed_Beekes/02-Binnenwerk.3d ^ Pagina i<3>59 isbn 90-6984-369-2 Copyright van deze uitgave ß 2003 Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschap- pen, Postbus i9i2i, i000 GC Amsterdam Niets uit deze uitgave mag worden verveelvoudigd en/of openbaar gemaakt door middel van druk, fotokopie, microfilm of op welke wijze dan ook, zonder voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van de rechthebbende, behoudens de uitzonderingen bij de wet gesteld Druk: PlantijnCasparie Heerhugowaard bv Het papier van deze uitgave voldoet aan 1 iso-norm 9706 (i994) voor permanent houd- baar papier Bestand: m:/share/Akademie/9505i38_LetMed_Beekes/02-Binnenwerk.3d ^ Pagina i<4>59 The Origin of the Etruscans ‘dass jene Polemik ... jetzt praktisch ... an einem toten Punkt gelangt ist.’ F. Falchetti - Antonella Romualdi, Die Etrusker (Stuttgart 200i), p. i2. contents Introduction 7 i. The prehistory of the Lydians i0 i.i. Me·iones i0 i.2 Ma·sas i0 i.3 Ancient testimonies i3 i.4 Other evidence i7 i.5 The linguistic position of Lydian 20 i.6 Historical considerations 2i i.7 Conclusion 23 2. The origin of the Etruscans 24 2.i The Etruscans came from the East 24 2.2 The TyrseŒnoi in classical times 37 2.3 Ancient testimonies 4i 2.4 Historical considerations 44 3. -
The Philistines Were Among the Sea Peoples, Probably of Aegean Origin, Who First Appeared in the E Mediterranean at the End of the 13Th Century B.C
The Philistines were among the Sea Peoples, probably of Aegean origin, who first appeared in the E Mediterranean at the end of the 13th century B.C. These peoples were displaced from their original homelands as part of the extensive population movements characteristic of the end of the LB Age. During this period, the Egyptians and the Hittites ruled in the Levant, but both powers were in a general state of decline. The Sea Peoples exploited this power vacuum by invading areas previously subject to Egyptian and Hittite control, launching land and sea attacks on Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, to which various Egyptian sources attest. The various translations of the name Philistine in the different versions of the Bible reveal that even in early times translators and exegetes were unsure of their identity. In the LXX, for example, the name is usually translated as allopsyloi ("strangers"), but it occurs also as phylistieim in the Pentateuch and Joshua. In the Hebrew Bible, the Philistines are called Pelishtim, a term defining them as the inhabitants ofPeleshet, i.e., the coastal plain of S Palestine. Assyrian sources call them both Pilisti and Palastu. The Philistines appear as prst in Egyptian sources. Encountering the descendants of the Philistines on the coast of S Palestine, the historian Herodotus, along with sailors and travelers from the Persian period onward called them palastinoi and their countrypalastium. The use of these names in the works of Josephus, where they are common translations forPhilistines and Philistia and, in some cases, for the entire land of Palestine, indicates the extent to which the names had gained acceptance by Roman times. -
The Iliad by Homer (Discussion on Some Relevant Issues)
DEPT. OF ENGLISH, SEM-IV, CC8, THE ILIAD (ATASI SAHOO) The Department of English Raja N. L. Khan Women’s College (Autonomous) Midnapore, West Bengal Study Material--3 On The Iliad by Homer (Discussion on Some Relevant Issues) For Course: English Hons. SEM: IV Paper: HCC8 Session: 2019-2020 Prepared by Atasi Sahoo Guest Teacher Department of English Raja N.L. Khan Women’s College (Autonomous) Date: 23rd April, 2020 23rd April, 2020 1 DEPT. OF ENGLISH, SEM-IV, CC8, THE ILIAD (ATASI SAHOO) The story of Homer’s The Iliad is based on the Trojan War and the central theme is the ‘wrath of Achilles’. In the following paragraph the major themes and some relevant issues are discussed. ❖ Analysis of Important Issues and Characters: • Main Focus of The Iliad: According to Aristotle, Homer didn’t want to depict the whole Trojan War of almost ten years, rather his narrative is based on a single theme—the wrath of Achilles. How that anger is originated and its aftermath are illustrated in the epic. The very first line of Book 1 declares the anger and reason behind that anger of Achilles is depicted in Book 1. The whole story is based on the lives of the aristocratic people, the aristocratic heroes. The human actions in the story take place in the Greek camps, or in the battlefield or in Ilium whereas the gods and goddesses stay on the Mount Olympus and they continue to engage themselves internally or externally in the human affairs. Though the narrative illustrates only a few weeks in the last year of the Trojan War, Homer generates the impression that he is covering the whole war, and even the times before and after it, as we can come to know many of the events that took place many years ago and it also foretells the upcoming events towards the end of the narrative. -
The Philistines and the "Sea Peoples" Not the Same Entity
THE PHILISTINES AND THE "SEA PEOPLES" NOT THE SAME ENTITY We have already indicated the opinion of Rowley and others1 who believe that the mention of the Philistines in the Bible proves the Exodus occurred after the Philistines settled in the land. Since it is generally considered that they settled about the period of Raamses III,2 we are accordingly obliged to date the Exodus about 1100 B. C. This dating condenses the whole period of the wandering in the desert, the conquest of Canaan the period of the judges as well as Saul's reign into a time–lapse of about 50–80 years3. Such an estimate is in complete contradiction with the biblical narrative. Some scholars try to settle this difficulty by stating that the Philistines settled in the land several generations after the Israelite conquest,4 and their mention in the patriarchal period is anachronistic. Those scholars who so vehemently reject the possibility of anachronism when dealing with Raamses, are prepared without hesitation to accept such a possibility with the name "Philistines". The view which holds that the Philistines Settlement occurred at a late historical period is based on various factors. The Bible calls "Caphtor' the original Philistine homeland, and regards them as being of Egyptian descent: "And Mizrayim (=Egypt) begot Ludim, and Anamim, and Lehavim and Naftuhim, and Patrusim and Kasluhim (out of whom came Pelishtim) and Kaftorim"(Gen. 10: 13–14). Elsewhere Caphtor is mentioned as "Iy – is understood to signify "אי – Jer. 47: 4). The word "Iy אי כפתור) "Caphtor 1 Petrie, Palestine and Israel, p. -
CAPHTOR-CAPPADOCIA by G. A. WAINWRIGHT Bournemouth Today the Standard Belief Is That Caphtor Was Crete, Though Biblical Scholars
CAPHTOR-CAPPADOCIA BY G. A. WAINWRIGHT Bournemouth Today the standard belief is that Caphtor was Crete, though Biblical scholars have always noted the difficulties. In fact that island is only one of many places which have been proposed as the site. Thus, Cyprus, Phoenicia and the Phoenician colonies, and even the island of Karpathos have also been suggested, and quite recently though "with the utmost reserve" the island of Kythera 1), while of course Cappadocia, unreasonable as it has seemed hitherto, had to be in- cluded in the list. In this article much evidence is brought forward to show that Cappadocia, or more accurately a part of Greater Cappa- docia, was indeed Caphtor 2). Of all the various countries suggested Crete has received the main support, because it was accepted that Caphtor was described as an "island" in the O.T., and Crete is a large one. Since the early years of this century the belief in Crete has been further strengthened by Sir Arthur EVANS' discovery that it was also the home of a splendid civilization. There was a country known to the Egyptians as Keftiu, or as it may have been pronounced Kefto, and this is evidently the same name as the contemporary cuneiform Kaptara, and the much later Hebrew Caphtor, though the absence of the final r has never been explained. Hence, based on the above-mentioned firm belief, there has grown up a strongly held view that Keftiu was also Crete. This idea was 1) WEIDNERin J. H. S., LIX (1939), p. 138. 2) I approached this question in an article entitled "Caphtor, Keftiu and Cappa- docia" published in 1931, p. -
Integrating Geomorphological Data, Geochronology and Archaeological Evidence for Coastal Landscape Reconstruction, the Case of Ammoudara Beach, Crete
water Article Integrating Geomorphological Data, Geochronology and Archaeological Evidence for Coastal Landscape Reconstruction, the Case of Ammoudara Beach, Crete George Alexandrakis * , Stelios Petrakis and Nikolaos A. Kampanis Coastal and Marine Research Lab, Institute of Applied & Computational Mathematics, Foundation for Research & Technology-Hellas, 70013 Heraklion, Greece; [email protected] (S.P.); [email protected] (N.A.K.) * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Understanding the processes that govern the transformation of the landscape through time is essential for exploring the evolution of a coastal area. Coastal landscapes are dynamic sites, with their evolution strongly linked with waves and sea level variations. Geomorphological features in the coastal area, such as beachrock formations and dune fields, can function as indicators of the coastal landscape evolution through time. However, our knowledge of the chronological framework of coastal deposits in the Aegean coasts is limited. Optically Stimulated Luminescence dating techniques are deemed to be very promising in direct dating of the coastal sediments, especially when they are linked with archaeological evidence. The dating of the sediments from different sediment core depths, determined by the method of luminosity, allowed us to calculate the rate of sediment deposition over time. More recent coastal evolution and stability were examined from 1945 to 2020 with the use of aerial photographs and satellite images. This paper presents the 6000 ka evolution of a coastal Citation: Alexandrakis, G.; Petrakis, landscape based on geomorphological, archaeological, and radio-chronological data. Based on the S.; Kampanis, N.A. Integrating results, the early stages of the Ammoudara beach dune field appears to have been formed ~9.0–9.6 ka Geomorphological Data, Geochronology and Archaeological BP, while the OSL ages from 6 m depth represented the timing of its stabilization (OSL ages ~5–6 ka).