Baluchistan – Briefing Paper
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Baloch Insurgency and Its Impact on CPEC Jaleel, Sabahat and Bibi, Nazia
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Baloch Insurgency and its impact on CPEC jaleel, Sabahat and Bibi, Nazia University of Engineering and technology, Taxila, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad 18 July 2017 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/90135/ MPRA Paper No. 90135, posted 24 Nov 2018 17:28 UTC Baloch Insurgency and its impact on CPEC Sabahat Jaleel (Lecturer UET Taxila) & Nazia Bibi (Assistant Professor PIDE) Abstract CPEC, a significant development project, aims to connect Pakistan and China through highways, oil and gas pipelines, railways and an optical fiber link all the way from Gwadar to Xinjiang. Being the biggest venture in the bilateral ties of China-Pakistan, the project faces certain undermining factors. The research explores the lingering security concerns that surfaced due to the destabilizing and separatist efforts of the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and Baloch Liberation Front (BLF). It also elaborates the Chinese concerns and Pakistan efforts to address these concerns while assuming the hypothesis that a secure and stable environment is necessary to reap the fruits of this mega project. The work also answers some innovative questions thus helpful for the students of Economics, Pakistan history, politics, Internal Relations, Foreign Policy and for those who intend to read about China-Pakistan and their joint ventures as CPEC. The main objective of the study to empirically analyses the response of Baloch community. Graphical and empirical methods have been adopted to describe and analyze the facts and figures related to the topic. The results clearly indicate that CPEC will face resistance from people of Balochistan, which will negatively affect the prospects of CPEC. -
Bugti and the Baloch Cause
Letter from South Asia His government, Musharraf can claim with some justification, has increased public Bugti and the Baloch Cause investment in Balochistan manifold – mainly in the construction of a new port close to The killing of Akbar Bugti, the rebellious tribal chief and leader of the Persian Gulf at Gwadar, national high- ways linking that port with other parts of the the Baloch nationalist Jamhoori Watan Party by state security country, and other supporting infrastructure. forces in his mountain hideout marks an important watershed in All of these developments threaten the hold the troubled history of relations between the Baloch political that the tribal chiefs have over their people and the rebellion is a futile last-ditch attempt movements, the colonial British Indian empire and at stopping change. Akbar Bugti was “fixed”, the post-colonial Pakistani state. The circumstances leading up to and according to initial reports he indeed did his death and the events following after also reveal something not know what hit him – the latter being an about the contradictions within the establishment. allusion to advanced rocket navigation tech- nology allegedly used by the security forces against the tribal insurgents. HARIS GAZDAR There was a strong reaction also in the poor The problem with Musharraf’s colonial working class slums of old Karachi as well narrative on Balochistan, however, is that he killing of Nawab Akbar Khan as other Baloch neighbourhoods and urban there are many even in the Pakistani main- Bugti, the rebellious octogenarian villages around the city. For many of the stream who simply do not believe it. -
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
U A Z T m B PEACEWA RKS u E JI Bulunkouxiang Dushanbe[ K [ D K IS ar IS TA TURKMENISTAN ya T N A N Tashkurgan CHINA Khunjerab - - ( ) Ind Gilgit us Sazin R. Raikot aikot l Kabul 1 tro Mansehra 972 Line of Con Herat PeshawarPeshawar Haripur Havelian ( ) Burhan IslamabadIslamabad Rawalpindi AFGHANISTAN ( Gujrat ) Dera Ismail Khan Lahore Kandahar Faisalabad Zhob Qila Saifullah Quetta Multan Dera Ghazi INDIA Khan PAKISTAN . Bahawalpur New Delhi s R du Dera In Surab Allahyar Basima Shahadadkot Shikarpur Existing highway IRAN Nag Rango Khuzdar THESukkur CHINA-PAKISTANOngoing highway project Priority highway project Panjgur ECONOMIC CORRIDORShort-term project Medium and long-term project BARRIERS ANDOther highway IMPACT Hyderabad Gwadar Sonmiani International boundary Bay . R Karachi s Provincial boundary u d n Arif Rafiq I e nal status of Jammu and Kashmir has not been agreed upon Arabian by India and Pakistan. Boundaries Sea and names shown on this map do 0 150 Miles not imply ocial endorsement or 0 200 Kilometers acceptance on the part of the United States Institute of Peace. , ABOUT THE REPORT This report clarifies what the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor actually is, identifies potential barriers to its implementation, and assesses its likely economic, socio- political, and strategic implications. Based on interviews with federal and provincial government officials in Pakistan, subject-matter experts, a diverse spectrum of civil society activists, politicians, and business community leaders, the report is supported by the Asia Center at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP). ABOUT THE AUTHOR Arif Rafiq is president of Vizier Consulting, LLC, a political risk analysis company specializing in the Middle East and South Asia. -
Baloch Resistance During Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Era: Causes and Consequences
South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol. 29, No. 1, January – July 2014, pp. 321-331 Baloch Resistance during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Era: Causes and Consequences Gulshan Majeed University of the Punjab. Lahore. Rehana Saeed Hashmi University of the Punjab. Lahore. Abstract Rising insurgency in Balochistan is one of the most serious threats to the federation of Pakistan. The Baloch tribal homeland is a vast area of desert and mountains. Geographically the province of Balochistan is considered the largest province of Pakistan while demographically it is smallest. Balochistan is the most underdeveloped province of Pakistan and this under-development reveals the alarming situation .Since 1947 Baloch have been facing different forms of deprivations and this sense of deprivation amongst Baloch has become one of the major reasons to give birth a number of uprisings against the federal government. Political arrangements under long military rules added doubts in the minds of Baloch people who had a scant representation in military and civil services of Pakistan. This situation has become a major source to strengthen sense of nationalism among the people of Balochistan. This study will highlight various causes of third Baloch insurgency during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's era and its impacts on Pakistan. Key Words Insurgency, Nationalism, Deprivation, Coercive Means, Confidence building measures. Introduction In a federation powers are distributed among federal government and federating units according to the constitution. Bothe federal and provincial governments perform their functions within their prescribed limitations. A federal system can be more successful and stable when there is smooth functioning of federal government and federating units. -
Mir Gul Khan Nasir - Poems
Classic Poetry Series Mir Gul Khan Nasir - poems - Publication Date: 2012 Publisher: Poemhunter.com - The World's Poetry Archive Mir Gul Khan Nasir(14 May 1914 - 6 December 1983) Mir Gul Khan Nasir(Urdu: ??? ?? ??? ????), also widely regarded as Malek o- Sho'ara Balochistan (Urdu: ???? ??????? ????????; ) was a prominent politician, poet, historian, and journalist of Balochistan, Pakistan. Born on 14 May 1914 in Noshki, Gul Khan Nasir was at the forefront of the Baloch Nationalist Movement and was most active between 1935 to 1980. His father’s name was Mir Habib Khan and he belonged to the Paindzai family of the Zagar Mengal sub branch of the Mengal tribe. Mir Gul Khan’s mother “Bibi Hooran” belonged to the Rakhshani branch of the Bolazai Badini. Mir Habib Khan had five sons and three daughters. Mir Gul Khan Nasir was number seven among his eight siblings and he was the fourth amongst his brothers (i.e.) Mir Samand Khan, Mir Lawang Khan, Mir Lal Bux, Mir Gul Khan and n Mohammad Khan. <b> Education </b> Mir Gul Khan Nasir studied until Fourth Grade in his village. For further studies he was sent to Quetta where he got admission in Government Sandeman High School. After passing his matriculation examination from this school, he went to Lahore in order to pursue a higher education in Islamia College Lahore. During his second year in Islamia College, a piece of coal went into Mir Gul Khan’s eye due to which he had to discontinue his education and return to Quetta. Lahore, at that time, was the hub of knowledge and political and social activities. -
Mir Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo: the Evolution of a Leftist Politician in Balochistan: JSRP, Vol
Mir Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo: The Evolution of a Leftist Politician in Balochistan: JSRP, Vol. 57, Issue 3(July-Sept 2020) Himayatullah Yaqubi Iftikhar Ahmad Mir Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo: The Evolution of a Leftist Politician in Balochistan Abstract Political landscape of Balochistan has always been marred by ethnic and progressive issues. Ranging from provincial autonomy to separatist movements, Balochistan has been largely an integrated unit of the federation of Pakistan. It produced variety of leaders who propagated ethnic Baloch interests with clear leftist and progressive outlook in politics. Mir Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo was among those politicians in Balochistan who upheld ideas of fraternity, human dignity, and liberal democratic principles. Some of the author has mentioned that he was a formal member of the Communist Party of Pakistan. Coming from politically less-exposed society, he carved out a place for himself on national level during Pakistan first decade after independence. This article traces the political career of Bizenjo from the time of pre-1947 India. He remained active in the politics of the Kalat State spreading anti- imperial, leftist and anti-Khan ideas. The study investigates the principles and the techniques he followed in the political milieu of Balochistan and Pakistan. It analyses the ethnic discourse, his reservations on the issues related to Balochistan and the role he played on national level. It would have also been explored that why he was arrested by the successive regimes and what charges were brought against him. The article explores that how the evolution of a leftist-cum-regionalist politician took place with convincingly nationalist political bearings. -
Gulawar KHAN 2014.Pdf
WestminsterResearch http://www.westminster.ac.uk/research/westminsterresearch Politics of nationalism, federalism, and separatism: The case of Balochistan in Pakistan Gulawar Khan Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities This is an electronic version of a PhD thesis awarded by the University of Westminster. © The Author, 2014. This is an exact reproduction of the paper copy held by the University of Westminster library. The WestminsterResearch online digital archive at the University of Westminster aims to make the research output of the University available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the authors and/or copyright owners. Users are permitted to download and/or print one copy for non-commercial private study or research. Further distribution and any use of material from within this archive for profit-making enterprises or for commercial gain is strictly forbidden. Whilst further distribution of specific materials from within this archive is forbidden, you may freely distribute the URL of WestminsterResearch: (http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/). In case of abuse or copyright appearing without permission e-mail [email protected] POLITICS OF NATIONALISM, FEDERALISM, AND SEPARATISM: THE CASE OF BALOCHISTAN IN PAKISTAN GULAWAR KHAN A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Westminster for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2014 Author’s declaration This thesis is carried out as per the guidelines and regulations of the University of Westminster. I hereby declare that the materials contained in this thesis have not been previously submitted for a degree in any other university, including the University of Westminster. -
Terrorism Financing, Recruitment and Attacks: Evidence from a Natural Experiment in Pakistan∗
Terrorism Financing, Recruitment and Attacks: Evidence from a Natural Experiment in Pakistan∗ Nicola Limodioy August 2018 Abstract I investigate the relation between terrorism financing and attacks through a panel of 1,545 Pakistani cities and exogenous variation in a Sharia-compliant funding source. Cities exposed to higher terrorism financing experience more attacks, with organizations reacting to temporary financial inflows. Two methodological innovations further refine this finding. First, the effect of financing on attacks increases in terrorist recruitment, measured using dark-web data on Jihadist fora and machine-learning. Second, a novel city-organization variation allows: a) dissecting the demand and supply of terrorist attacks, with supply exclusively explaining these results; b) estimating the elasticity of terrorist attacks to financing (0.08). JEL: H56, G30, D64 Keywords: Terrorism, Finance, Charitable Donations ∗I would like to express my gratitude for their useful suggestions to Charles Angelucci, Giorgia Barboni, Eli Berman, Tim Besley, Barbara Biasi, Christopher Blattman, Leah Platt Boustan, Sandro Brusco, Ethan Bueno de Mosquita, Elena Carletti, James Choi, Decio Coviello, Paolo Colla, Ben Crost, Filippo De Marco, Erika Deserranno, Livio Di Lonardo, Will Dobbie, Tiberiu Dragu, Oeindrila Dube, Carlo Ambrogio Favero, Martin Feldstein, Dana Foarta, Thomas Fujiwara, Rohan Ravindra Gudibande, Selim Gulesci, Nicola Gennaioli, Elisa Giannone, Massimo Guidolin, Dejan Kovac, Alan Krueger, Eliana La Ferrara, Simone Lenzu, Alessandro Lizzeri, -
Balochis of Pakistan: on the Margins of History
BALOCHIS OF PAKISTAN: ON THE MARGINS OF HISTORY November 2006 First published in 2006 by The Foreign Policy Centre 23-28 Penn Street London N1 5DL www.fpc.org.uk Email: [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2006 All rights reserved ISBN-13: 978-1-905833-08-5 ISBN-10: 1-905833-08-3 PREFACE The Foreign Policy Centre is keen to promote debate about some of the worlds lesser known conflicts. The situation in Balochistan is one such example. This pamphlet sets out a powerful and well argued case that the Balochi people have been let down - by the British Empire, by the founders of modern India and by successive Governments in Pakistan. It is a fascinating analysis which we hope will contribute to constructive discussion about Balochistans future. The Foreign Policy Centre Disclaimer : The views in this paper are not necessarily those of the Foreign Policy Centre. CONTENTS Baloch and Balochistan through History A Brief Prologue The Khanate of Kalat: Between Dependency and Sovereignty The Colonial Era: The British Policy of Divide et Empera Boundary Demarcation and Trifurcation of Baloch Terrain Pakistan absorbs the Khanate Partition and the Annexation of Balochistan The Indian Position Baloch Insurgencies 1948-1977 First Guerrilla Revolt The Second Revolt Third Balochi Resistance: The 1970s The State of Nationalist Politics Today Signifiers of Balochi Nationalism a) Language b) Islam c) Sardari System d) Aversion towards Punjabi and Pathan Immigration The Post-1980 Phase The Contemporary Socio-Political Scenario in Balochistan Influence of Jihad in Afghanistan Does Islam blunt Baloch nationalism? The Baloch Resistance Movement 2000-2006 The state of Baloch Insurgency Human Rights Violations Killing of Nawab Bugti Causes of Baloch Disaffection a) Richest in Resources, Yet the Poorest Province b) Lack of Representation c) The case for Autonomy d) Development as Colonisation The Future The Weaknesses The Road Ahead Endnotes ABSTRACT The Balochis, like the Kurds, their cousins from Aleppo, do not have a sovereign state of their own. -
4. Leftist Politics in British India, Himayatullah
Leftist Politics in British India: A Case Study of the Muslim Majority Provinces Himayatullah Yaqubi ∗ Abstract The paper is related with the history and political developments of the various organizations and movements that espoused a Marxist, leftist and socialist approach in their policy formulation. The approach is to study the left’s political landscape within the framework of the Muslim majority provinces which comprised Pakistan after 1947. The paper would deal those political groups, parties, organizations and personalities that played significant role in the development of progressive, socialist and non-communal politics during the British rule. Majority of these parties and groups merged together in the post-1947 period to form the National Awami Party (NAP) in July 1957. It is essentially an endeavour to understand the direction of their political orientation in the pre-partition period to better comprehend their position in the post-partition Pakistan. The ranges of the study are much wide in the sense that it covers all the provinces of the present day Pakistan, including former East Pakistan. It would also take up those political figures that were influenced by socialist ideas but, at the same time, worked for the Muslim League to broaden its mass organization. In a nutshell the purpose of the article is to ∗ Research Fellow, National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Centre of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad 64 Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXIV, No.I, 2013 study the pre-partition political strategies, line of thinking and ideological orientation of the components which in the post- partition period merged into the NAP in 1957. -
Resolving the Pakistan-Afghanistan Stalemate
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Barnett R. Rubin and Abubakar Siddique The United States Institute of Peace has been working on the stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan since 2002. Institute initiatives focus on security, the rule of law, conflict resolution, building civil society, and education in Afghanistan and Afghanistan’s relations with its neighbors. The Institute’s Afghanistan Working Group, chaired by Dr. Barnett R. Rubin, is composed of government officials Resolving the Pakistan- and nongovernmental organizations that discuss critical issues facing Afghanistan with top experts and policymakers and work directly to help the Afghan people build a peaceful and prosperous society. Afghanistan Stalemate The idea for this report started with discussions by Barnett Rubin with delegates to the Afghan constitutional Loya Jirga, President Hamid Karzai, and journalist Ahmed Rashid in December 2003. In spring and summer 2004 Abubakar Siddique conducted field work on the current positions of the diverse stakeholders in this complex region. During subsequent trips the coauthors carried out additional research, most recently in July–August 2006, when Rubin visited Afghanistan and Siddique visited Pakistan. Grants from the Rockefeller Foundation, the Open Society Institute, the Royal Government of Norway, and the Government of the United Kingdom supported the research. The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Afrasiab Khattak and Ahmed Rashid in Pakistan and Omar Zakhilwal, Rasul Amin, Hamed Wardak, and Humayun Hamidzada in Afghanistan. They also thank many anonymous informants and commentators from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and the United States. -
COMMENT 194 – Resurgent Rebellion in Balochistan
COMMENT COMMENT 194 – Resurgent Rebellion in Balochistan By Siegfried O. Wolf 27 July 2020 - ISSN NUMBER: 2406-5617 Dr. Siegfried O. Wolf, Director of Research at SADF (Coordinator: Democracy Research Programme); he was educated at the Institute of Political Science (IPW) and South Asia Institute (SAI), both Heidelberg University. Additionally he is member (affiliated researcher) of the SAI as well as a former research fellow at IPW and Centre de Sciences Humaines (New Delhi, India). During the last few months, the security situation in Balochistan witnessed an increase in militancy. It seems that the escalating violence in the region is linked with the growing Chinese presence and intensified activities by the Pakistani armed forces1 and the Inter- Service Intelligence (ISI). This SADF Comment subscribes to the following rationale: Locals feel exploited and deprived from the benefits obtained from the use of their provincial resources, as well as politically marginalized by the Pakistani state. The rising numbers of Chinese development projects, companies, workers and security personnel in Balochistan are perceived as threatening to the social and economic conditions of the Baloch people seem to be directly provoking further armed responses. The situation becomes more complicated due to the persistent suppression of the freedom of expression (along with other political and human rights) and the lack of a fair, adequate representation of the Baloch people and their interests on the national level – which prevents them from translating their concerns into the country’s political processes. Chinese development projects in the framework of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) are increasingly identified by the Baloch people as tools of exploitation (Wolf, 2019) of their natural resources (Coal, Oil, Copper, Gold etc.) – but also as measures supporting the central government’s grip over the province.