Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, Submitted Under Article 18 of the Convention
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USA -V- Julian Assange Judgment
JUDICIARY OF ENGLAND AND WALES District Judge (Magistrates’ Court) Vanessa Baraitser In the Westminster Magistrates’ Court Between: THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Requesting State -v- JULIAN PAUL ASSANGE Requested Person INDEX Page A. Introduction 2 a. The Request 2 b. Procedural History (US) 3 c. Procedural History (UK) 4 B. The Conduct 5 a. Second Superseding Indictment 5 b. Alleged Conduct 9 c. The Evidence 15 C. Issues Raised 15 D. The US-UK Treaty 16 E. Initial Stages of the Extradition Hearing 25 a. Section 78(2) 25 b. Section 78(4) 26 I. Section 78(4)(a) 26 II. Section 78(4)(b) 26 i. Section 137(3)(a): The Conduct 27 ii. Section 137(3)(b): Dual Criminality 27 1 The first strand (count 2) 33 The second strand (counts 3-14,1,18) and Article 10 34 The third strand (counts 15-17, 1) and Article 10 43 The right to truth/ Necessity 50 iii. Section 137(3)(c): maximum sentence requirement 53 F. Bars to Extradition 53 a. Section 81 (Extraneous Considerations) 53 I. Section 81(a) 55 II. Section 81(b) 69 b. Section 82 (Passage of Time) 71 G. Human Rights 76 a. Article 6 84 b. Article 7 82 c. Article 10 88 H. Health – Section 91 92 a. Prison Conditions 93 I. Pre-Trial 93 II. Post-Trial 98 b. Psychiatric Evidence 101 I. The defence medical evidence 101 II. The US medical evidence 105 III. Findings on the medical evidence 108 c. The Turner Criteria 111 I. -
Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Countries
POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES POWER, COMMUNICATION, POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dia- logue and negotiations. However, both the “Nordic model” and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals, such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit- ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, & Lars Nord • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and develop- ments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields. Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Nordicom is a centre for Nordic media research at the University of Gothenburg, Nordicomsupported is a bycentre the Nordic for CouncilNordic of mediaMinisters. research at the University of Gothenburg, supported by the Nordic Council of Ministers. -
Digital Tools and the Derailment of Iceland's New Constitution
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Gylfason, Thorvaldur; Meuwese, Anne Working Paper Digital Tools and the Derailment of Iceland's New Constitution CESifo Working Paper, No. 5997 Provided in Cooperation with: Ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich Suggested Citation: Gylfason, Thorvaldur; Meuwese, Anne (2016) : Digital Tools and the Derailment of Iceland's New Constitution, CESifo Working Paper, No. 5997, Center for Economic Studies and ifo Institute (CESifo), Munich This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/145032 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Digital Tools and the Derailment of Iceland’s New Constitution Thorvaldur Gylfason Anne Meuwese CESIFO WORKING PAPER NO. -
Independence of the Justice System
Factsheet – Independence of the justice system July 2021 This Factsheet does not bind the Court and is not exhaustive Independence of the justice system Article 6 § 1 (right to a fair trial – independent tribunal) of the European Convention on Human Rights (“the Convention”): “In the determination of his civil rights and obligations or of any criminal charge against him, everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law. (...)”. Independence and right to a fair trial Remli v. France 23 April 1996 This case concerned an Assize Court’s refusal of an application by a French defendant of Algerian origin to have formal note taken of a racist remark allegedly made by one of the jurors outside the courtroom and which had been recorded in a written witness statement. The applicant complained in particular that he had not had a hearing by an impartial tribunal. The Court held that there had been a violation of Article 6 § 1 of the Convention. It noted in particular that Article 6 § 1 imposed an obligation on every national court to check whether, as constituted, it was “an impartial tribunal” where, as in the applicant’s case, this was disputed on a ground that did not immediately appear to be manifestly devoid of merit. In the instant case, however, the Assize Court had not made any such check, thereby depriving the applicant of the possibility of remedying, if it proved necessary, a situation contrary to the requirements of the Convention. This finding, regard being had to the confidence which the courts must inspire in those subject to their jurisdiction, sufficed for the Court to hold that there has been a breach of Article 6 § 1. -
Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Europe Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic the Global State of Democracy Special Brief, January 2021 in FOCUS
Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Europe Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic The Global State of Democracy Special Brief, January 2021 IN FOCUS The Global State of Democracy Special Brief, January 2021 Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Europe Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic Key facts and findings • The COVID-19 pandemic arrived in a largely the pandemic that are concerning from a democracy democratic Europe. Only 4 countries in the region standpoint. (10 per cent) are not democracies, while many of the democracies are high performing. • The main democratic challenges caused by the pandemic in Europe pertain to the disruption of • Democracy in Europe, however, has in recent years electoral cycles, curtailment of civil liberties, the experienced erosion and backsliding. More than use of contact tracing apps, the increase in gender half of European democracies have eroded in the inequality and domestic violence, risks to vulnerable last 5 years. In particular, 3 countries—Hungary, groups, executive aggrandizement, protest waves, Poland and Serbia—have registered a more severe corruption cases and challenges in the relationship form of erosion, called democratic backsliding, with between local and national governance. Hungary regressing on its democratic standards for the past 14 years. • Europe’s democracies have mostly showed resilience, and opportunities for furthering the • The pandemic has intensified these pre-existing integrity of elections, for digitalization and for concerns. The 3 backsliding countries in Europe innovative social protests have arisen. have implemented a number of measures to curb 1 Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Europe Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic The Global State of Democracy Special Brief, January 2021 IN FOCUS 1. -
The 2008 Icelandic Bank Collapse: Foreign Factors
The 2008 Icelandic Bank Collapse: Foreign Factors A Report for the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs Centre for Political and Economic Research at the Social Science Research Institute University of Iceland Reykjavik 19 September 2018 1 Summary 1. An international financial crisis started in August 2007, greatly intensifying in 2008. 2. In early 2008, European central banks apparently reached a quiet consensus that the Icelandic banking sector was too big, that it threatened financial stability with its aggressive deposit collection and that it should not be rescued. An additional reason the Bank of England rejected a currency swap deal with the CBI was that it did not want a financial centre in Iceland. 3. While the US had protected and assisted Iceland in the Cold War, now she was no longer considered strategically important. In September, the US Fed refused a dollar swap deal to the CBI similar to what it had made with the three Scandinavian central banks. 4. Despite repeated warnings from the CBI, little was done to prepare for the possible failure of the banks, both because many hoped for the best and because public opinion in Iceland was strongly in favour of the banks and of businessmen controlling them. 5. Hedge funds were active in betting against the krona and the banks and probably also in spreading rumours about Iceland’s vulnerability. In late September 2008, when Glitnir Bank was in trouble, the government decided to inject capital into it. But Glitnir’s major shareholder, a media magnate, started a campaign against this trust-building measure, and a bank run started. -
Why Did the Cod Wars Occur and Why Did Iceland Win Them? a Test of Four Theories
Why Did the Cod Wars Occur and Why Did Iceland Win Them? A Test of Four Theories Sverrir Steinsson MA Thesis in International Affairs School of Social Sciences June 2015 Why Did the Cod Wars Occur and Why Did Iceland Win Them? A Test of Four Theories Sverrir Steinsson MA Thesis in International Affairs Advisors: Silja Bára Ómarsdóttir and Guðni Th. Jóhannesson Faculty of Political Science School of Social Sciences University of Iceland June 2015 This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Affairs at the University of Iceland. This thesis cannot be reproduced without the author’s consent. © Sverrir Steinsson 2015 090390-3689 Reykjavík, Iceland 2015 Abstract Few attempts have been made to provide theoretical explanations for the occurrence and outcomes of the Cod Wars. In this thesis, I test hypotheses derived from four IR theories and perspectives on the Cod Wars: the Rationalist Explanations for War perspective, which sees information problems, commitment problems and issue indivisibility as drivers of conflict; Liberal IR theory, which expects democracy, commercial ties, and institutions as pacifying influences; Structural Realism, which expects states to pursue their security interests; and Neoclassical Realism, which expects statesmen’s pursuit of security interests to be distorted by domestic pressures. I find that Liberal and Structuralist Realist expectations were not met, that rational miscalculation and misinformation contributed to the occurrence of the disputes, and Neoclassical Realist expectations were fully met in all of the disputes. Following these tests, I provide a new, structurally informed explanation of the Cod Wars. -
Legal Recognition.Indb
EFL 32 - Legal Recognitio [vol] 19-03-2012 10:18 Pagina 1 Angelika Fuchs (eds) Katharina and Boele-Woelki A book series dedicated to the harmonisation and unification of family and succession law in Europe. The series includes comparative legal studies and materials as well as studies on the effects of international and European law making within the national legal systems in Europe. The books are published in English, French or German under the auspices of the Organising Committee of the Commission on European Family Law (CEFL). In the last twenty years the legal recognition of same-sex relationships in Europe has undergone significant changes, both on a national and European level. By now, more than half of the Member States of the European Union have introduced legislation on the formalisation of Same-Sex Relationships in Europe Legal Recognition of 32 Legal Recognition of same-sex relationships; most of them have provided for registered partnerships and some allow homosexual couples to enter into marriage. This book provides the reader with an updated overview of registration Same-Sex Relationships schemes and same-sex marriages in Europe. It also comments on the legal aspects of same-sex couples and their children, including in Europe surrogate motherhood, in different European jurisdictions and addresses cross-border and European issues. NATIONAL, CROSS-BORDER AND EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVES Katharina Boele-Woelki and Angelika Fuchs (eds) 32 Fully revised 2nd edition EFL 32 - Legal Recognitio [vol] 19-03-2012 10:18 Pagina 1 Angelika Fuchs (eds) Katharina and Boele-Woelki A book series dedicated to the harmonisation and unification of family and succession law in Europe. -
Electoral Instability in Iceland 1931-95: the Impact of 143 Aggregate Electoral Volatility and Block Volatility on the Icelandic Party System
Electoral instability in Iceland 1931-95: The impact of aggregate electoral volatility and block volatility on the Icelandic party system Sigtryggur Pétursson stjórnmálafræðingur M.Sc. 1. tbl. 1. árg. 2005 Fræðigreinar 141 142 Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla veftímarit Abstract This article examines electoral volatility in Iceland. The impact of aggregate and block volatility on the cleavage structure of the Icelandic party system is studied and compared with the situation applying to a group of west European democracies. The Icelandic parties are divided into blocks according to their stand on the socio-economic issue dimension. This gives an opportunity to see whether the high increase in electoral volatility at the aggregate level was followed by similar increase across the cleavage line, with the party system therefore becoming less and less frozen into place, as the upsurge in electoral volatility at the aggregate level seems to suggest. The main reason for the increase in volatility across the cleavage line is traced to party splitting. The main conclusion drawn is that this has not occurred in the case of Iceland. Most of the increase in volatility has occurred within the blocks and therefore the stability of the cleavage structure of the Icelandic party system has not evidenced an overall decline. Introduction The object of this article is to analyse the high increase in electoral instability in Iceland in recent decades and its effects on the cleavage structure of the party system. Is the high increase in volatility at the aggregate level followed by a similar increase in block volatility, and if so, what consequences does this have for the Icelandic party system? The importance of studying movements across the cleavage line is that it gives an opportunity of testing whether Lipset and Rokkan's famous freezing proposition is still valid, or whether it is on the decline, as most studies analysing volatility at the aggregate level only seem to suggest. -
The Icelandic Local Government Election 2014
Abstainers’ reasoning for not voting: The Icelandic local government election 2014 Grétar Þór Eyþórsson University of Akureyri Eva H. Önnudóttir University of Iceland Útdráttur: Í íslensku sveitarstjórnarkosningunum 2014 var kjörsókn minni en nokkru sinni fyrr og hafði hún þó minnkað töluvert í kosningunum 2010. Í þessari grein fjalla höfundar um hvaða ástæður fólk nefnir fyrir því að hafa ekki kosið árið 2014. Notuð eru gögn úr könnun sem gerð var sumarið 2014 meðal úrtaks 4845 kosningabærra einstaklinga á landinu öllu, þar sem þeir 630 sem sögðust ekki hafa kosið voru spurðir um ástæður þess. Sérstök áhersla er lögð á að greina ástæður eftir aldri kjósenda og eftir búsetu, auk þess sem einnig er tekið tillit til stærðar sveitarfélaga í íbúafjölda. Helstu niðurstöður eru að eldra fólk nefnir frekar efnislegar ástæður, er varða stjórnmálaflokka og stjórnmálakerfið, fyrir því að kjósa ekki, en ungt fólk að hafa ekki haft nennt því eða haft áhuga á því. Búseta virðist ekki skýra að neinu marki mun á því hvaða ástæður fólk hefur fyrir því að kjósa ekki. Því er velt upp hvort mun eftir aldri á ástæðum þess að kjósa ekki megi hugsanlega rekja til neikvæðrar reynslu eldri kjósenda af efnahagshruninu árið 2008, en jafnframt bent á að „nenna ekki að kjósa“ getur líka verið merki um óánægju með stjórnmál sem mögulega má rekja til hrunsins og atburða eftir það. Lykilorð: Kosningaþátttaka ■ aldur ■ höfuðborg-landsbyggð ■ dreifbýli-þéttbýli Abstract: In the Icelandic local government election in 2014 turnout was lower than ever before, and four years earlier it had already decreased considerably. In this article, the authors examine abstainers’ personal reasoning for not casting a vote. -
Flash Reports on Labour Law February 2021 Summary and Country Reports
Flash Reports on Labour Law February 2021 Summary and country reports Written by The European Centre of Expertise (ECE), based on reports submitted by the Network of Labour Law Experts February 2021 EUROPEAN COMMISSION Directorate DG Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion Unit B.2 – Working Conditions Contact: Marie LAGARRIGUE E-mail: [email protected] European Commission B-1049 Brussels Flash Report 02/2021 Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) The information given is free, as are most calls (though some operators, phone boxes or hotels may charge you). LEGAL NOTICE The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the author(s). The contents of this publication do not necessarily reflect the position or opinion of the European Commission. Neither the European Commission nor any person/organisation acting on behalf of the Commission is responsible for the use that might be made of any information contained in this publication. This publication has received financial support from the European Union Programme for Employment and Social Innovation "EaSI" (2014-2020). For further information please consult: http://ec.europa.eu/social/easi. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://www.europa.eu). Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2021 ISBN ABC 12345678 DOI 987654321 © European Union, 2021 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. Flash -
2020 Iceland Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
Iceland Report Gretar Þór EyÞórsson, Thorvaldur Gylfason, Detlef Jahn (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2020 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2020 | 2 Iceland Report Executive Summary The cabinet coalition formed after the October 2017 elections between the Left-Green Movement, the Independence Party and the Progressive Party is still in office. The prime minister is Katrín Jakobsdóttir, leader of the Left- Green Movement. Following a period of considerable political turbulence, which included three parliamentary elections in four years (2013, 2016 and 2017), things have stabilized. After limited strikes in early spring 2019, Efling, the Store and Office Workers’ Union (VR), and the Federation of General and Special Workers (SGS) signed a collective agreement with the Confederation of Icelandic Enterprise (SA) in April 2019. The agreement will expire on 1 November 2022. Members of the Efling and VR trade unions, and members of trade unions belonging to SGS approved the collective agreements. The contract applies to more than 100,000 members of 30 different unions. At the time of writing, excluding another agreement signed in mid-October 2019 between five unions and the Icelandic Confederation of University Graduates (BHM), no other unions have signed contracts. In March 2019, one of the two largest Icelandic airlines, WOW air, declared bankruptcy and ceased operations. This led to 1,500 people immediately losing their jobs. Six months later, 300 to 400 of them are still without jobs. Though the overall impact of this bankruptcy has not been as large as initially feared. In response, the other Icelandic airline, Icelandair, has increased its passenger capacity.