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THE USE OF INSULTS IN GHANAIAN POLITICAL DISCOURSE: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

EMMANUEL AMO OFORI

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2015

To my mother, siblings, wife and children

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Ebenezer, this is how far the Lord has brought me!

I am extremely grateful to the Almighty God for giving me the strength and the ideas to come out with this dissertation, glory be unto His Holy name, Amen! I want to express my profound gratitude to my chair and co-chair, Professor Diana Boxer and

Professor Fiona McLaughlin for their immense contribution to the realization of this dream (dissertation). I am indebted to them for their suggestions, comments, encouragement, inspiration, motivation and criticism in making this dissertation a reality.

I also want to thank my committee member, Professor James Essegbey for his direction and guidance from the inception of this work until the end. I am really grateful to him for his contribution and encouragement in making this dissertation a rewarding learning experience. God richly bless you. To my external member, Professor Daniel Smith, I say thank you very much for you comments, directions and feedback.

I am extremely grateful to my wife, Henrietta Gyamaa Ofori and my two children,

Adom Akua Addai Ofori and Aseda Kwadwo Ofori-Atta for their love, sacrifice and support, without them there was no way this work could have ever been achieved.

To my entire family, thank you for your unwavering support for me from childhood up to this time, especially my sweet mother, Madam Margaret Adwoa Addai for financing my education as a single mother, God richly bless you mum, your effort will never be in vain. To my four sisters, Patricia Ofori Serwaa, Patience Ofori-Atta, Cynthia

Ofori-Atta and Diana Ofori Pokuaa, I thank you all for you assistance, encouragement and prayers.

I would like to extend a hand of gratitude to Afia Pokuaa (Vim Lady), Adom FM,

Accra, Ghana and Kwasi Boateng for their assistance in the gathering of my data

without it I couldn’t have come out with this dissertation. They were readily available whenever I called on them.

Finally, I thank my District Pastor of the Church of Pentecost, USA, INC, Samuel

Koomson, the immediate past District Pastor, Joseph Adarkwa, Elders Karl Badu,

Samuel Odame, Stephen Frimpong, Daniel Abakah, Emmanuel Anaafi, Eric Boateng,

Samuel Mamfo for their prayers and support in my four year stay in Florida.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... 4

LIST OF TABLES ...... 9

LIST OF FIGURES ...... 10

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... 11

ABSTRACT ...... 13

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 15

1.1 Motivations and Background of the Study ...... 15 1.2 Purpose of the Study ...... 18 1.3 Research Questions ...... 19 1.4 The Genre of Insult ...... 20 1.5 Literature Review: Ethnography of Insults in Ghana ...... 22 1.6 Tracing Political Discourse in the Media; the Road to Freedom of Speech in Ghana ...... 32 1.7 Political Parties in Ghana ...... 36 1.7.1 The New Patriotic Party (NPP) ...... 36 1.7.2 The National Democratic Congress (NDC) ...... 37 1.8 The Linguistic Situation in Ghana ...... 38 1.8.1 Akan ...... 38 1.8.2 English ...... 41 1.9 Dissertation Layout ...... 41

2 METHODOLOGY AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 45

2.1 Overview ...... 45 2.2 Methodology ...... 45 2.3 Theoretical Framework ...... 48 2.3.1 Critical Discourse Analysis ...... 48 2.3.2 Media Discourse Analysis ...... 53 2.3.3 Approaches in Critical Discourse Analysis ...... 59 2.3.3.1 Wodak’s Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) ...... 59 2.3.3.2 Van Dijk’s Socio-cognitive Approach ...... 61 2.3.3.3 Fairclough’s Social-discoursal Approach ...... 64 2.3.4 Model of analysis ...... 67 2.3.4.1 Lexicalization and predication ...... 68 2.3.4.2 Presupposition ...... 70 2.3.4.3 Metaphor/simile ...... 72

2.3.4.4 Proverbs ...... 74 2.3.4.5 Verbal process ...... 77 2.3.4.6 Intertextuality ...... 79 2.3.4.7 Topics ...... 82 2.4 Critical Terms in CDA ...... 83 2.4.1 Power ...... 83 2.4.2 Ideology ...... 85 2.4.3 Voice ...... 87 2.5 Summary ...... 87

3 TEXTUAL ANALYSIS ...... 91

3.1 Overview ...... 91 3.2 Lexicalization and Predication ...... 91 3.2.1 Lexicalization and predication used by ordinary citizens ...... 91 3.2.1.1 Infantalization of politicians ...... 92 3.2.1.2 Animalization of politicians ...... 99 3.2.1.3 Insanity and mental health of politicians...... 105 3.2.1.4 Innocuous insults ...... 108 3.2.2 Lexicalization and predication used by pro-NPP and NDC newspapers 109 3.3 Presupposition ...... 117 3.3.1 Presupposition used by ordinary citizens ...... 117 3.3.2 Presuppositions used by pro-NPP and NDC newspapers ...... 119 3.4 Metaphor/simile ...... 123 3.5 Proverbs ...... 127 3.6 Verbal process ...... 130 3.7 Summary ...... 131

4 DISCURSIVE PRACTICE ANALYSIS ...... 153

4.1 Overview ...... 153 4.2 Intertextuality ...... 153 4.2.1 Ordinary Citizens’ Intertextuality ...... 154 4.2.2 Pro-NPP and NDC newspapers intertextuality ...... 160 4.3 Topic ...... 166 4.3.1 The Economy ...... 166 4.3.1.1 Ordinary citizens’ metaphors of disorder and the economy ...... 166 4.3.1.2 NPP and NDC newspapers selection of insults targeted at the economy ...... 170 4.3.2 Corruption ...... 171 4.3.2.1 Ordinary citizens’ insults on corruption...... 171 4.3.2.2 NPP and NDC newspapers report of insults on corruption ...... 175 4.3.3 Ethnic politics ...... 176 4.3.4 Drugs ...... 177 4.4 Summary ...... 178

5 DISCUSSION: SOCIAL-PRACTICE ANALYSIS ...... 190

5.1 Overview ...... 190 5.2 Media, Power, Voice and Ordinary Citizens ...... 191 5.3 Therapeutic Function of Ordinary Citizens Discourse ...... 196 5.4 NPP and NDC Newspapers Polarization at the Textual level ...... 197 5.5 NPP and NDC Newspapers Polarization at the Discursive Practice Level ..... 201 5.6 Explicit Insults in Spoken and Written Text ...... 205 5.6 Summary ...... 207

6 FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION ...... 209

6.1 Overview ...... 209 6.2 Findings ...... 209 6.3 Theoretical Reflections ...... 211 6.4 Study Limitations and Implications for Future Research ...... 213

APPENDIX

A PHONE-INS FROM ORDINARY CITIZENS ...... 215

B ONLINE COMMENTARY FROM ORDINARY CITIZENS ...... 221

C ARTICLES FROM NPP NEWSPAPERS ...... 225

D ARTICLES FROM NDC NEWSPAPERS ...... 235

LIST OF REFERENCES ...... 244

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 253

LIST OF TABLES

Table page

2-1 NPP and NDC newspapers ...... 89

2-2 Describing/attributing positive actions (van Dijk, 1995: 144) ...... 89

2-3 Types of presupposition (Wodak, 2002; 2007) ...... 89

2-4 Ordinary citizen’s simile ...... 90

3-1 Ingroup to outgroup lexicalization and predicational insults ...... 134

3-2 Outgroup to ingroup lexicalization and predicational insults ...... 136

3-3 Outgroup to outgroup lexicalization and predicational insults ...... 138

3-4 Non-politicians to outgroup lexicalization and predicational insults ...... 140

3-5 Newspapers’ lexicalization and predicational insults to the outgroup ...... 141

3-6 Naming ...... 143

3-7 Presupposition ...... 144

3-8 Verbal process ...... 147

3-9 Caller’s simile ...... 152

3-10 Caller’s metaphor ...... 152

3-11 Summary of NPP and NDC verbal process ...... 152

4-1 Direct quotes on intertextuality ...... 180

4-2 Strategic quotation or scare quotes on intertextuality ...... 184

4-3 Indirect quotation on intertextuality ...... 186

4-4 Topics on the economy ...... 187

4-5 Topics on corruption ...... 187

4-6 Topics on ethnic politics ...... 188

4-7 Topics on drugs ...... 188

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

4-1 Bauman’s implicational relationship of mediational routines ...... 189

4-2 Citizen’s implicational relationship of mediational routines ...... 189

C-1 An article on October 5, 2012: The Daily Searchlight ...... 225

C-2 An article on July 19, 2012: The Chronicle ...... 226

C-3 An article on October 5, 2012: The Daily Searchlight ...... 227

C-4 An article on October 2, 2012: The Daily Searchlight ...... 228

C-5 An article on October 2, 2012: The Daily Searchlight ...... 229

C-6 An article on November 5, 2012: The Chronicle ...... 230

C-7 An article on April 3, 2012: The New Statesman ...... 231

C-8 An article on April 3, 2012: The New Statesman ...... 232

C-9 An article on April 3, 2012: The New Statesman ...... 233

C-10 An article on October 5, 2012: The Daily Searchlight ...... 234

D-1 An article on August 16, 2012: The Al-Hajj ...... 235

D-2 An article on February 23, 2012: The Al-Hajj ...... 236

D-3 An article on July 20, 2012: Ghana Palaver ...... 237

D-4 An article on September 16, 2012: Ghana Palaver ...... 238

D-5 An article on November 20, 2012: Ghana Palaver ...... 239

D-6 An article on August 27-28, 2012: Ghana Palaver ...... 240

D-7 An article on March 5, 2012: The Al-Hajj ...... 241

D-8 An article on December 6, 2012: The National Democrat ...... 242

D-9 An article on June 20-21, 2012: Ghana Palaver ...... 243

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

TERM: Definition

CAFM Christian Action Faith Ministries

CDA Critical Discourse Analysis

CL Critical Linguistics

CRC Constitutional Review Committee

DHA Discourse-Historical Approach

FM Frequency Moderation

GIBA Ghana Independent Broadcasters Association

GSS Ghana Statistical Service

GTV Ghana Television

ICGC International Central Gospel Church

ISA Ideological State Apparatus

MFWA Media Foundation for West Africa

MP Member of Parliament

MTN Mobile Telephone Network

NLC National Liberation Council

NDC National Democratic Congress

NMC National Media Commission

NPP New Patriotic Party

PAC Public Accounts Committee

PFP Popular Front Party

PNDC Provisional National Defence Council

PNP Peoples National Party

PP Progress Party

SC Supreme Court

SFL Systemic Functional Linguistics

SHS Senior High School

TI Transparency International

UAE United Arab Emirates

UGCC United Gold Coast Convention

UP United Party

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THE USE OF INSULTS IN GHANAIAN POLITICAL DISCOURSE: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

Emmanuel Amo Ofori

August 2015

Chair: Diana Boxer Cochair: Fiona McLaughlin Major: Linguistics

Insult is a verbal behavior that is usually frowned upon in any civilized society.

Many scholars have argued that insults are meant to cause mental pain,

embarrassment, and disgrace (Agyekum, 2004); they are a violation of the principles of

politeness (Leech, 1983); and they are face-threatening acts (Brown and Levinson,

1987). Therefore, they may be considered in many societies as socially unacceptable.

In this study, however, I argue that the use of insults in Ghanaian political discourse is a

means by which ordinary citizens challenge the existing social power, by infantilizing

political authority, and animalizing politicians. I further argue that some of the insults are

innocuous; they merely poke fun at people in authority. That is to say, they are ways of

diffusing tension in the midst of economic hardships and challenges, such as access to

electricity and water. This study therefore addresses the following questions: (1) how do

ordinary citizens use insults to challenge the existing social power? (2) Where do

ordinary citizens derive this power from to insult and challenge political authority? (3)

What are the underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in pro-NPP and NDC

newspapers? (4) How explicit is the use of insults in spoken and written text? To

achieve these ends, I adopt Fairclough’s (1989) three-dimensional approach to the study of discourse, that is, discourse-as-text, discourse-as-discursive-practice and discourse-as-social practice. Drawing on these three layers of analysis, I link text to context, and especially employ the sociopolitical and cultural context to link the entire discourse to the society in general. By studying the sociopolitical and cultural context, the analysis reveals media empowerment of the powerless in society to make their voices heard in political discussion to the extent of insulting and challenging the existing social power. Also by employing van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square, the study reveals the ideological differences and political spin in the representation of insults in both NPP and NDC newspapers.

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Motivations and Background of the Study

Ghana is a democratic country, and this has earned the West African country an enviable recognition in the world. Ghana experienced her stable democratic dispensation in 1992 after a series of military take-overs/coup d’états from the period of independence until 1992 (4th republic). Democratic practices in Ghana are still at the

infant stages and therefore it could be considered as an emerging democratic state.

Since 1993, political discussions in the country have centered on various topics, such as the economy, social policies, employment, youth development, education, national security, and health.

However, in recent years, politics in Ghanaian political discourse has become a

discourse of personal attack, vilification, and insults. There has been an extraordinary

public concern on the recent surge of insults in Ghanaian political discourse. Some of

the concerns are from the media, civil society, academia, leaders of political parties,

chiefs, opinion leaders, the current president and ex-presidents, and the clergy. The

head of the Department of linguistics at the university of Ghana was quoted in the Daily

Graphic (2012) bemoaning the fact that the Ghanaian media have become a platform

where insults between political parties are exchanged. He noted, “The overall effect of

the common practice of political invectives is that we are establishing a political tradition

where insults have taken the place of polite language.” He made this comment at an

inaugural lecture he gave at the University of Ghana on the topic: “Kasapa –

Kasahuam” Polite Language: Towards perfect communication, national cohesion and

peaceful co-existence.” The current President of Ghana, John Mahama, is also reported

to have joined the Eastern Region House of Chiefs to condemn the politics of insults and vilification in the country’s political landscape (www.radiogoldlive.com). The Media

Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) also releases a weekly report to the general public on shaming politicians who are involved in the politics of insults. The main aim of the

MFWA is “promoting issues-based and decent language campaigning for a peaceful, free and fair elections in Ghana in 2012,” and beyond. The project basically involves a comprehensive daily monitoring of campaign language or expressions by politicians and activists on specific radio programs such as morning shows, and political discussions across the country. They also assess the conduct of the radio stations that are being monitored. Politicians and activists found culpable of using insults are put to shame. If a country can go to the extent of shaming politicians involved in politics of insults, then it shows how the issue of intemperate language has become entrenched in Ghanaian political discourse. However, I argue that while insult has its own ramifications on society, in a broader context it is a means by which ordinary citizens challenge the existing social power, infantilize politicians, and animalize political authority in Ghanaian political discourse. I also discuss where ordinary citizens derive this power from to challenge the existing social power. The argument is broadened to capture the underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in pro-New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC) newspapers. I further compare and contrast

the use of insults in the newspapers. Finally, I also compare the use of explicit insults in spoken and written text.

The media in Ghana create the avenue for ordinary citizens to make their voices heard on radio and Internet. Most of the political programs of the radio stations are

structured in such a way that they are broadcast through affiliate FM stations and communication centers across the country, and thus offer Ghanaian citizens both home and abroad the opportunity to contribute to political discussions through phone-ins, SMS messages, and online commentaries. The phone-ins and online commentaries serve as platforms for ordinary Ghanaians to challenge political authority and power abuse. The media, therefore, has become an important avenue that gives voice to and empowers ordinary citizens to participate in political discourse in Ghana.

Many have argued that the surge of insults in Ghanaian political discussions is due to the liberalization of the media in Ghana (Owusu, 2012; Marfo, 2014). This stems from the fact that before 1992, Ghana did not have many radio stations, television, newspapers and online websites. Currently, there are numerous radio stations and newspapers in Ghana, and most of the insults emanate from politicians through these media outlets. These outlets have their own interest in promoting certain ideologies and political positions. This is seen in how they present their audience with “a steady supply of problems and crises, and it may be in their interest to exaggerate a problem, fostering the impression that there is a crisis and not just business as usual” (Cameron, 2012:

83). It may seem that they are alerting the public to the surge of intemperate language; however, it is a subtle way of promoting an ideology or political position. Therefore the representation of insults from opponents is publicized or foregrounded not to alert the public to the problem of insults, but to put a political spin on it. The us versus them dichotomy can be seen in media reportage of insults in pro-NPP and NDC newspapers.

Thus, van Dijk’s (1998) concept of ideological square, which is expressed in terms of emphasizing the positive actions of what a media institution considers the ingroup and

deemphasizing its negative actions, while, on the other hand, deemphasizing the

positive actions of the outgroup, and emphasizing its negative actions is applied in the

analysis of the use of insults in Ghanaian political discourse. The ideological square is

discussed thoroughly in section 2.3.3.2.

In Ghana, politicians own some of the radio stations and newspapers used to

disseminate the ideology and philosophy of their respective political parties. This is an

attempt on the part of the political parties to control the media. The fact is different

groups compete in order to control the media as an “instrument of social power, or an

Ideological State Apparatus (ISA)” in the sense of Althusser (1971), to legitimate and

naturalize their ideologies, beliefs, and values (van Dijk, 1995). Anyone who controls the

media to some extent controls the minds of its listeners. This is because the media is

seen as major source of information.

1.2 Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to examine critically how the powerless (ordinary citizens) in Ghanaian society use insults to challenge and undermine the existing social power. The analysis is extended to cover underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in pro-NPP and NDC newspapers in Ghana. Moreover, comparison is made between spoken and written text to ascertain the explicit use of insults. To achieve these ends, Fairclough’s three-dimensional approach to the study of discourse is adopted, that is, discourse-as-text; discourse-as-discursive-practice; and discourse-as- social practice. Drawing on these three layers of analysis, I link text to context, and especially employ the sociopolitical and the cultural context to link the entire discourse to Ghanaian society in general. By studying the sociopolitical and cultural context, the analysis reveals the trajectory of the use of insults in major festivals and games and

their regulatory and restorative functions. It also shows the media empowerment of the

powerless in society to make their voices heard in political discussions by going to the

extent of insulting and challenging politicians, pointing to the fact that Ghanaian society

is changing.

Utilizing van Dijk’s (1998) framework of ideological square, the study seeks to

explain the ideological differences and political spin in the representation of insults in

both NPP and NDC newspapers with regard to the Us/Them representation of ingroup

and outgroup. I further compare and contrast the use of insults in the newspapers to

find out the considerable difference in the use of explicit insults in spoken and written

data.

1.3 Research Questions

The analysis of this study is based on the following questions:

1. How do ordinary citizens use insults to challenge and attempt to undermine the existing social power in Ghanaian political discourse?

2. Where do ordinary citizens derive this power from to challenge the existing social power?

3. What are the underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in pro-NPP and NDC newspapers? a. How are insults represented in pro-NPP newspapers? b. How are insults represented in pro-NDC newspapers?

4. How explicit is the use of insults in spoken and written text?

The following sub-questions are linguistic tools and phenomena that will be used

to answer the above questions:

1. At the textual level, what kind of lexicalizations and predications, presuppositions, metaphors/simile, proverbs and verbal processes are used in the representation of insults in Ghanaian political discourse?

2. At the discursive level, what kind of intertextuality and topics are used in the representation of insults in Ghanaian political discourse?

1.4 The Genre of Insult

Insult is considered as a special “genre of discourse on purely linguistic grounds”

(Samarin, 1969: 324). This means that it can be listed with proverbs and riddles, and other linguistic routines such as greetings, expression of gratitude, thanking, apology and recounting one’s mission. Insults have structure, that is to say they have topic, form and context of use.

The topic involves speaking ill of not only a person’s physical characteristics, but also moral intellectual of the target, which at times compels the target to respond with an equal measure or more offensive words. It also looks at the abusive nature of insults.

Some of the insults are indirect. For example nimdeεfoɔ no nyinaa wɔ New Patriotic

Party which means “All the intelligent people are in New Patriotic Party.” Others may be spelled out or direct. The latter could be in the form of pejorative terms like bad or dirty.

For example, wo ho fi which means “your dirty body or a dirty person.”

According to Samarin (1969) the form of insults may be relatively short, consisting of/or it could be two or three sentences or more. It could also be just a word, phrase or body gesture. The core of insults is a characterization of “some part of the target’s body or his/her actions; this may be preceded or followed by other utterances appropriate to the situation” (Samarin, 1969: 325). For example, ‘‘if I am to reveal

Anita’s character in Kumasi, I am not sure she can sit in the studio. My own friend has slept with her before. Ask her what her real name is…Jemimah Soso used to be her name, as to what made her change it, let her inform us.’’ This excerpt was an exchange between New Patriotic Party-Deputy communicator and National Democratic Congress- women organizer. It portrays the NDC women organizer as promiscuous.

Body gesture could be tapping the head with the forefinger to indicate to the target that he/she is mad. In addition, “the description of the person being abused is achieved grammatically by the use of descriptive adverbs and similes” (Samarin, 1969:

325). For example, “wo ti te sε ankaa” meaning “your head is like an orange.”

The context in which insults are used varies. Contexts of insults may be face-to-

face where the participants stand in proximity to one another. In political discussions, it

could be on the radio, phone-ins on the radio, on television, in press conferences, in

print media (newspapers or online) and on political platforms. Besides these contexts,

Agyekum (2010) categorizes Akan insults into six (6) types based on various contextual

situation: animal names, types of disease, ethnicity and tribe, personal behavior and

profession, sexual organs, part of the body, and religion.

There are various definitions of insult. According to Aristotle “Insult is

belittlement. For an insult consists of doing or saying such things as involve shame for

the victim, not for some advantage to oneself other than these have been done but for

the fun of it” (Aristotle Rhetoric cited in Yiannis, 1998). Aristotle’s definition of insult

focuses on shame, for the fun of it, and it is a form of belittling the target.

Yiannis (1998: 3) defines insults as “a behavior or discourse, oral or written,

which is perceived, experienced, constructed and at all times intended as slighting,

humiliating, or offensive. Insult can also be verbal, consisting of mocking invective,

cutting remarks, negative stereotypes, rudeness or straight swearing.”

In this dissertation, the working definition adopted is a modification of Yiannis

(1998: 3) social psychology definition of insults. I therefore define insult as:

A behavior or discourse, oral or written, direct or indirect, gestural or non- gestural, which is perceived, experienced, constructed and most of the time intended as slighting, humiliating, or offensive, which has the potential of psychologically affecting not only the addressee or target but his/her associates.

This definition should not be taken as a universal one because there is no

universal measure of insults. The yardstick to measure insults differs from society to

society and also from one culture to another.

1.5 Literature Review: Ethnography of Insults in Ghana

Ethnography of speaking is a branch of linguistics that is primarily focused on the

description and analysis of culture. Hymes (1962) proposed a discipline which situated the patterns of communication behavior as one of the core tenets or systems of culture.

That is to say, the interrelation between language and culture undoubtedly cannot be underestimated in communication. The two (language and culture) go hand in hand.

The ethnography of speaking, also known as ethnography of communication (Saville-

Troike, 1982) has two foci: particularistic and generalizing. By particularistic, it means that various attempts are made to describe and understand communicative behavior in

specific cultural settings. Generalization on the other hand, is about developing a global

theory of human communication.

One of the general questions that drives the understanding of ethnography of

communication is: ‘‘what does a speaker need to know to communicate appropriately

within a particular speech community, and how does he or she learn?’’ (Saville-Troike,

1982: 2). Speakers’ communicative competence has been analyzed as one of the key elements to communicating appropriately within a particular speech community.

Communicative competence therefore “is the requisite knowledge which includes not only rules for communication (both linguistic and sociolinguistic) and shared rules for

interaction, but also cultural rules and knowledge that are the basis for the context and

content of communicative event and interaction processes” (Saville-Troike, 1982: 3).

This concept was proposed by Hymes (1972) to bring into perspective certain facts

which were not accounted for in Chomsky’s definition of communicative competence: “if

we hope to understand human language and the psychological capacities on which it

rests, we must first ask what it is, not how or for what purpose it is used.” Hymes (1972),

in response to this definition, argued that what language is cannot be separated from

how and why it is used, and that considerations of use are often a prerequisite to the

recognition and understanding of much linguistic form. Thus ethnography of communication takes language first and foremost as a socially situated cultural form, while recognizing the necessity to analyze the code itself and the cognitive processes of its speakers and hearers (Hymes, 1972; Saville-Troike, 1982). Similarly, Yankah (1995) argues that Akan and the broader Ghanaian culture, like, Dell Hymes, do not support the idea that grammatical knowledge should be the only foundation for language learning, rather the sociocultural rules governing the use of language are considered equally significant.

For an ethnographic example in the Akan culture, we can consider the ritual on

the birth of a child (Yankah, 1995), where the Akan child is initiated into the sociocultural

rules and norms of communication of the society. Yankah further states on the eighth day, after a child is born, the child is taken outdoors for the performance of a naming ceremony. During this ceremony, the child’s tongue is initiated into “the moral values of

speaking” (Yankah, 1995: 46). Three drops of water and liquor are dropped onto the tongue of the child. This initiates the child into the essence of “truthful and discrete

speech, the need for care, truth, firmness, and social sensitivities in the exercise of the spoken word” (Yankah, 1995: 46). The child is also supposed to “demonstrate sensitivities to the vagaries of social experience, and the need to comply with the cultural rules of communication” (Yankah, 1995: 46). This shows that right from infancy the Akan child is symbolically initiated into the traditional discourse norms of the society.

The child has access to free speech but with restrictions or checks, which must be in consonance with the sociocultural norms of the speech community he/she belongs to.

Do not insult an elderly person or people in power, especially in public, is a basic principle of conduct that is inculcated into every Ghanaian child. Coupled with biblical teachings, which state “Honor your father and mother, so that you may live long in the land your Lord God is giving you” (Exodus 20: 12 New International Version). These socio-cultural norms of communication are ingrained in Ghanaian society. Thus, insult is a verbal behavior that is not entertained in Ghanaian society.

Many scholars have argued that insults are meant to cause mental pain, embarrassment, and disgrace (Agyekum, 2004); they are a violation of the principles of politeness (Leech, 1983); and they are a face-threatening act (Brown and Levinson,

1987). Therefore, they may be considered in many societies as socially unacceptable.

However, there are festivals and games in some communities in Africa where people freely use insults. Months, weeks and days are set aside in which social norms are reversed or suspended, and verbal and non-verbal behaviors that are normally taboo allowed (Yankah 1998). People have license during those periods to expunge any pent up feelings they may have harbored for the past year, and openly criticize and insult

political deviants. Though insults are considered taboo, at these times people use them freely without any restrictions.

Agbovi (1987, 1995) puts acceptable insults into two traditional groups: institutionalized and non-institutionalized. The institutionalized ones can further be grouped into the occasional and non-occasional; the non-institutionalized is made up of verbal and non-verbal forms of communication.

The occasional ones are the ones in which people use insults as part of yearly celebration of the festivals or events. For example, “the Apoɔ festival is a feast of eight days, which is accompanied with all manner of singing, skipping, dancing, mirth, and jollity in which time a perfect lampooning of liberty is allowed, and scandal so highly exalted, that they may freely sing of all the faults, villainies and frauds of their superiors as well as inferiors without any punishment” (Rattray, 1923: 151). During this festival, even women and children who are not normally given the opportunity to express themselves are permitted to openly point to the ills and the scandals of the society.

Agyekum (2010: 140) points to the fact that the festival period is the time when “the attention of the rulers is drawn to some of the faults of their administration, so that they start taking corrective measures to rectify the shortcomings of the society after the festival.” In most cases, there is a creation and recreation of insults depending on the happenings in the year. If the chief or elders did something abominable or unprecedented, then a new insult is created. When the issues raised in the course of the festival are not addressed or heeded by the rulers, they are revisited in the ensuing year until subjects see change regarding the issue. Thus, this festival marks the beginning of free speech and democratic governance, which allows the rulers to have

full support of their subordinates. It must, however, be mentioned that the “social norms are frozen within the period of the festival, after which all social norms and courtesies are restored” (Yankah, 1998: 20-21). Though this festival to some extent empowers the powerless, it is for a very short period of time in very controlled circumstances. Subjects have only eight days in a year to review the performances of their leaders.

Similarly, the kundum festival of the Nzemas (ethnic group in Ghana) creates a platform for the people to openly criticize the deeds of their rulers and elders in songs and poems. The idea behind this is to critically examine and assess the performances of the rulers for the general good and aspiration of the people. According to Agbovi

(1995), this festival exhibits the principle of leadership, the uses and abuses of power and relationship between the ruler and the ruled. These are often evoked in applying the criteria of good governance. Though this festival also empowers the powerless, it is also for a specific limited period of time.

In terms of the non-occasional insults, Awoonor (1975) and Anyidoho (1988) discuss the Halo festival of Anlo Ewes in the Volta region of Ghana, and report how

“rival villages in the past settled their differences annually through the use of poetic invectives” (Yankah, 1998: 21). This event was earmarked to avert any potentially undesirable situations, which in normal circumstances could have led to war between and among the villages. The insults are among rival villages with the core function of averting any undesirable occurrences, and therefore cannot be used outside the perimeters of the rival villages. Insults used beyond the restrictive domains have their socio-cultural repercussions; one can be punished for using them or the ‘insultee’ can take offense.

In addition, there are verbal and speech games in traditional African societies

that allow people to express themselves freely. The Akans have a game called the

aborɔme. It is an invective game played among peers. The general rule of this game is

posing questions to one another for correct answers to some riddles, which are eventually meant to insult the addressee (Agyekum, 2010). If the addressee is able to

find the right answers, he then poses the riddle to the opponent, and this ensures the

continuity of the game. The expressions are basically used to tease one another.

There is another verbal game called the anyansini (Sekyi Baidoo, 1998;

Agyekum, 2010). This game is normally played among ethnic groups or participants with mutual historical relationship or affiliation (Agyekum, 2010). A typical example is an abusive game that exists between Nzemas and Asantes in Ghana. When they meet one another, they literally engage in insults and counter insults, and this is done irrespective of the social status or differences (age, sex, rank) of the participants. There is a similar verbal abuse game between the Gonjas of Northern Ghana and the Kasenas of the

Upper East region of Ghana. Another exists between Frafra and Dargarti of the Upper

East and Upper West regions of Ghana respectively (Agyekum, 2010).

Furthermore, games like dame “drafts” (checkers in American English), ntεtoɔ

“playing marbles,” ludu and oware exist in the Ghanaian society where opponents insult

one another freely without any inhibition. The insult is a diversionary tactic to confuse

the opponent so that “he loses concentration and eventually loses the game” (Agyekum,

2010: 140). Because of the insulting nature of such games, Akan chiefs are not allowed

to play them so that people will not use the game as an opportunity to insult them freely.

It must be mentioned that during these games the norms governing speech behavior

are waived, and opponents can insult and use any abusive language without any fear or

favor.

In a similar vein but in another cultural context, Irvine (1993) reports on verbal

abuse in a Wolof village in Senegal where co-wives get the chance to express their

hostility and fear they feel in the form of ritual insults to the newcomer. Such

expressions are seen as a compliment for the newcomer because it implies that she is a

genuine rival for male attention and respect (Irvine, 1993). In all these situations, the

insults have restricted usage, and cannot be used outside the domain of the games.

The non-institutionalized insults, as mentioned above, consist of verbal and non- verbal forms of communication (Agbovi, 1987; 1995). The non-verbal form of insults is common among women. This is due to the social constraints in traditional African societies, which inhibit them from communicating freely. This, however, has led to some social innovation in that women have created other avenues to express their opinions and pent up feelings. Akan women, for instance, use garments and waist beads as a

channel for the silent projection of arguments. Some of these garments are used to

insult other women or rivals. Yankah (1995: 81) points to “the use of garments as a

mode of argument by women exists in most African cultures. It is found not only in

Ghana, but also in Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Zaire (Now Democratic Republic

of Congo) and other African countries.” It is also found in the Caribbean among the

Paramaribo of Surinam (Amory, 1985).

Verbal insults according to Sakyi-Baidoo (2008) are invectives used among people of equality and intimacy, that is, among friends or colleagues such as politicians, professors, directors of firms and agencies, headmasters, drivers, traders, soldiers,

soccer players, and doctors. Some types of insults are acceptable within these social

networks. The insult is seen as one of the many things that bind them together. It has

become part of their day-to-day interaction and its absence is seen as not normal. This

is because members have consented to insult and be insulted. The main purpose of

these insults within the groups is to maintain “social cohesion and group identity” (Sakyi-

baidoo, 2008: 1). The rules of engagement in the use of insults among members are

tacitly known to all of them; if someone contravenes the rules or applies them to a non-

group member, the appropriate sanctions are applied. That is to say, the insult is meant

to be used among the group members and cannot be extended beyond the borders of

the group.

Similarly, in the U.S, Labov’s (1972) study on ‘playing the dozen’ or ‘sounding’

ritual insults of the African Americans of Harlem shows that traditional insult is a verbal

art which is recognized and evaluated for its artistry. It makes use of couplet,

conventional formulae, and syntactic forms. However, he cautions that this art can

degenerate into pain and fighting in cases where the conventions of the game are not

followed.

Bringing all these permissible insults into perspective, Agbovi (1985) argues that

“these traditions of institutionalized and non-institutionalized insults are some form of

creative tool for defining the moral priorities and the direction of a culture” (cited in

Sakyi-Baidoo, 2008: 5). Yankah (1998) also points out the restorative and regulatory functions of the tradition of institutionalized insult in Apoɔ festival. He further states that

“the publicization of social flaws through abuse is expected to lead to the reformation of wayward behavior for the general good” (1998: 23). Brempong and Warren’s (1979; 88)

study on Apoɔ festival and Awoonor’s (1975) research in Halo insults arrive at the same conclusion. According to Sakyi-Baidoo (2008: 6), the non-institutionalized insults are

“inimical to social cohesion whereas the institutionalized ones are permitted but in a well defined cultural framework which ensures that it is the only way of protesting against aberrant behavior for the general benefit of society.”

These traditions of institutionalized or non-institutionalized insults show that there is a limit as to when one is allowed to use insults. Insults have restrictive operational parameters beyond which socio-cultural norms are imposed. The Apoɔ as well as the

Kudum festivals that license the powerless in society to insult their leaders is for a very limited period of time. Games that give liberty to people to insult are also operational within those specific games. Members of a particular social network cannot use their insults outside the domain of the network. These traditions especially the festivals, to some extent, point to the power asymmetry in Ghanaian society. Power is invested in people in authority such as chiefs, elders, politicians and many others. These people wield a lot of power, and thus for an ordinary citizen to make unsavory comments

about/to them is considered disrespectful and unacceptable. The powerless in society do not have the right to insult the powerful or people in authority even when they deserve it; it is only in limited situations, as mentioned above, that the powerless have the license to do so.

However, Ghanaian society has changed drastically to the extent that through the power of the media, ordinary citizens in democratic Ghana insult politicians on radio and on the Internet. Radio stations are spread across the length and breadth of country.

Political discussions are broadcast via affiliate stations to most parts of Ghana, and

through Internet radio to those abroad. Ghanaians at home and abroad are able to

contribute to political discourse via phone-ins, SMS, and online commentaries. Various

platforms are created for the powerless in society to contribute to political discussions.

This allows for the participation of ordinary citizens in political life, and transforms the

audience from “passive observers into active participants in the creation of news and

the dissemination of messages” (Owen, 1997: 334). As part of their contribution, some

of them insult politicians for the bad state of the country and abuse of power. There is

no time frame or culturally acceptable or appropriate context for one to insult politicians.

When callers are given the opportunity to call into the program or use any of the online websites, they could make such comments. It must, however, be mentioned that some

radio stations censor people insulting politicians or using vulgar language. Other online

websites, for instance peacefmonline, also block intemperate language used by commenters.

These insults do not have a place within the various traditions (institutionalized and non-institutionalized) because they are unacceptable and not permitted based on the conservative nature and the cultural priorities of Ghanaian society. Various stakeholders in politics in Ghana, especially MFWA, frown upon them. Scholars such as

Marfo (2014) have also pointed out the negative ramifications of politics of insults. His paper on “thinking peace, democracy and politics of insults: the paradox of freedom and culture of violence,” talks about how the freedom of speech in Ghana is breeding a culture of violence, which has the potential of robbing Ghanaians of the peace they are enjoying. He further states that irresponsible freedom of speech has resulted in all forms of negative verbal expressions peddled in the newspapers and on radio, and “such

development has exposed the weakness of the country’s democracy” (Marfo, 2014:

528). His analysis is situated in the context of insults, politics and violence in Ghanaian political discourse. Agyekum (2004; 2010) discussion on insults hinges on the broader analysis of the use of “invective language in Ghanaian politics.” He also focuses his argument on insults as verbal taboos in Akan society. As will be seen in the analysis of this dissertation, the insults being discussed in this study serve varied functions, such as (1) challenging the existing social power; (2) infantilizing politicians; (3) animalizing political authority; (4) showing the mental health of politicians; and (5) some of the insults are innocuous and have therapeutic functions. Also, the platforms that the media offer give voice and empower ordinary citizens to participate in political discourse in

Ghana.

1.6 Tracing Political Discourse in the Media; the Road to Freedom of Speech in Ghana

The Ghanaian media has had a checkered history before independence in 1957 and post independence. They have gone through various struggles ranging from imprisonment without trial of journalists, media house closures and in some cases facing the ultimate punishment in life, which is death. Therefore, the renewed path towards democracy and press freedom in 1992 was a breather for journalists.

Jones-Quartey (1974) states that before Ghana gained independence there were forty (40) newspapers in operation between 1931 and 1956; however, on the day of independence (March 6, 1957) the number had plummeted to 11. This was due to the fact that the colonial government passed media law in 1892 as well as the Book and newspaper Registeration Ordinance in 1897 “to deal with ‘rascals’ in the colony”

(Owusu, 2012: 24).

When Ghana gained independence, the then elected first president, Dr. Kwame

Nkrumah did not abolish the book and newspaper registeration laws passed by the colonial government. He, however, used the law to frustrtate his perceived political opponents (Owusu, 2012) for publishing libelious comments about him. Nkrumah’s

government further enected laws such as the Criminal Code Act 29, 1960, which

empowered the Minister of Information to block newspaper publication purported to slight the government of the day (Jones-Quartey, 1974).

After the National Liberation Council (NLM) staged a joint military and police coup that overthrew Nkrumah in 1966, they pursued newspapers, journalist and media stations with the same ideological leanings as Convention People’s Party (Owusu,

2012). The NLM did not stay in power for long. They organized elections in 1969, which

brought the Progress Party (PP) to power led by Prof. Kofi Abrefa Busia as the Prime

Minister of the second republic. Busia’s governement was considered to be media

friendly because they reviewed and “repealed various acts of the media laws” passed

by the colonial government and Nkrumah to deter journalists (Owusu, 2012: 28). Busia’s

government, however could not stand the test of time, his own bodyguard, General I. K.

Acheampong in 1972, overthrew him. Acheampong’s government “reinstated strict

media control and chased opposition outlets” (Owusu, 2012: 28).

General W.K. Akuffo overthrew Acheampong in what is described as the

bloodless palace coup in 1978. He reversed some of the strict media laws enacted by

his predecessor and even went to the extent of releasing jailed journalist and opposition

party members. This led to the establishment of two party newspapers in 1978: the star

of the Popular Front Party (PFP) and the Gong Gong of the People’s National (PNP) as a renewed path towards the return to civilian rule (Owusu, 2012).

Akuffo’s government was short lived. The Armed Forces Revolutionary Council

(AFRC) led by Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings ousted him. The AFRC reinstated strict media laws that had been repealed by Akuffo. They, however, supervised the election of the third republic in 1979, which brought Dr. Hilla Limann and his People’s Natioal

Convention (PNC) to power. Limann was very much committed to media reforms and went ahead to establish a twelve (12) member Press Commission on July 25, 1980

(Owusu, 2012).

President Hilla Limann was overthrown in 1981 by Flt. Lt. Rawlings in 1981.

Rawlings formed the provision National Defence Council (PNDC). He scrapped liberal media reforms initiated by President Limann and implemented strict and repressive media laws (Owusu, 2012). It was also during this period that the “culture of silence” was in effect (Smith and Temin, 2002: 588). The PNDC regime also introduced the

Preventive Custody Law and Newspaper Licensing Law in 1983. The aim of of the latter was that anyone who wanted to publish a newspaper or magazine must obtain license from the Secretary of Information. This law to some extent was a replica of the Book and newspaper Registeration Ordinance passed by the colonial government in 1897 to deal with “sturbbon” journalists.

As part of the roadmap towards the return to democracy and civilian rule, the

1983 Newspaper licensing Law was lifted in May 1992 (Owusu, 2012). Immediately after the repeal, Smith and Temin (2002: 588) record that “three dozens independent private newspapers opened for business, many of them highly critical of the NDC

(successor to the PNDC) during the 1992 elections.” To give more credence to the pivotal role of the media emerging democracies, the 1992 constitution of the republic of

Ghana has a chapter dedicated to the freedom and the independence of the media. In addition, the constitution mandated the establishment of the National Media

Commission (NMC) (Article 166) as the “symbol and custodian of these freedoms”

(Owusu, 2012: 32). This, notwithstanding, the Criminal Libel Law was not taken out of the 1992 constitution. This became a challenge for journalists to express their opinion without looking over their shoulders.

The Criminal Libel law was repealed when the New Patriotic Party (NPP) won the election in 2001. The then president, Kufuor and his NPP promised media freedom to enable journalists to do their work without fear or favor. This respite for journalists led to the proliferation of media outlets. Currently there are about 400 authorized radio stations in virtually every district, and communication centers in almost every village in

Ghana. More than 100 newspapers are in operation as well as about 12 television stations. There are uncountable numbers of websites. This has deepened citizens’ participaption in the day-to-day political discourse in Ghana.

Though the liberalization of the media has led to citizens’ participaption in governance process and political discussions, some Ghanaians also hold the view that the repeal of the Criminal Libel Law has “opened the floodgates for irresponsible journalism” (Owusu, 2012: 12). This is because the media has become a platform for insults and counter insults among politicians and citizens alike. They have also been cited for fanning the flames of ethnic tensions in the country. In the present study, however, we will see that the data show the power the media give to ordinary citizen

enable them to contribute to political discourse in Ghana and insult and challenge the

existing social power and question political authority.

1.7 Political Parties in Ghana

The 1992 constitution of the Republic of Ghana guarantees Ghanaians the right to form political associations, speak freely, choose who to govern the country, and the right to participate in the governance of the country in any forms. Recall that in section

1.1 we mentioned that Ghana has experienced series of military takeovers from 1966 to

1982, which led to dictatorship, abuse of fundamental human rights, stifling of freedom

of speech and associations. Thus, the return to democracy and introduction of the 1992

constitution was a renewed path towards the strengthening of fundamental human

rights, freedom of speech and the development of multi-party democracy. Ninsin (2006)

points to the fact that when the ban on political parties was lifted in May 1992, by

November the same year, 13 political parties had been formed and registered.

However, many of these parties did not survive. Rather, only two of them namely the

National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP) emerged as

the two dominant parties. The subsequent sections elaborate on these two political

parties in Ghana

1.7.1 The New Patriotic Party (NPP)

The NPP, the current party in opposition, emerged from an old political tradition

dating back to the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) and United Party (UP) of the

Danquah-Busia-Dombo tradition. They fought for independence with Dr. Kwame

Nkrumah’s Conventions Peoples Party (CPP). The UGCC and the UP metamorphosed

into NPP in 1992 when the country returned to civilian rule. NPP lost both presidential

and parliamentary elections in 1992 and 1996. They, however, won the 2000 and 2004

elections, and lost to the NDC in 2008 and 2012 in one of the most closely contested

presidential elections in Ghana’s history. The NPP lost by a margin of 0.46% in 2008.

The NPP has its major votes in the Akan dominated regions of Ghana namely

Ashanti, Brong-Ahafo, Eastern, Western, and Central regions. It is, however, not

popular in the Volta, Upper West, Upper East, and the Northern regions. The Greater

Accra region is considered in Ghana’s election as a neutral ground for all the political

parties.

The political ideology of the NPP is that it is a capitalist party and believes in

privitization, rule of law, and democracy. They also believe that micro-economic stability

can be achieved through fiscal prudence, low inflation rate, and low bank interest rates.

Creating an enabling environment for the private sector to flourish is the only way to

encourage the growth of dynamic private sector and create wealth, because it is only

the private sector that can engineer national progress and prosperity (NPP manifesto:

2008). In short, they see the private sector as an engine of growth.

1.7.2 The National Democratic Congress (NDC)

The NDC, the current government in power, “is one of the newest parties in

Ghanaian politics” (Agyekum, 2004: 346). It was formed in 1992 from the Provincial

National Defence Council (PNDC) military regime with Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings as its leader. The PNDC overthrew a constitutional elected government, Peoples National

Party (PNP) that rule Ghana from 1979 to December 31, 1981 and ruled Ghana from

1981 to 1992. During the return to civilian rule, the PNDC metamorphosed to NDC. The

NDC won both 1992 and 1996 elections. They, however, lost to the NPP in 2000 and

2004, and won the 2008 and 2012 elections.

The NDC has majority of its votes from the Volta, Northern, Upper West, and

Upper East regions. It was not popular in the Akan dominated areas, but its gaining

roots in some of the Akan regions such as Brong-Ahafo, Central and Western regions.

The NDC won three out of the five Akan dominated regions in the 2012 presidential

elections.

The political ideology of the NDC is that it is a social democratic party. It believes

in harnessing the power of free market, protecting workers rights, and reducing poverty, while supporting the rule of law and up-holding basic human rights (NDC manifesto:

2008).

1.8 The Linguistic Situation in Ghana

English and Akan are the predominant languages used in political discussions in

Ghana. Obeng (1997) adds another language, Hausa, to the two as the most important

lingua francas in Ghana. Though the official language of Ghana is English, Akan has

taken a fundamental position when it comes to political discussions, such as debates,

speeches, campaigns, newspaper reviews, on the radio and television. Most political

discussants on the radio and television use both English and Akan to convey their

thoughts and present their ideas to the general public. The reason behind this is that

most Ghanaians can speak and understand the Akan language.

1.8.1 Akan

The Akan language belongs to the Kwa subgroup of the Niger Congo family of

West Africa, spoken in Ghana. It is the largest indigenous language in Ghana and it has

the largest number of speakers (L1 speakers), constituting about 40% of the total

population of Ghana. According to the 2000 population and housing census conducted

by the Ghana Statistical Service, Akan has a total of 7,753,830 speakers (GSS, 2000).

In terms of its area of domicile, the Akan population occupy the south and south west

(covering the coastal and the forest zones, between the rivers Tano and Volta) of

Ghana. Ghana has a total of ten regions. Out of these, Akan speakers constitute almost

five of these regions. These are Brong-Ahafo, Ashanti, Western, Central and Eastern regions. Akan forms part of the central Tano group, which is made up of the Bia and

Akan languages. Languages that belong to the Bia group are Ahanta, Chakosi, Nzema,

Sehwi, Aowin, and Baule. Akan has a number of easily distinguishable dialects. These are Asante (AS), Akuapem (AK), Fante (FA), Agona, Akyem, Wassa, Bono, Kwahu,

Ahafo, Assin, Akwamu and Denkyira. These dialects have varying degrees of mutual intelligibility between and among them.

Akan by far is the most widely used indigenous language in Ghana. In schools, it

is taught as a subject from primary to the university level, and in years past it was used

as a language of instruction in pre-schools in native Akan areas. Its use is not restricted

to native Akan areas only. In Accra, students have the option to choose between taking

Akan or Ga as a subject. Similarly, in Guan speaking areas in the Central, Eastern and

parts of the Volta regions, Akan is taught as a subject (Dolphyne 1988; Osam 2004).

Indeed, of all the Ghanaian languages, Akan has the largest amount of written text

including creative literature and is therefore the most widely studied and documented

(Obeng, 1997)

In the area of trade, Akan is used as a language in many businesses. This is

corroborated in the survey conducted by Essegbey (2009) who revealed that most non-

Akan traders in Accra, a Ga speaking land could speak, use and understand Akan for

trading and communication purposes.

In the media, Akan is the most dominant language used on some radio and

Television stations. There are about thirty (30) radio stations in Accra, the capital city of

Ghana. Of these, the majority broadcast their programs in both English and Akan. Radio stations such as Peace FM, Asεmpa FM, Adom FM, Hot FM, Okay FM and others broadcast their morning shows and political discussions in Akan. Some of these FM stations have affiliate stations in all the ten (10) regions and communication centers in various towns and villages across the country. Peace FM, for instance, has about thirty

(30) affiliate stations across the country and seventeen (17) outside the country.

Example, of stations affiliated to peace FM are Fila FM in Tamale, the regional capital of the Northern region, and Ho, the capital city of the Volta region are non-Akan region.

Regarding television, Akan plays a dominant role in advertisement, comedy, movies, news, and political discussions. TV Africa, for instance, has political programs and news broadcast in Akan. Similarly, Adom TV has a political discussion programs- badwam in Akan, which is aired in the morning. In addition, Ghana Television (GTV), which is owned by the state, broadcasts news and adult-education programs in five languages. These are Akan, Ewe, Ga, Dagbani, and Hausa (Essegbey, 2009).

Finally, Akan is frequently used in religious activities both on radio and television and in mainstream preaching and evangelism. In open spaces like markets, on the street, at the beaches, lorry stations, men of God minister the word of God in Akan. At church services in Akan as well as non-Akan regions, especially in Accra, when English is used there is a translation of some aspects of the preaching/service into Akan. This is also the norm in Ghanaian churches abroad.

In sum, Akan could be said to be a default national language, which is used side

by side with English in Ghana. It is, thus, not surprising that most of the insults

encountered in the course of gathering the data in political discussions are in Akan and

English.

1.8.2 English

English is the official language in Ghana. It is used as the mode of instruction in schools from the third grade onwards, and in government business and in

communications such as press briefings, press releases, state-of-the-nation addresses

and in parliament. It is used in broadcasting in the state-run radio and television

stations-Ghana Television (GTV), Radio Ghana-as well as some private owned stations-Joy FM, Radio Gold, Radio Universe, Citi FM, Joy TV, TV 3, Metro TV and many others. Most of the newspapers in Ghana, both state owned and private, are written in English. “Almost every literate person who writes, reads and listens to the radio does so in English more than any other Ghanaian language” (Dakubu, 1988:164).

1.9 Dissertation Layout

Chapter 1 was basically devoted to the motivation and the background of the study. Research questions that are germane to the study were introduced and the relevant literatures reviewed with the aim of showing the various studies in the study of insults in public political discourse in Ghana. Further, information on the two dominant political parties: NPP and NDC, regarding their political ideologies were spelt out. I ended the Chapter with the linguistic situation in Ghana, focusing specifically on the two dominant languages spoken in Ghana as well as their relevance in the data gathering process.

Chapter 2 focuses on the methodology and the theoretical framework as well as critical terms in CDA. I look at the advantages and disadvantages of various methods, and explicate what appears to be the most appropriate one with respect to insults in

Ghanaian public political discourse. Concerning the theoretical framework, I adopt

specifically Fairclough’s three-dimensional framework, that is discourse-as-text;

discourse-as-discursive-pracetice; and discourse-as-social-practice, and van Dijk’s

ideological square. Drawing on these three layers of analysis, I link text to context, and

especially employ the sociopolitical and the cultural context to link the entire discourse

to the society in general. I conclude the Chapter with a discussion on of three critical

terms central to CDA studies: power, ideology and voice.

In Chapter 3, I discuss the first dimension of Fairclough’s three dimensional

framework, which is textual analysis. Under this dimension, I analyze five features of

analysis: lexicalization and predication, presupposition, metaphor/simile, proverbs and

verbal process. In the discussion of lexicalization and predication, I look at how ordinary

citizens infantilize and animalize politicians as well as compare them to patients in the

psychiatric hospital. Also, I argue that some of the insults are innocuous. Moreover, I

compare and contrast the negative and positive lexicalizations and predications used by

pro-NPP and NDC papers in the representation of insults.

With regard to presupposition, I discuss how ordinary citizens employ

presupposition to challenge the existing social power. Again, I analyze how pro-NPP

and NDC papers use this feature to present propositions, which if not critically examined

by readers, would be taken for granted. Concerning metaphor/simile and proverbs, I

focus on how citizens use these devices to expose the wrong doings of the exsiting

social power. I further look at how citizens use such devices to mitigate the effect of an otherwise explicit insult, which may have had the potential of affecting the sensibilities of the addressee. I conclude the Chapter with discussion on how pro-NPP and NDC papers employ different verbal processes to report insults from those they considered ingroup positively and those they considered outgroup negatively.

In Chapter 4 I concentrate on the second dimension of Fairclough’s three- dimensional framework: discourse-as-discursive-practice. Within this dimension, I analyze two phenomena: Intertextuality and topic. Under Intertextuality, I analyze how citizens cite the voices of prominent people in Ghanaian society to reiterate their challenge of the existing social power. In addition, I discuss how pro-NPP and NDC newspapers report insults or voices they consider newsworthy focusing specifically on the voices that were given more prominence and the ones marginalized. Employing direct, strategic and indirect quotation, I show how the various outlets reported insults from the ingroup, outgroup and non-politicians. Concerning topic, I discuss the main topics citizens selected to insult and challenge the existing political authority in public political discourse in Ghana. Using foregrounding and backgrounding, I discuss topics selected by NPP and NDC newspapers in the representation of insults.

In Chapter 5 I expatiate on both the textual and discursive analysis to explain the broader sociopolitical and sociocultural context, which is Fairclough’s third dimension of his three dimensional framework: discourse-as-social-practice. I discuss the power the media holds in political discourse in Ghana that is transferred to the powerless in society (i.e. ordinary citizens) who are empowered to challenge the existing social power (power of politicians) through phone-ins and online commentaries, as well as the

voice the media give to the voiceless in society to participate in political discourse. I

further look at the therapeutic function of the use of insults by ordinary citizens.

Also, drawing on van Dijk’s ideological square, I discuss the various ideological

structures utilized by both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers on the textual and discursive

levels to represent ingroup positively and the outgroup negatively (group polarization),

paying particular attention to the sociopolitical context that necessitated this

polarization. I conclude the Chapter by comparing the use of explicit and implicit insults

in spoken and written text.

Chapter 6 concludes the study by highlighting the findings in citizens’ use of insults as well as the ideological differences and political spin in pro-NPP and NDC papers in public political discourse in Ghana. Also, I discuss the theoretical implications of the study. I conclude the Chapter by spelling out the limitation of the study and the implications for future research.

CHAPTER 2 METHODOLOGY AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 Overview

This Chapter provides the method and theoretical framework for this study. It

reviews the advantages and disadvantages of various methods, and explicates what

appears to be the most appropriate one with respect to the study of insults in public

political discourse in Ghana.

2.2 Methodology

Qualitative research deals with in-depth information, discovers meanings, and

reveals the subtlety and complexity of cases or issues (Silverman, 2001). It relies on the

written or spoken word to analyze relatively few participants (Creswell, 1994, 2003).

Qualitative researchers, therefore, are concerned with describing and interpreting a

certain phenomenon happening within the social contexts (Fryer, 1991).

Ting-Toomey (1984) provides three characteristics of qualitative research in

intercultural communication: (1) Qualitative research focuses on description of

conversations; (2) Qualitative research aims at interpreting the principles people use in activities, such as the norms that people abide by in a specific situation; and (3)

Qualitative research examines contexts relevant to the interpretation of discourse. In sum, it provides a descriptive analysis of the examined event that cannot be explained

using numbers and statistical analysis. It can however complement quantitative data.

The focus of this study is an analysis of the use of insults in Ghanaian political discourse, focusing on four broader questions: (1) How do ordinary citizens use insults to challenge the existing social structures? (2) Where do ordinary citizens derive this power from to challenge the existing political authority (3) What are the underlying

ideologies in the representation of insults in pro-NPP and NDC newspapers? (4) How

explicit is the use of insults in both spoken and written text? Research of this nature

requires the use of qualitative method because it involves a description and

interpretation of public political discourse in an interactive context among ordinary

citizens and politicians of different political backgrounds in Ghana. Thus, qualitative

research methods provide detailed examination and interpretation of the speech event

of insult in public political discussions in Ghana.

In looking at the discourse of ordinary citizens and politicians in interactive

discussions, a methodology that critically provides an in-depth, dynamic, and systematic

analysis of linguistic behaviors in interactive contexts needs to be selected. For these

reasons this study adopts Fairclough’s (1989, 1992a, 1995a,b, 2000, 2003) three-

dimensional model and van Dijk’s (1998) concept of ideological square. The three

dimensional model is: (1) Discourse-as-text; (2) Discourse-as-discursive-practice; and

(3) discourse-as-social-practice. Ideological Square, on the other hand, looks at how different social groups represent themselves positively and represent others negatively.

This means that the structures of ideologies are represented along the lines of an us verses them dichotomy. These two approaches provide deeper understanding of culture and behavior patterns which are in consonant with qualitative research methods.

Therefore, this study adopts a qualitative approach, whose nature is interpretive and which seeks to analyze the interactive procedures associated with the social practice of discourse and society.

Data Collection: The data for this study were obtained from recordings of phone-ins on political discussions on the radio, reports in newspapers, and political

commentaries online. They were gathered from 2012 to February 2014. I selected three radio stations, all in Accra, the national capital: Peace FM, Adom FM, and Happy FM.

The newspapers are Daily Guide, The Daily Searchlight, The New Statesman, and The

Chronicle (pro -NPP newspapers), while The informer, The Democrat, The Palaver, The

Al-Hajj, The National Democrat, The Catalyst, The New Voice, Daily Post, Daily

Heritage, Radio Gold online are all pro-NDC newspapers. In all, a total of 79 news articles were selected consisting of 38 NPP newspaper articles and 41 NDC newspaper articles for the analysis. See Table 2-1 for the breakdown of the news articles per every newspaper.

The online websites are: www.peacefmonline.com; www.myjoyonline.com; and www.ghanaweb.com. A total of 455 commentaries were gathered of which 356 are from peacefmonline; 70 from ghanaweb; and 29 from myjoyonline. The radio stations and the commentaries online served as the base for the collection of the data because most of their programs (radio stations), especially political discussions and morning programs, are broadcast in Akan and sometimes in English. These are from Peace

FM’s flagship daily morning show, Kokrookoo; Adom FM’s evening program, Burning

Issues; and Happy FM morning program, Yεpε a Yεbεhu. The radio stations selected have affiliates and communication centers spread across the length and breadth of the country. Listeners are able to text and call-in to contribute to political discussions from every part of the country. 100 phone-ins were randomly recorded, sampled and transcribed. The use of recorded materials for research is very effective because it helps in getting data from a natural language setting, and it is also one kind of spontaneous speech within the speech event of the news media. Particular care was

taken to accurately represent features associated with sequential development of talk that is transitioning from one speaker to the next in that order. The data were first transcribed by the researcher and checked by a native speaker of Akan for accuracy and consistency. It must be noted that the online commentaries were exclusively written in English and unedited. This was done to avoid the situation of changing the meaning and content of the comments.

2.3 Theoretical Framework

Under theoretical framework, I define and discuss CDA and media discourse. I follow up with the discussion of the following approaches to the study of critical discourse analysis: (1) Wodak’s discourse historical approach; (2) van Dijk’s socio- cognitive approach; and (3) Fairclough’s social-discoursal approach. I adopt Fairclough and van Dijk’s frameworks for the analysis of this study. This section also discusses the various models of analysis of the data: lexicalization and predication, presuppositions, metaphor/simile, proverbs, verbal process, intertextuality and topic. I finally conclude the section with central terms in CDA: power, ideology and voice.

2.3.1 Critical Discourse Analysis

Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a position taken by a group of scholars who agree on certain principles of analysis and also agree to address similar issues. These scholars have developed some institutional tools for doing such analysis. Notable among these scholars are Norman Fairclough, Ruth Wodak, Teun van Dijk, and Paul

Chilton. The origin of this field dates back to the period of classical rhetoric, which is associated with figures such as Aristotle, who outlined the various structures of discourse and pointed to their role in the process of persuasion within public context

(van Dijk, 1988: 18). However, the foundation of CDA hinges on the work of Fowler,

Hodge and Kress (1979) on language, power, ideology, and control, as well as Michael

Halliday’s systemic-functional linguistics (Blommaert, 2005). Norman Fairclough pioneered the development of CDA in the late 1980s, leading to a three dimensional framework for the analysis of discourse. This model links analysis of text to discursive practice, including how the two relate to society, that is, social practice. His theory is fundamentally built on the works of Trew, Saussure, Halliday, Foucault, and Baktin.

These scholars engineered the development of Critical Linguistics as one of the early schools of discourse in the 1970s.

The primary focus of Critical Linguistics (CL) as observed by Kress and Hodge

(1979) is the assumption that there is a strong and pervasive connection between linguistic structure and social structure, meaning discourse cannot exist without social meaning. That is to say, social context must be incorporated into the study of language and not focusing only on the scientific study of language, which to some extent isolates it from its context. CL tries to harmonize the linguistic on one hand, as well as the social, political, cultural and historical, on the other hand. CL has metamorphosed into CDA, and in most cases the two are used interchangeably. The fact of the matter is CDA is

“currently preferred and is used to denote the theory formally known as CL” (Wodak,

2001; 2006).

A term very central in CDA is “discourse.” This term is used differently in different academic fields. Wodak (2006) makes a distinction between the uses of discourse. In the German and Central European context, a distinction is made between “text” and

“discourse,” relating it to written and spoken language respectively, while in the English speaking world, “discourse is often used for both spoken and written language” (Wodak,

2006: 3). Some researchers make a distinction between different levels of abstractness:

Lemke (1995) defines “text” as concrete realization of abstract forms of knowledge

(“discourse”). Blommaert (2005: 3), following Foucault’s perspective of discourse, sees it as “comprising all forms of meaningful semiotic human activity seen in connection with social, cultural, and historical patterns and developments of use.” Weiss and Wodak

(2009) talk about the interdiscursivity of discourse. This means that texts are linked to each other in various ways. They are not restricted to just one field when addressing a specific topic. If we envision discourse as topic-related, we will observe that a discourse on education, for instance, will be made up of topics and sub-topics of other discourses such as finance or politics. Therefore, discourses are hybrid and open as new sub- topics are created and embedded into the main topic.

What distinguishes CDA from other kinds of discourse analysis is its critical nature. It is critical because it does not make use of only one approach; rather, it is an interdisciplinary approach that draws upon a range of theoretical and methodological frameworks from the humanities and social sciences. This implies that there is no rigid or confined way of analyzing a specific critical issue. It also investigates the workings of power relations by showing how the present social order and relations connect to power, dominance, discrimination, and ideology. It aims at demystifying ideologies and power through systematic and retroductable analysis of semiotic data (Wodak and

Mayer, 2009). The critical nature of CDA is summarized as having distance from the data, embedding the data in the social, taking a political stance explicitly, and focusing on self-reflection as scholars doing research (Wodak and Mayer, 2001).

The revolving idea of CDA is power, and it analyzes opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language (Wodak, 2001: 2). Van Dijk (2001: 96) also postulates that CDA

focuses on social problems, especially on the role of discourse in the production and

reproduction of power abuse or domination. This means that it not only focuses on the

linguistic per se, but also complex social phenomena that have semiotic dimensions

(Wodak and Meyer, 2009). Therefore, the overall aim of CDA is linking linguistic

analysis to social analysis (Woods and Kroger, 2000: 206). CDA aims at making visible

and transparent the instrument of power, which is of increasing importance in the

contemporary world. CDA is very critical on the relationship between language,

discourse, speech, and social structure. As the dimensions of CDA include “the object

of moral and political evaluation, analyzing them should have effect on society by

empowering the powerless, giving voices to the voiceless, exposing power abuse, and

mobilizing people to remedy social wrongs” (Blommaert, 2005: 25). These are the main

concerns in analyzing insults in Ghanaian public political discourse: Who has access to

the media? Who controls the media? What are the ideological standpoints of the media

in Ghana? Whose agenda are they propagating? Who has voice and who does not?

These are some of the questions that CDA tries to uncover in contemporary societies

that relate directly to the present study.

Critical Discourse Analysis is “biased – and proud of it” (van Dijk, 2001: 96). It is

an interdisciplinary approach to text and talk that “aims to investigate critically social

inequality as it is expressed, signaled, constituted and legitimized” (Wodak, 2001: 2). It

insists that “all representation is mediated, molded by the value systems that are

ingrained in the medium used for representation; CDA challenges common sense by pointing out that something could have been represented some other way, with a very different significance” (Fowler, 1996: 4). Influenced by the functional approach to language (Halliday, 1985) and the social theory of Western Marxism (Gramsci, 1971;

Foucault, 1972), CDA takes as its basis the idea that there is an imbalance in the access that members of a society have to social and specifically linguistic resources; that these resources are controlled by social institutions; and that restricting access to these resources both produces and maintains patterns of social inequality.

Fairclough and Wodak (1997: 271-80) summarize the main tenets of CDA as follows: (1) CDA addresses social problems; (2) power relations are discursive; (3) discourse constitutes society and culture; (4) discourse does ideological work; (5) discourse is historical; (6) the link between text and society is mediated; (7) discourse is interpretative and explanatory; and (8) discourse is a form of social action.

The media discourse in Ghana has changed drastically in that before 2001 it was very difficult for media personnel, let alone an ordinary citizen, to challenge political authority. During this period, there were very few radio stations, newspapers, and online websites. This was due to the various laws governing media practices in Ghana. Even the ones that existed were so polarized that they were “divided into two distinct genres: state press and private press” (Hasty, 2005: 2). The state press were praise singers of the government. They published stories that projected the development, inspirational rhetoric and policies of the government while the private press were sometimes the opposite of the state press. They revealed the profligate spending, abuse of power, and social inequality of the government (Hasty, 2005). In analyzing how the powerless in

society are given a voice through the media to challenge political authority and delegitimize hidden ideologies in the comments of politicians, as well as the underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in pro-NPP and NDC newspapers, these developments must be taken into consideration.

2.3.2 Media Discourse Analysis

Media discourse refers to interactions that take place through a broadcast platform, whether spoken or written, in which the discourse is oriented to a non-present reader, listener or viewer (O’Keeffe, 2001). It is important to note that these recipients, in most cases, cannot make instantaneous responses to the producer(s) of the discourse, though this is changing with the advent of media technology. As an object of study, it is very important in two ways: (1) what it reveals about a society and (2) what it contributes to the character of the society (Bell, 1998: 65). Researchers in linguistics dwell much on the second, focusing on issues of ideology and power, which are very instrumental in media reports. In most societies the media play a major role in shaping the minds of their readers and listeners.

In analyzing media discourse, researchers should not consider the language alone; they must also examine the context of communication: who is communicating with whom and why; in what kind of society and situation, as well as through what medium; and how different types of communication evolved, and their relationship with each other (Cooks, 1992: 1). Researchers must be able to piece all these together in order to come out with a composite analysis of media discourse.

Bell (1991) outlines four major reasons for the study of media discourse. These are: (1) it is a rich source of constant and readily accessible data for research and pedagogical activities; (2) it influences and represents people’s use of and attitudes

towards language in a speech community; (3) it also reveals a lot about the social

meanings and perceptions of the people that are projected through language and

communication; and (4) the media reflect and influence the formation and expression of

culture, politics and social life. Therefore, media discourse shares great perspectives on

the media itself, media language and the wider society.

Media discourse was not given the needed attention in the 1970s and 80s. Most

of the works during those times were focused on various sociological or socio-

psychological theories of mass media institutions, of audiences or effects, or the

relationship between media, on the one hand, and society and culture, on the other

hand. van Dijk (1985), however, has attributed the lack of both classical and modern

mass media research in the field of linguistics to three reasons: (1) linguistics have little

to offer those interested in the analysis of mass media, since linguistic grammarians

before the 1970s were much more concerned with abstract description, and did not

account for ‘texts’ in their various levels and dimensions. In addition, media discourse

analysis was conducted within disciplines such as stylistics, rhetorics or semiotics; (2)

mass media research emerged primarily in the social sciences, such as political science

and sociology, and focused on macro-phenomena such as institutions, the audience or public, large-scale processes of effects, or overall functions of media in society; and (3)

because the nature of questions asked in mass communication research needed the

analysis of a large amount of data, only superficial and mostly quantitative methods

were available.

The late 1980s and early 1990s witnessed a lot of studies in media discourse

linking linguistic analysis to society. The focuses of these studies were on relations of

power, dominance, race, discrimination, ideology, voice, hegemony, and power abuse

in the media (van Dijk, 1985, 1988a, 1988b; Bell, 1991; Cooks, 1992; Fairclough, 1992,

1995; Matheson 2005; Richardson, 2007; and many more). The core reason for this

interest stems from the fact that, as Richardson (2007) puts it, the media is the domain

where social reality is shaped and where commonsensical ideologies are normalized. It

is one of the major persuasive tools for socio-political and socio-cultural activities of a

people. It shapes their mindset, and therefore, has become the platform for political

argument. Different groups of people are constantly competing to control the media as an instrument of social power. That is to say, they use the media to surreptitiously churn out their ideologies and reinforce their dominance.

Fairclough (1995) makes a distinction between three different types of media:

press, radio and television. The difference between the three basically lies in the

channel of communication: the press is written; the radio is oral; and the television is

both visual and oral. Fairclogh notes that the difference in the channel of communication

has potential implications: the press and online commentary are the least personal

because they are written; television is the most personal since it is both visual and oral; and radio is intermediate of the two. This study focuses on two genres of media discourse: radio-phone-ins and online commentaries on one side, and press- newspapers on the other side.

The genre of radio phone-ins in media discourse has been given much attention by conversational analysts. Jautz (2013) defines radio-phone-ins as an opportunity given to the general public to voice their opinions about certain topics and to have some small discussions with the hosts of the program. It is normally a two-way affair between

the caller and the host of the program. Hutchby (1996) has identified four typical phases of radio phone-in conversation: (1) announcement and greetings; (2) caller’s statement;

(3) discussion; and (4) closing. The host(s), the “institutional power role holder(s)”

(O’Keeffe, 2011: 443) of the program is the one who initiates the conversation by introducing the caller to the audience by providing the caller’s name and stating from where the person is calling. This becomes possible due to the advance knowledge the host receives from their switchboard staff who have already inquired about these pieces of information beforehand. Those who do not have switchboard staff allow their callers to introduce themselves. In the second phase, the caller provides his/her opinion on the topic on board, and this is briefly discussed between the caller and the host. Hosts often challenge the opinions of the callers by asking questions based on the stance of the caller, and thus constituting the third phase. The final phase of radio phone-in conversation takes a good host to “process” a caller quickly and ensures that the caller does not lose face with the audience (Watts, 2003). The closing stage is not a matter of the two agreeing on the topic on board; rather, it is an end to the debate or touch on the issue. The hosts do not abruptly end the call; they use verbal means such as expressing gratitude or time frame expressions to prepare the closing. In cases where the caller uses vulgar language in phase two and three, the host can decide to end the call based on the regulatory and monitoring policies of the radio stations.

The language used in phone-in conversation varies depending on the topic of discussion. Some topics by their nature require civil conversation, while others can be very contentious. For instance, in the case of political discussions on radio phone-in programs, callers use all manner of words to refer to politicians in their contribution.

Radio phone-in conversation has become a major part of news media. It provides

ordinary citizens the opportunity to contribute to cultural, social and political discussions

in their various countries. As Owen (1997: 334) puts it, it allows ordinary citizens to

participate in political life, and transforms audience members from “passive observers

into active participants in the creation of news and the dissemination of messages.”

Katriel (2004) also argues that radio phone-in programs were the main arena in the

media for civic participation in politics before the advent of the Internet. In this study, I

argue that the media (radio phone-ins and online commentary) create the opportunity for the powerless in society to contribute to political discussions and further challenge political authority using insults.

This study also makes use of articles from newspapers. Bell (1991) aptly states that in a newspaper everything other than advertising is called ‘editorial,’ and most of the editorial content is a written ‘copy.’ He further divides editorial copy into three broad categories: Service information, opinion, and news. Service information is basically made up of a list of sections on sports, television programs, share prices, and weather forecasts. Opinions are statements of the newspaper’s own views on an issue. It is very difficult to separate opinions from news, since opinions from the standpoint of editors tend to be the news. Numerous researchers have shown that fact and opinions are by no means easy to separate (Bell, 1991: 13)

The issue of obtaining objectivity in news reporting is one of the most contentious issues in journalism. In most cases, it is very difficult for reporters to distance themselves from the truth claims of the report. Even if they are able to do that, how do they remove all the value judgments from the report? Richardson (2007) states that

value judgments are built into the process of news making at all stages of the production process, through newsgathering, news writing, story selection, editing and presentation. In view of this, “columns, editorials, and other forms of news analysis will never qualify as ‘objective reporting’: the voice of the journalist is either too loud or too central for them to be objective” (Richardson, 2007: 86).

Some of the private newspapers in Ghana are affiliated to the two dominant political parties in Ghana: the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic

Congress (NDC). These papers have their own political ideologies and agendas. In most cases these are manifested in their reportage as well. The construction of a news report is not the sole decision of the producer/journalist; rather, it involves the agglomeration of the ideology of the media institution, the media personnel involved, the owner, and what they consider to be newsworthy. Even linguistic expressions in the text such as diction, semantics, syntax, imagery and presentational style are carefully selected to suit the ideological leanings of the newspapers. Therefore, “anything that is said or written about the world is articulated from a particular ideological position: language is not a clear window but a refracting, structuring medium” (Fowler, 1991: 10).

Agyekum (2004) in his paper, ‘Invective language in contemporary Ghanaian politics,’ raises four pertinent questions which are germane to this study. These are: (1) why should a paper select political invectives and make it newsworthy? (2) Why is it that at the point of the utterance many newspaper reporters were present but some did not publish it at all? (3) Why did some publish it as passing news in a small corner at the back page or some other page? (4) Why did other papers choose it as a news highlight and include it as a caption in their front pages? The world of news reporting is not

simply what happens, but what the newspaper considers newsworthy. Therefore, the representation of insults from a political opponent is foregrounded or exaggerated not to alert the public of the problem of insults, but instead to put a political spin on it. The

“tweak” and spin of insults in newspapers in Ghana reveal the ideology and the agenda of the media outlet.

2.3.3 Approaches in Critical Discourse Analysis

There are multitudes of theoretical approaches or methodologies that have been developed by critical analysts in the analysis of discourse. CDA provides a diverse picture in its analysis. The use of systemic-functional grammar features prominently in

CDA. It should also be noted that categories and concepts have been employed in CDA research from pragmatics, discourse analysis and text linguistics, social semiotics, social cognition, rhetoric, and conversational analysis. In fact, van Dijk (2001:96) argues that CDA can be “combined with any approach and sub-discipline in the humanities and the social sciences.” In this section I discuss the three most prominent CDA theories, that is, Wodak’s Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach and Fairclough’s social-discoursal approach. I follow up with what I consider the most appropriate approach for the analysis of the use of insults in Ghanaian political discourse.

2.3.3.1 Wodak’s Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA)

Ruth Wodak (2001) and other scholars developed Discourse-historical approach

(DHA) working in the traditions of Bernsteinian sociolinguistics and the Frankfurt School.

The approach is particularly associated with large programs of research in interdisciplinary research teams focusing on sexism, anti-Semitism and racism. The distinctive feature of this approach is that it attempts to integrate systematically all

available background information in the analysis and interpretation of many layers of written and spoken text (Wodak, 2006). It is designed to enable the analysis of implicit prejudiced utterances by identifying and exposing the codes and allusions contained in prejudiced discourse.

Concerning power and ideology, Wodak posits that background knowledge is very important in the interpretation of a discourse. She further discusses that the ideological struggle between ingroup and outgroup is seen in terms of derogation and euphemization.

The Discourse Historical Approach follows the practices of socio-philosophical orientation of critical theory, and thus bases its theory on social critique, which is composed of three interconnected aspects (Wodak, 2001: 64-65):

1. ‘Text or discourse immanent critique' aims at discovering inconsistencies, (self-) contradictions, paradoxes and dilemmas in the text-internal or discourse-internal structures.

2. In contrast to the ‘immanent critique’, the ‘socio-diagnostic critique’ is concerned with the demystifying exposure of the - manifest or latent - possibly persuasive or ‘manipulative’ character of discursive practices. With socio-diagnostic critique, the analyst exceeds the purely textual or discourse internal sphere. She or he makes use of her or his background and contextual knowledge and embeds the communicative or interactional structures of a discursive event in a wider frame of social and political relations, processes and circumstances.

3. Prognostic critique contributes to the transformation and improvement of communication. This is done by elaborating proposals and guidelines for reducing language barriers in hospitals, schools, courtrooms, public offices and media reporting institutions as well as guidelines for avoiding sexist language use.

This framework suggests that one of the ways critical discourse analysts can minimize bias is to follow the principles of triangulation. DHA therefore endeavors to work with different approaches. That is to say, it is multimethodical and applies a variety of empirical data and background information in its analysis (Wodak, 2001).

2.3.3.2 Van Dijk’s Socio-cognitive Approach

Van Dijk’s Socio-Cognitive approach is characterized by the interaction between

discourse, cognition and society. This approach began in formal text linguistics and later

incorporated elements of standard psychological models of memory, together with the

idea of frame taken from cognitive science. A greater part of van Dijk’s research

focuses on stereotypes, the reproduction of ethnic prejudices, and power abuse by the

elites and resistance by dominant groups.

This approach is a conceptual triangle that connects society, discourse and

social cognition in the framework of CDA (van Dijk, 2001). Discourse within this

framework is seen as the ‘communicative event,’ which is made up of conversational

interaction, written text, facework, typographical layout, images and any other semiotic and multimedia dimensions. Cognition involves personal and social cognition, beliefs and goals, evaluations and emotions, and any other ‘mental’ or ‘memory’ structure, including representations or processes involved in discourse and interaction. Society includes “local and global, societal and political structures, group-relations (of

dominance and inequality), movements, institutions, organizations and social

processes” (van Dijk, 2001: 98). The cognition and social dimension of the triangle

provides a relevant context for the discourse. Cognition, the collective mental model, is

the interface between societal and discursive structures (van Dijk, 2009). To fully

appreciate the macro-level social notion of power and dominance as well as the micro-

level of notion of discourse, van Dijk proposes mental representations (socially shared

and personal models that are based on personal experience) that one needs to pay

attention to in order to understand a particular discourse.

This theory defines power abuse in relation to access to or control over scarce

resources, such as access to the mass media and public discourse, which is often

shared by members of ‘symbolic’ elites-politicians, journalists, scholars, writers and others (van Dijk, 2006). Therefore, in order to manipulate others, one has to have access to some form of public discourse such as news, the Internet, opinion articles, TV shows etc. Thus, public discourse becomes the avenue for reproduction of social power. For example, political authorities exert their political power and direct the trends in political discourse, thus confirming and reproducing their political power.

The theory also talks about three main notions of beliefs with regards to social representation: knowledge, attitudes and ideology. Firstly, knowledge can be personal, group and cultural. Personal knowledge is represented in terms of mental models about specific or personal events. Specific social groups share group knowledge, which may be biased or ideological, and may not be considered as ‘knowledge’ but as beliefs instead by certain groups of people. Cultural knowledge is a common knowledge shared by all members of a society, which may be presupposed in discourse and often times

taken for granted. Secondly, attitudes are socially shared opinions that are usually

made up of evaluative propositions (right or wrong) instead of truth-value conditions.

Finally, ideology is the basic “framework for organizing the social cognitions shared by

members of a social group, organizations and institutions” (van Dijk, 1995: 19). Unlike

knowledge and attitudes, this type of belief is fundamental and, to some extent,

unquestionable. It mentally represents the social characteristics of groups such as their

identity, task, norms, goals, values, positions and resources (van Dijk, 1995). People

hold firmly to ideology to an extent that it sometimes becomes part of the generally accepted attitudes of an entire community (van Dijk, 2006: 117).

One prominent feature of van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach is the concept of ideological square. It is about how different social groups project themselves positively and represent others negatively. The structures of ideologies are represented along the lines of us verses them dichotomy, in which members of one social group present themselves in positive terms, and others in negative terms. There is polarization of how media institutions emphasize the positive actions of ingroup members and deemphasize its negative action while deemphasizing the positive action of the outgroup and emphasize its negative actions. The ideological square consists of four moves: (1) express/emphasize information that is ‘positive’ about us; (2) express/emphasize information that is ‘negative’ about them; (3) suppress/deemphasize the information that is ‘positive’ about them; and (4) suppress/deemphasize information that is ‘negative’ about us. Any property of discourse that “expresses, establishes, confirms or emphasizes a self interested group opinion, perspective or position, especially in a broader socio-political context of social struggle, is a candidate for special attention in ideological analysis” (van Dijk, 1998: 23). Table 2-2 summarizes the whole idea of ideological square (van Dijk, 1995: 144).

The present study utilizes van Dijk’s ideological square to investigate how positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation manifest themselves in the representation of insults in both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers. I show how pro-NPP newspapers represented ingroup insults as well as outgroup insults and compare that to pro-NDC newspapers’ representation of ingroup and outgroup insults.

2.3.3.3 Fairclough’s Social-discoursal Approach

Fairclough’s approach has been central to CDA for the past twenty years. The main idea behind this theory is a “contribution to the general raising of consciousness of exploitative social relationship, through focusing on language” (Fairclough, 1989: 4). He provides a dialectical theory of discourse and transdisciplinary approach to social change (Fairclough, 1992, 2003a, 2004, 2005b, 2006). The theory is situated in

Halliday’s Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) and also draws on critical social theories, such as Foucault’s concept of order of discourse, Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, Habermas’ concept of colonization of discourses and many others. To fully understand the interconnectedness between language, social and political thought,

Fairclough proposes a three-dimensional approach to analyzing discourse. These are: discourse-as-text, discourse-as-discursive-practice and discourse-as-social practice.

Discourse-as-text: involves the analysis of the way propositions are structured and the way they are combined and sequenced (Fairclough, 1995b). Here, the analyst examines the text in terms of what is present and what could have been present but is not. The text, and some aspects of it, is the result of choice, that is, the choice to describe a person, an action or a process over another; the choice to use one way of constructing a sentence over an alternative; the choice to include a particular fact or argument over another. According to Fairclough (1995a: 57) choices in text “covers traditional forms of linguistic analysis-analysis of vocabulary and semantics, the grammar of sentences and smaller units, and the sound system (phonology) and writing system. But it also includes analysis of textual organization above the sentence, including the ways in which sentences are connected (cohesion) and aspects like the organization of turn-taking in interviews or the overall structure of a newspaper article.”

The application of textual analysis in CDA does not mean just focusing on “the linguistic

form and content;” rather, it is the function that such elements play in their use in the

text (Richardson, 2007: 38). Hence, “the traditional forms of linguistic analysis should be

analyzed in relation to their direct or indirect involvement in reproducing or resisting the

systems of ideology and social power” (Richardson, 2007: 39).

Discourse-as-discursive-practice: This level is where the focus of the analysis

is more discourse-based not textual. Here, discourse is seen as something that is

produced, circulated, distributed, and consumed in society. After the textual analysis,

attention is given to speech acts, coherence, and intertextuality, and these three

aspects connect text to its social context. Fairclough (1995) identifies two types of

intertextuality: ‘manifest’ intertextuality and ‘constitutive’ intertextuality. The former refers

to the heterogeneous constitution of texts, which involves how specific other texts are

“overtly drawn upon other texts” (Blommaert, 2005: 29). For example, the use of explicit

signs such as quotation marks to indicate the presence of another text. The latter, on

the other hand, refers to the heterogeneous constitution of the elements in the text such

as generic conventions, discourse types, register and style.

Discourse-as-social-practice: At this stage, Fairclough claims that a critical

analytical work in CDA will have to consider an analysis of the text’s “socio-cultural

practice” or “the social and cultural goings-on which the communicative event is part of”

(Fairclough, 1995a: 57). He further stated that CDA “may be at different levels of abstraction from the particular event: it may involve its more immediate situational context, the wider context of institutional practices the event is embedded within, or the yet wider frame of the society and the culture” (Fairclough, 1995: 62). There are general

questions that explain these levels of analysis: (1) what does the text say about the

society in which it was produced and the society that it was produced for? (2) What

influence or impact do we think that the text may have on social relations? (3) Will it

help to continue inequalities and other undesirable social practices, or will it help break

them down? (Richardson, 2007: 42). It is at this level (discourse-as-social-practice) that the issue of social practice, ideological struggles, and power inequalities is crucial in explaining why a text or stretch of talk is how it is. Hence, every successful discourse analysis should bring to bear the ideological imbalances and social inequalities that have shaped a particular text or stretch of talk.

Fairclough (1989) presents the stages of applying such a CDA framework. This is shown below:

1. Focus on a social problem that has a semiotic aspect.

2. Identify obstacles to it [the problem] being tackled, through analysis of: a) the network of practices it is located within b) the relationship of semiosis to other elements within the particular practice(s) concerned c) the discourse (the semiosis itself)

3. Consider whether the social order (network of practices) in a sense ‘needs’ the problem.

4. Identify possible ways past the obstacles.

5. Reflect critically on the analysis.

(Fairclough, 1989: 125)

The three CDA approaches discussed above are very much related to each other and share common features. Fairclough’s three-dimensional approach (discourse-as-

text, discourse-as-discursive-practice, and discourse-as-social practice) is closely

related to van Dijk’s three dimensions of ideology (discourse, socio-cognition, and social

analysis). The main difference between the two is that whereas van Dijk sees social

cognition and mental models as mediating between discourse and society, Fairclough

believes that this task is performed by discourse practices. Wodak and Fairclough share

the same idea of language manifesting and constituting social practices. The central

idea in both van Dijk and Wodak’s frameworks is the concept of ideology in meaning

construction and the way different groups consume discourse.

The two prominent CDA approaches that I employ in the analysis of the use of

insult in Ghanaian political discourse are Fairclough’s three-dimensional framework and

van Dijk’s ideological square. Fairclough’s model of CDA provides a more accessible

method for this study than the alternative theoretical approaches. This is because to

fully understand what discourse is and how it works, Fairclough argues that analysis

needs to draw out the form and function of the text, the way that this text relates to the

way it is produced and consumed, and the relations of this to the wider society in which

it takes place (Richardson, 2007). More importantly this framework has been applied in

the analysis of media and political discourse to show how power abuse, social

inequalities, hegemony and ideologies are embedded in discourse (Richardson, 2007)

Van Dijk’s ideological square will provide a better understanding of how both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers represent insults in line with the Us verses Them dichotomy.

2.3.4 Model of analysis

Chapter 3 of the study deals with the textual analysis of the data and the

linguistic tools involved: lexicalization and predication, presupposition, metaphor/simile,

proverbs and verbal process. Chapter 4 focuses on discursive analysis of the data using

intertextuality and topic as the tools for the analysis. I discuss in detail the various

linguistic tools for the analysis of the data below.

2.3.4.1 Lexicalization and predication

Lexicalization involves the choice or selection and the meanings of words used to refer to social actors. A typical lexical analysis looks at the denotation (the literal or primary meaning of words) and connotation (the various senses that a word invokes in addition to its literal or primary meaning). This analysis is important because “words convey the imprint of society and of value judgments in particular” (Richardson, 2007:

47). There is a strong relationship between lexicalization and ideology as in the use of

expressions such as ‘terrorist’ versus ‘freedom fighter’ for example. This suggests that

language users have several choices of words to refer to the same persons, groups,

social relations or issues, and in most or all cases carry heavy semantics and

ideological loads. The words in a text that communicate messages about subjects or

themes in newspapers are framed ideologically. Thus “vocabulary encodes ideology,

systems of beliefs about the way the world is organized” (Fowler, 1987: 69).

Closely related to lexicalization is name and reference, and this describes “the

manner in which social actors are named identifies not only the group(s) that they are

associated with (or at least the groups that the speaker/writer wants them to be

associated with) it can also signal the relationship between the namer and the named”

(Richardson, 2007: 49). Blommaert (2005) points to the fact that apart from the

referential meaning, acts of communication produce indexical meaning. That is to say,

members of the ingroup refer to themselves using terms of politeness that elevate them

to a particular social status. For example, he cites the word ‘sir’ as not only referring to a

male individual, but indexing a particular social status and the role relationships of

deference and politeness (Blommaert, 2005: 11). In addition, Reisel and Wodak (2001)

call the use of naming options a text’s “referential strategies” that describe naming

individuals or groups, and “can serve many different psychological, social or political purposes … on the side of the speakers or writers” (Reisel and Wodak, 2001: 47).

The way individuals or groups are named is in line with van Dijk’s ideological square, which emphasizes the use of referential strategies to refer to ingroup and outgroup members. Recall that this ideological square is seen in terms of positive self- representation and negative other-representation. The general assumption within this square is that ingroup members are represented positively while the outgroup members are represented negatively. This means that referential strategies will show positive terms used to refer to ‘Us’ while negative terms are used to refer to ‘Them.’

The present study also analyzes predication. Wodak and Mayer (2001: 27) define predication strategies as terms or phrases that “appear in stereotypical, evaluative attribution of positive or negative traits and implicit or explicit predicates.”

Resigl and Wodak (2001: 54) also see predicational strategies as “the very basic process and result of linguistically assigning qualities to persons, animals, objects, events, actions and social phenomena.” They suggest the various forms by which predicational strategies are realized. These are: (1) specific forms of reference based on explicit denotation as well as on more or less implicit connotation; (2) attribution in the form of adjectives, appositions, prepositional phrases, relative clauses, conjunctional clauses, infinitive clauses and participial clauses or groups; (3) predicates or predicative nouns/adjectives/pronouns; (4) collocation; (5) explicit comparisons- similes, metaphors and other rhetorical figures; and (6) implicit allusions, evocations and presuppositions/implications.

Predicational strategies are not used arbitrarily: there are hidden ideologies in the various forms or phrases. It also reveals the ‘Us’ versus ‘Them’ dichotomy that shows positive predications for the ingroup and negative predications for the outgroup. Indeed,

“predication is used to criticize, undermine and vilify certain social actors, sometimes with potential dangerous consequences” (Richardson, 2007: 53).

In this study, I lump the analysis of lexicalization and predication together in three different ways: (1) how ordinary citizens use lexical items (insults) to challenge politicians, undermine political authority, infantilize and animalize them; (2) underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers, focusing on the positive self representation and negative other representation; and (3) explicit lexical items (insults) with regards to spoken and written text.

2.3.4.2 Presupposition

Presupposition is a “taken-for-granted, implicit claim embedded within the explicit meaning of a text or utterance” (Richardson, 2007: 63). Wodak (2007: 214) provides a broader picture of presupposition: “presupposed content is, under ordinary circumstances, unless there is a cautious interpretive attitude on the part of the hearer, accepted without (much) critical attention (whereas the asserted content and evident implicatures are normally subject to some level of evaluation).” The claims are not critically evaluated and are generally considered to be true regardless of whether the sentence is true. It is a useful strategy in political discourse because it makes it difficult for the audience to identify or reject views communicated in this way; that is, it persuades people to take for granted something which is actually open to debate

(Bayram, 2010).

Wodak (2002, 2007), following a survey conducted by Yule (1996), provides six

(6) types of presuppositions. These are summarized in a form of a table in Table 2-3.

Richardson (2007) also discusses four ways in which presuppositions are marked. He

attributes the first three to Reah (2002). Firstly, there are certain words such as change

of state verbs (‘stop,’ ‘begin’) or implicative verbs (‘manage,’ ‘forget’) that invoke presupposed meaning. ‘Stop’ presupposes a prior movement or an action; ‘forget’ presupposes a great deal, including an attempt to remember. For example, the phrase

“the government has stopped providing funds to the Chiefs” presupposes that the government had provided funds to the Chiefs in the past.

Secondly, the definite article (‘the---’) and the possessive articles (‘his/her---’)

trigger presupposition. For example, the phrase “The President’s insult” presupposes

that there is an insult of the president that exists or the president has a specific type of

insult that exists.

Thirdly, presuppositions are presented by ‘wh-questions’ such as ‘why,’ ‘when,’

‘who,’ ‘what.’ For example, the sentence “Who is responsible for the poor organization

of Ghana’s elections,” this implies that there is an explicit request to name someone,

and again someone is implicitly responsible for the poor organization of Ghana’s

election. It can further be presupposed that Ghana’s elections were poorly organized.

Finally, nouns and adjectives used to qualify or modify noun phrases trigger

presuppositions-nominal presuppositions. Richardson suggests that sometimes nominal

presuppositions are largely uncontentious. This is because the noun refers to social or

political subjects that make the presupposed meaning more questionable. For example,

in the sentence, “The old evil Dwarfs in the party” presupposes that there are persons or

group of people in the party who are considered as evil dwarfs and have been in the

party all the while.

2.3.4.3 Metaphor/simile

Metaphor in the most general sense “involves perceiving one thing in terms of another” (Richardson, 2007: 66). According to Lakoff and Johnson (1980: 124)

metaphor is “fundamentally concerned with both language and thought, especially, the

patterning of everyday metaphorical expressions in language.” Examples are: love is

journey, life is war, a financial boom, tiger economies, and many more.

Decoding the meaning or the interpretation of metaphor is very important in every

communication. One has to understand the context in which the metaphor is used in

order to decipher the meaning. This is because speakers choose metaphors to achieve

a particular communication goal within a particular context (Charteris-Black, 2004). As

we shall see in the analysis of this study, ordinary citizens make use of metaphors to

covertly insult politicians and question their competence in handling national issues.

Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980) theory of ‘conceptual metaphor’ features in the

analysis of this study. Conceptual metaphor is when we understand one thing in terms

of another. Lakoff and Johnson argue that there are two domains in metaphorical

mappings, source and target, and the two are unidirectional; from source to target but

not vice versa. The source is the domain from which concepts originate, while target is

the domain to which concepts are mapped. Metaphorical mapping can be one-to-one,

one-to-many, many-to-one, and many-to-many. Below is an example:

Adom FM (Burning issues) October 21, 2013

[Background: The discussion was focused on how to assist government workers and politicians to achieve a better Ghana. Below is a contribution from an ordinary citizen.]

Afia: Yεnkɔ Abaana hɔ wɔ Adenta. Bra Abaana, good evening.

Lets go to Abaana in Adenta. Brother Abaana, good evening

Abaana: Meregye wo so, Afia Pokuaa. I respond Afia Pokuaa.

Afia: Boss mepaakyεw wo wɔ air, wae. Boss please you are on air.

Abaana: Yoo Afia. Na apɔw mu te sεn? Okay, Afia. And how are you?

Afia: Bɔkɔɔ. Cool (I’m doing very well).

Abaana: Adwuma no deε worebɔ. Obi ara pε w’asεm wɔ Ghana ha. You’re doing a great job everyone likes you in Ghana.

Afia: Medaase boss. Thank you boss.

Abaana: εmmarima nuabaa baako pε. The only sister of men.

Na Afia pokuaa, woahu sε saa kasa wei nyinaa εyε arrogance, woahu. Sεbe o wone wo yere te na sε wo nni sika a wode bɔ ne akonhoma da bi na sε wopea ne hyε dan mu na sε wo korɔkorɔ no sε εnnε deε wogyafo εnyε o εbia kakra a εbɔ w’abosoɔ ano fa yε wild na menkɔpε bi mmra anaa biribi saa ɔnteaseε. Na sε kɔm wɔ fie na sε wo kɔ ka kyerε no sε ɔɔmo complaine na wokɔ ka kyerε ne sε ɔntumi ntena, sesa wo neεma na kɔ a, sesa wo neεma na firi fie ha ɔntumi ntena awareε no ase a, sε ntɔkwa na woakɔfa aba fie.

Afia Pokuaa, have you noticed that all these talks are arrogance, have you seen that. Excuse me to say, if you live with your wife and you don’t have house-keeping-money for her, what you do is that you take her to the room and persuade her that today I don’t have money, so if she has some small money she should use it instead, I’m going out to struggle for some money and things like that, won’t she understand. But if there is hunger in the house and you tell her that she is complaining too much, if she cannot continue with the marriage then she should pack bag and baggage and leave, you have created a big fight.

Table 2-4 shows a one-to-one mapping of source to target. The husband maps onto the president/the government (employer); wife maps onto the Ghanaian workers

(employee) and house-keeping-money maps onto government coffers. The ordinary citizen’s simile provides us with the idea of the family system in Ghana where the husband is the head and the breadwinner of the family. It also shows the social contract that exists between husband and wife, and the husband’s effective persuasive tool of convincing the wife when his role of ensuring that there is money to run the affairs of the house is not met. Relating this simile to the frosty relationship that exists between the government of Ghana and Ghanaian workers concerning the payment of allowances, the citizen reveals government inability to convince or persuade workers when the contract between them is breached (when government does not have money to pay the workers); rather, resort to infuriating the workers the more. Therefore, the citizens’ simile presents us with the government’s poor communication in terms of the handling of the workers agitation on their allowance.

2.3.4.4 Proverbs

According to Bryant (1945:3) the word “proverb” comes from a Latin word, proverbium (pro = for and verbum = word), implying that the proverb is what is used instead of the plain word. He further states that since the time of Aristotle proverbs have been depicted as remnant “wrecks and ruins of ancient philosophy by reason of their consciousness and cleverness” (Bryant, 1945: 4). This assertion is intimated by Whiting

(1935: 278), who describes proverbs as “a short saying of a philosophical nature, of great antiquity, the product of the masses rather than of the class, constantly applicable, and appealing because it bears a semblance of universal truth.” Yankah (1989) also argues that in several African societies there is no one-to-one correlation between the

indigenous word and its English counterpart. For example, a word like εbε in Akan,

which means proverb, does not refer to short, concise, oft-quoted expressions only; it may also refer to “illustrative anecdote, parables, or a series of utterances from which a moral lesson could be drawn” (Yankah, 1989: 327).

In African societies, proverbs are generally considered to be genre of oral tradition that enjoys a special prestige of being the repository of people’s collective

wisdom, philosophy of life, experience, fears and aspirations (Orwenjo, 2009). Related

to this, Finnegan (1970: 390) aptly states that “in many African cultures, a feeling for

language, for imagery, and for the expression of abstract ideas through compressed

and allusive phraseology comes out particularly clearly in proverbs.” The African

conception of proverbs is expressed in the following literal translation of an Igbo proverb

(spoken in Nigeria): “proverbs are the palm oil with which words are eaten.” The Zulus

of South African also have a proverb that translates thus: “without them [proverbs]

language would be but a skeleton without flesh, a body without a soul.” All these point to

the fact that people use proverbs in Africa and other parts of the world to increase clarity

and the semantic effect of the message they intend to convey. In addition, proverbs are

used to express ideas that would have been otherwise be difficult or cumbersome to

say using ordinary language.

To understand the meaning of a proverb, the addressee must pay attention to the

context and circumstances of use. The reason is that proverbs in isolation do not have

concrete and tangible meaning; they are so versatile and devoid of inherent meaning

that, depending on the circumstances and context of use, and the skillfulness involved,

they can almost mean anything (Orwenjo, 2009). Kemper (1980) suggests that there

are two ways to understand the meaning of proverbs: (1) by inference from the literal

meaning of the proverb or (2) with the aid of contextually-based expectations which makes it unnecessary to establish their literal meaning. The currently study, however, is interested in the discoursal function of the proverbs: what does the caller want to achieve with the use of the proverb? More importantly, what function or role is the proverb performing in that particular communicative event-phone-ins?

The communicative role or function of proverbs has been studied by many folklorists, ethnographers, and linguists (Herzog, 1936; Arewa and Dundes 1967;

Finnegan, 1970; Seitel 1977; Olatunji, 1984; Yankah, 1989; Okpewho, 1992; Obeng,

1994; and others). Some of the functions of proverbs are: managing social conflict, summing up a situation, passing judgment, reprimanding, recommending a course of action, serving as past precedence for present action, praising, cautioning, speaking the unspeakable, persuading hearers, asserting someone’s status and teaching morals. In sum, they provide strategies for dealing with a variety of communicative situations

(Obeng, 1994). Thus, the present study looks at how ordinary citizens use proverbs to challenge political authority in Ghanaian political discourse. Below is an example:

Adom FM (Burning Issues) October 30, 2013

Afia: Yεnkɔ Nana Bonsu hɔ. Nana Bonsu good evening. Lets go to Nana Bonsu. Nana Bonsu good evening.

Bonsu: Yee, ɔdehyeε Nana na wo ho te sεn nie? Yes, granddaughter of a royal. How are you?

Afia: Nyankopɔn adaworoma, na wo nso ε? By the grace of God (I am fine) and what about you?

Bonsu: Agya ayε n’afamu deε. Afia, yεreexpect sε Asiedu Nketia aka akyerε wiase nyinaa sε yεrekɔyi korɔmfo takyiamoa, na wo expect sε deεn na Sir John bεka akyerε no. εmfata! Mpata, ntɔkwa

denden fiti kuro tia a, yεde gidigidi na εhyia no. Enti sε Asiedu Nketiah a make such a statement, Sir John bεhyia no paa.

The Lord has done His part. Afia, Asiedu Nketia told the whole world that we were going to elect an arm robber, so what do you expect Sir John to say. This is not nice! A harsh issue is approach with the same measure or a big problem is approached with all the seriousness it deserves. So, if Asiedu Nketia makes such a statement then Sir John will meet him squarely.

The citizen’s proverb: “ntɔkwa denden fiti kuro tia a, yεde gidigidi na εhyia no” to wit “a harsh issue is approached with the same measure or a big problem is approached with all the seriousness it deservers” was a response to the general secretary of the NDC, Asiedu Nketiah when he referred to the seventeen presidential aspirants of the NPP contesting for the position of presidential candidate in 2007 as

“armed robbers.” The literal meaning of this proverb is “a fiercely contested fight that starts from the end of a town is met with the same measure of force.” In the context of use, this proverb presents us with the idea of insults and counter insults between the two political parties in Ghana: NPP and NDC. The citizen cautions the NDC scribe that if he does not desist from making unsavory comments, the NPP Scribe, Sir John will be forced to make more damaging comment about the NDC.

2.3.4.5 Verbal process

It is important to discuss transitivity in order to explicate the meaning of verbal process. Transitivity according to Richardson (2007: 54) “describes the relationships between participants and the roles they play in the process described in reporting.” It is first concerned with how actions are represented; second, what kind of actions appear in a text; third, who does them: and finally to whom (Richardson, 2007: 54). Transitivity to some extent forms the heart of representation, showing the relationship between participants and the role they play in media reporting.

Halliday (1985) has identified six categories of process in his system of transitivity. These are: (1) material processes or ‘process of doing’ such as climb, jump.

For example, “he jumped.” (2) Mental processes or ‘processes of sensing, perceiving or understanding’ such as thought, understood, for example, “he liked the food.” (3)

Relational process, such as “he is a teacher.” (4) Behavioral processes, which involve human physiology or psychological behavior such as watching, dreaming, tasting. (5)

Existential processes, for example, “there was a man who lived on the earth some years ago” which means that some man existed some years ago. (6) Verbal process, or

‘process of saying;’ for example, “he said it was good.” The main concern of this section is on verbal process.

Verbal process is “any kind of symbolic exchange of meaning” as well as predicates of communication (Halliday, 1985). This means that they represent the action of talking, saying and communicating. Journalists use verbal processes to introduce the speech of people they are reporting on, and this can show the feelings and the attitudes of the journalists about the people they considered important to report their words or actions. Such reportage can be used to marginalize others and focus readers’ attention on the direction of the reporter. Thus, “choosing certain verbal process rather than others, the producer of a text is able to foreground certain meanings in discourse while others are suppressed” (Chen, 2005: 34).

Chen (2005), following Halliday’s analysis of verbal process, proposed three sub- categories of verbal process. First, negative verbal process, which demonstrates a certain negative feeling on the part of the writer towards the person whose words the verbal process is used to introduce. Examples of such verbs are insisted, denied,

claimed, admitted, complained. Second, positive verbal process is used to promote in a reader the feeling that the person whose words are being reported is wise, authoritative, benign or in some other sense positive. Examples are pointed out, announced, explained, declared, indicated, and urged. The last is neutral verbal process; here, the writer’s choice of verb does not indicate an endorsement or disparagement of what the person being reported is saying. Examples include said, told, described, asked, and

commented.

In this study, I analyze the different verbal process; negative, positive and

neutral, to analyze how the pro-NPP and NDC represented insults from their opponents.

I further relate the consistency of a particular type of verbal process in the

representation of insults to the ideology of the newspaper.

2.3.4.6 Intertextuality

The general understanding of intertextuality is that “text cannot be viewed or studied in isolation since texts are not produced or consumed in isolation: all texts exist, and therefore must be understood, in relation to other texts” (Richardson, 2007:100).

Blommaert (2005:46) reinforces this idea that “whenever we speak we produce the words of others, we constantly cite and recite expressions and recycle meanings that are already available.” Fairclough makes a distinction between two types of intertextuality in the second level (discourse-as-discursive-practice) of his three-

dimensional framework: ‘manifest intertextuality,’ which is overtly drawing upon other

texts, and ‘constitutive intertextuality’ or ‘interdiscursivity’ which are texts made up of

heterogeneous elements such as generic conventions, discourse types, register, and

style (Blommaert, 2005).

Relating intertextuality to van Dijk’s ideological square, newspapers re-echo and legitimize the voice of the ingroup by assigning them with authoritative qualities and titles, credentials that make whatever they say very reliable and at times taken as the gospel truth without submitting them to any critical evaluation. However, in instances where the voice of the outgroup members are reported, Rojo (1995: 54) puts it that, is a means “to criticize them or discredit them.” We shall see in the analysis how the pro-

NPP and NDC newspapers represent insults or the voices of those they consider outgroup as well as insults or voice from their ingroup members.

The reciting of the voices or utterances of others in news reporting amounts to reported speech. Fairclough (2003) argues that most news reports sometimes are made up of elements such as press release, as well as a quote from a source either involved in the reported action/event (information) or commenting on it (evaluation) or background information taken from the paper’s cuttings archive, or all three of these text forms. Reported speech plays a major role in news reporting. Richardson (2007: 102-

06) has identified five ways in which reported speech is made relevant to the study of news reporting.

Firstly, reported speech may be done through direct quotation. Under this, the exact words used by the source of the reporting are included in quotation marks, often with a reporting clause. The interpretation of the reader in terms of the quotation and the source responsible is framed by the reporting clause that the reporter chooses to employ.

Secondly, there is reported speech done through strategic quotation. This is conventionally known as ‘scare quotes.’ In this reported speech, the writing or thoughts

of others are often placed in quotation marks in order to indicate their contentious

nature. Reporters or editors use scare quotes to distance themselves from such

controversial issues or terms. For example, someone claiming that the ‘the man is a

thief.’ This is the same as the use of expression “so-called,” “so-described” and others.

Thirdly, reported speech done through indirect quotation. In this kind of reporting

the reporter provides a summary of “the content of what was said or written, not the

actual words used” (Fairclough, 2003: 49). The kind of verbal process selected

characterizes reported speech and frames the reader’s understandings of the reported event and, in some cases, may be ideological.

Fourthly, there is reported speech via transformed indirect quotation. The

difference between simple indirect quotation and transformed indirect quotation is that

the latter drops reporting words such as said, accused, alleged and others, and

replaces them with transitive actions like discovered, revealed or mental state verbs

such as believe.

Finally, there is reported speech done through ostensible direct quotation. The

structure of the clause entails direct speech, but it is different from direct quotation in

terms of its make up. The content of this reported speech is that the view is too direct,

extreme or outlandish to have come from the source involved.

The application of intertextuality in the present study will help us understand how

ordinary people cite the voices of others to reaffirm their challenge of political authority.

It will further unearth what both pro-NPP and NDC consider newsworthy, that is, whose

insult or voice is reported or whose is not. This will show how the ingroup’s insults are

represented in relation to the outgroup.

2.3.4.7 Topics

Topics are the information in a discourse that speakers/writers find important to say and/or write. In news reporting, journalists select topics that are interesting and appealing to their target audience (Richardson, 2007). The fact that they select some news and leave others raises the question: which criteria are used in the selection of news articles or what a media station considers newsworthy? There are no clear rules for media institutions to follow to determine what constitute newsworthiness. Harcup

and O’Neill (2001), however, have outlined ten news values which they suggest events

satisfy in order to be selected as ‘news.’ These are: reference to the power of the elite

(individuals, organizations and nation); reference to celebrity; entertainment (e.g. sex,

human interest or drama); surprise; good news (e.g. rescues or personal triumph); bad

news (e.g. tragedy or accident); magnitude; relevance (cultural proximity or political

importance); follow-up stories; and the newspaper’s agenda (both political and relating

to the structure of genre) (Richardson, 2007: 92).

The way topics are selected confirms the ideologies of media institution. This is confirmed by Van Dijk (1995) who notes that topicalization is subject to ideological management. This means that ingroup speakers de-topicalize information that is not consistent with their interest or positive self image and conversely topicalize information that emphasizes negative outgroup properties (van Dijk, 1995: 28). Related to this is the way in which propositions are emphasized through foregrounding, and de-emphasized through backgrounding. In line with van Dijk’s ideological square, media institutions foreground the positive actions of those they consider ingroup and background the positive actions of the outgroup. Similarly, the negative actions of the ingroup are

backgrounded while the negative actions of the outgroup are foregrounded.

This study investigates the various topics ordinary citizens select to insult and

challenge politicians. Some of the topics ordinary citizens dwell on are: economy and

corruption. More importantly, using foregrounding and backgrounding in the topic

selection of newspapers and online websites, the study shows how insults from

ingroup/outgroup members are foregrounded or backgrounded in pro-NPP newspapers, and how pro-NDC newspapers also highlight or hide insults from both ingroup/outgroup members. It is important to note that the use of foregrounding and backgrounding in newspaper report in most cases is for ideological purposes.

2.4 Critical Terms in CDA

This section looks at some critical terms that are central in the discussion of social inequalities, that is, power, ideology, hegemony, dominance and voice. I focus on power, ideology and voice to address how the media create the opportunity for ordinary citizens (voice given to them) to participate in political discourse by challenging political authority, infantilizing politicians and animalizing the existing social power. I further explicate the underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in both pro-NPP and

NDC newspapers. Below I discuss in detail the concepts of power, ideology and voice.

2.4.1 Power

According to Fairclough (1995:1-2), power is seen “both in terms of asymmetries

between participants in discourse events, and in terms of unequal capacity to control

how texts are produced, distributed and consumed...in particular sociocultural contexts.”

Wodak draws her definition from Foucault (1977), Bourdieu (1991) and van Dijk (1985),

interpreting it as “discursive control [including] who has access to the various types of

discourse, who can and cannot talk to whom, in which situations, and about what. The more powerful the people, the larger their verbal possibilities in discourse become”

(1996: 66). Van Dijk also sees “power as involving control, namely by (members of) one

group over (those of) other groups. Such control may pertain to action and cognition:

that is a powerful group may limit the freedom of action of others, but also influence

their minds” (1993: 254). In sum, power within CDA research is an illegitimate use of

power leading to power abuse and domination.

There is constant unity between language and other social matters that ensures

that language is knitted in social power in a number of ways: language indexes power,

expresses social power, and is involved where there is contention over and a challenge

to power (Wodak, 2001). This means that “power does not derive from language but

language can be used to challenge power, to subvert it, to alter the distributions of

power in the short or long term” (Wodak, 2001: 11). Ordinary citizens’ use of insults in

Ghanaian political discourse, as we shall see in the analysis of this study, is one of the ways in which social power is challenged.

The most powerful social groups are always seeking to legitimize their discourse by controlling the various institutions that generate power, as seen in the media, schools and religious institutions (Blommaert, 2005). Therefore, members of the more powerful social groups and institutions have access to and control over one or more types of public discourse. For example, teachers control educational discourse, lawyers with legal discourse, journalists with media discourse and politicians with policy and other public political discourse (van Dijk, 2001). For CDA, language is not powerful on it own; it gains power by the use that powerful people make of it.

For the current purposes of discussion, power can be seen to operate within the

media and in the hands of politicians. The power that the media holds in political

discourse in Ghana is transferred to the powerless in society (i.e. ordinary citizens) who

are empowered to challenge the existing social power (power of politicians) through

phone-ins and online commentaries. Recall that politicians, on the other hand, try by

any means possible to control media discourse so that they can put forth their own

ideologies.

2.4.2 Ideology

Ideology is defined as systems of ideas, beliefs, practices, and representations, which work in the interest of a social class or cultural group. Gramsci sees ideology as

“tied to action, and ideologies are judged in terms of their social effects rather than their truth-values” (Fairclough, 1995:76). Ideology has the potential to become a way of creating and maintaining unequal power relations, which is of central concern to discourse analysts who take a “particular interest in the ways in which language mediates ideology in a variety of social institutions” (Wodak, 2001: 10). Van Dijk (1998:

3) also defines ideology as political or social systems of ideas, values or prescriptions of

a group that have the function of organizing or legitimating the actions of the group. The

use of language reflects a person’s philosophical, cultural, religious, social, and political

ideology. Hence, ideology affects the way one talks, argues, and reacts.

Blommaert (2005) distinguishes two categories within the concept of ideology.

The first category of ideology is seen in terms of specific sets of symbolic

representations-discourses, terms, arguments, images, stereotypes, and these serve

specific purposes and are operated by a particular group or actors. Under this category,

there are different kinds of -isms, such as socialism, liberalism, fascism, communism

and many more. Others are attributed to certain individuals or schools such as Marxism,

Leninism, Maoism, Rooseveltism, and others. This is reflected in the field of a particular

political position, where factions are realized, such as conservatives, progressive, racism, anti-Semitism and others. All these ideologies have origins and patterns of development but may disappear in some cases.

The second category defines ideology as a general phenomenon characterizing the totality of a particular social or political system, and is operated by every member or actor in that system. This kind of ideology permeates the entire fabric of societies or communities and results in normalized, and naturalized patterns of thought and behavior. To the members within this concept of ideology, ideology is common sense, the normal perceptions we have of the world as systems, the naturalized activities that sustain social relations and power structure and patterns of power that reinforce such common sense (Blommaert, 2005: 159).

For CDA, ideology is seen as an important aspect of establishing and maintaining unequal social relations. Its study must critically examine “the ways in which meaning is constructed and conveyed by symbolic forms of various kind” (Thompson,

1990). To Eagleton (1994), the study of ideology must take into consideration various theories that have examined the relationship between thought and reality, the reason being that “there are specific historical reasons why people come to feel, desire, reason and imagine as they do” (Eagleton, 1994: 15).

This study therefore analyzes the underlying ideologies in the representation of insult in both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers in Ghana. It takes into consideration how pro-NPP and NDC newspapers reported insults from the outgroup as well as the ingroup. Similarly, how pro-NDC newspapers reported insults from those they considered the outgroup and those they considered to be ingroup members.

2.4.3 Voice

Voice is one of the central terms in CDA analysis. Following Hymes (1996) definition of voice, Blommaert (2005: 68) sees voice as “the ways in which people manage to make themselves understood or fail to do so.” He further posits that it is the capacity to make oneself understood, to generate an uptake of one’s words as close as possible to one’s desired contextualization. That is to say, voice is achieved by using language to accomplish the desired function. For example, if you want money from someone, you will formulate your request to meet that desired purpose.

Voice in the global world is the ability to “accomplish functions of linguistic resources translocally across different physical and social spaces” (Blommaert, 2005:

69). Thus, social inequalities in societies in terms of voice are indexed by the inability of speakers to accurately and effectively perform certain functions on the basis of available and accessible resources.

Voice in this dissertation is the platform the media offers to the voiceless and powerless in society to use language in order to challenge the existing social power.

The opportunity ordinary people have to send text messages, make phone calls and even sit behind their computers to contribute to political discourse, all the while avoiding proverbially looking over their shoulders, is the voice this study tries to uncover.

2.5 Summary

In this Chapter I have outlined the methodology and the theoretical framework as well as critical terms in CDA. I looked at the advantages and disadvantages of various methods, and explicated what appears to be the most appropriate one with respect to insults in Ghanaian public political discourse. Concerning the theoretical framework, I adopted specifically Fairclough’s three-dimensional framework, that is discourse-as-text;

discourse-as-discursive-pracetice; and discourse-as-social-practice, and van Dijk’s ideological square. Drawing on these three layers of analysis, I linked text to context, and especially employed the sociopolitical and the cultural context to link the entire discourse to the society in general. I specifically discussed the various linguistic features and phenomena used in the analysis of this study: lexicalization and predication,

presupposition, metaphors/similes, proverbs, verbal process, Intertextuality and topic. I

concluded the Chapter with a discussion on the three critical terms central to CDA

studies: power, ideology and voice.

Table 2-1. NPP and NDC newspapers NPP papers News articles NDC papers News articles Daily Guide 26 Ghana Palaver 12 Daily Searchlight 4 Radio Gold online 9 New Statesman 4 The Al-Hajj 6 The Chronicle 4 The Informer 5 Enquirer 3 The National Democrat 2 The Catalyst 1 The Voice 1 Daily Post 1 Daily Heritage 1 Total 38 41 = 79

Table 2-2. Describing/attributing positive actions (van Dijk, 1995: 144) Ingroup Outgroup Emphasis Deemphasis Assertion Denial Hyperbole Understatement Topicalization De-topicalization Sentential (micro) Textual (macro) High prominent position Low non-prominent position Headline, summarizing Marginalization Detailed description Vague, overall description Attribution to personality Attribution to context Explicit Implicit Direct Indirect Narrative illustration No stereotying Argumentative support No argumentative support Impression management No impression management

Table 2-3. Types of presupposition (Wodak, 2002; 2007) Presupposition Types Example Presuppositions Existential ‘The X’ >> X exists Factive ‘I regret having done that’ >> I did it Non-factive ‘He claimed to be a teacher’>> He was not a teacher Lexical ‘She managed to escape’ >> She attempted to escape Structural ‘Who is coming?’ >> Someone is coming Counter-factual ‘If I were not ill…’ >> I am ill

Table 2-4. Ordinary citizen’s simile Source Target Husband President/the government (employer) Wife Ghanaian workers (employees House-keeping-money Government coffers

CHAPTER 3 TEXTUAL ANALYSIS

3.1 Overview

This Chapter is primarily focused on the first dimension of Fairclough’s three- dimensional framework, which is textual analysis. Within this dimension, I analyze five features of analysis: lexicalization and predication, presuppositions, metaphor/simile, proverbs, and verbal process. I explain how these features were used by ordinary citizens to challenge and undermine the existing social power.

In section 2.2.1 we mentioned that the online commentaries are exclusively in

English and unedited. This was done to avoid the situation of changing the meaning and the content of the comments. In cases where a word is spelt wrongly [sic] is applied.

3.2 Lexicalization and Predication

Recall that in Chapter 2 we defined lexicalization as the choice of words used to refer to social actors, and these words have denotation and connotation meanings.

Predication, on the other hand, is a form of description used to criticize, undermine and vilify certain social actors, sometimes with potentially dangerous consequences. To provide a detailed analysis of these two important textual features, I divide the analysis of this section into two parts: (1) Lexicalization and predication used by ordinary citizens and (2) Lexicalization and predication used by pro-NPP and NDC newspapers

3.2.1 Lexicalization and predication used by ordinary citizens

This section concentrates on the various lexicalizations and predications used by ordinary citizens to challenge political authority. I divide this section into four sub sections, focusing on different themes: infantalization of politicians, animalization of politicians, insanity and mental health of politicians, and innocuous insults.

3.2.1.1 Infantalization of politicians

The analysis of the data reveal that ordinary citizens infantilize political authority

by reducing them to the level of girls and boys, as exemplified in excerpts 1 and 2.

Within the Ghanaian society, the representation of an adult as a girl or a boy is an insult.

The reason is that these terms depict someone who is immature, cannot make his or

her own decisions, is at the mercy of others, and frail. All these qualities are mapped

onto the adult. The representation “rank-shifts” (in the words of Agyekum, 2010:130) the

adult, that is, it lowers his/her status to a lower rank and degrades them. It is the

expectation of society that adults act maturely and not behave as kids. Any adult who

behaves contrary to this is considered as a child. Therefore, this infantalization implicitly

presents the deputy minister of communication, Victoria Hammer and government

communicator, Felix Ofosu-Kwakye as unfit to hold leadership position because they

are behaving like children. That is to say, society wants people who are matured

enough to hold leadership position since governance is not a child’s play, which these

politicians are displaying.

This, notwithstanding, society admires young ones who conduct themselves in

accordance with the standards set by society. A typical example is the Akan proverb,

which states, abɔfra hunu ne nsa hohoro a, ɔne mpaninfoɔ didi to wit “If a child learns to

wash his hands well, he may eat with elders.”

Excerpt 1

[Background: The focus of the discussion was on a Deputy Minister of Communication who was heard on a leaked tape saying that she will not quit politics until she has made one million dollars. After the discussions, the phone lines were opened to solicit the views of the public. Below is a comment from an ordinary citizen.]

Adom FM (Burning issues) November 11, 2013

Afia: Aben wɔ ha wɔ Sunyani. Aben wɔ ha good evening o. Aben wɔ ha in Sunyani. Aben wɔ ha good evening.

Aben wɔ ha: Good evening me nuabaa Afia. Mepaakyεw na wo ho yε deε? Good evening my sister Afia. Please are you doing very well?

Afia: Bɔkɔɔ, boss kasa ma me. Cool (I’m dong very well) Boss go ahead with your contribution.

Aben wɔ ha: Woahu girl no Nyankopɔn na εretete ɔɔmo to saa no. ɔhia one million dollars na sε ɔnya saa sika no to ne account mu na sε ɔgyae politics a εnyε hwee. Woahu adwene? Ghana ahokyerε sεnea εsi bɔn ha no. Master, bra B/A bra Sunyani bεhwε, 1000 Ghana ntumi nhae dan. Na mmranteε nam desert so kɔ Libya kɔ wu sei a, na nnipa εwia sika, politicians. Nyankopɔn mfa nkyε ɔɔmo o.

Have you seen the girl (Deputy Minister of Communication), God is revealing all their bad deeds. She will not quit politics until she makes one million dollars into her account. Have you seen such mentality? People are suffering everywhere in Ghana. Master, you come to B/A and come and see things for yourself, you cannot rent a room with 1000 Ghana cedis. And young men die on the desert en route to Libya, and politicians are stealing from the state. God should forgive them

Except 2

[Background: The comment from the ordinary citizen below is a response to a government communicator who insulted the running mate of the NPP’s presidential candidate, Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.]

Name: Kyere Date: 01-06-2013 Source: Myjoyonline Comment to: Dishonest Bawumia has not been fair to his parents who educated him- Kwakye-Ofosu December 28 2012 I think this boy should be sent to psychiatric hospital, he is not normal. Can NDC have such a technocrat in their party even they don’t respect their party founder. Shame unto them GOD will punish them one after the other, o God save mother Ghana.

Similarly, ordinary citizens chide politicians to behave in accordance with their ages and positions in society. This is seen in “I have always believed that there is wisdom in old age;” “Yaw Boateng Gyan should humbly grow with his age why?;” and “I

actually thought age is proportional to wisdom and maturity but it seems my own uncle

Yaw Boateng -Gyan’s is in the contrary” in excerpts 3, 4, and 5 respectively. Ghanaian

and most African cultures equate old age to maturity and wisdom, and this is insisted

upon at every forum and situations. This is because age is a significant cultural

measure, which encompasses the social and cultural conventions, expectations and

perception of the society about the ways in which people should act and behave, as

they get older. Those who do not act in line with their growth and age are infantilized for

behaving like children while those who act above their age are elevated, as in the Akan expression abɔfra no yε mpaninsεm to wit “the child behaves like an adult.” Thus, the behavior of some politicians in Ghana are questioned by citizens, revealing that they are not acting in accordance with their age and positions they hold in society. This portrays them as not paying attention to the cultural priorities of displaying wisdom in speech and deeds with regards to their age and positions in society.

A typical example is the implicit infantilization of Allotey Jacobs, a government communicator, when he insulted the opposition NPP as “very stupid and behaving stupidly” in excerpt 3. In the same way, Yaw Boateng Gyan, a presidential staffer, is also infantilized in excerpts 4 and 5 for playing the ethnic card, that is, for claiming that the opposition, “NPP is tribalistic. They regarded Busia as mushroom germinating from a shit [sic].” Recall that Busia was a former Prime Minister under the second republic of

Ghana on the ticket of the United Party (UP), a mother party of the NPP. He was a

Bono from the Brong-Ahafo region of Ghana, and there is this perceived rift between the

Asantes and the Bonos on the issue of marginalization of the later by the former. Thus,

Mr. Boateng Gyan’s insult seeks to portray that though Busia was the leader of the UP,

the Asantes marginalized him and did not consider him worthy to lead the party. These representations show that as mature adults, they should know better not to insult or play the ethnic card.

Excerpt 3

[Background: This comment was as a result of the barrage of insults rained on the NPP and its Greater Accra regional communicator director, Michael Ampong by Allotey Jacobs, NDC central region communications director. Mr. Allotey claimed that Mr Ampong had described him as a fetish priest. Below is a comment from a citizen in response to Allotey Jacob’s insult.]

Name: Sam Date: 04-13-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Allotey Jacobs: “NPP People Are Very Stupid and Behave Stupidly…They Are Getting Crazy And Mad” I have always believed that there is wisdom in old age. This confirms my believe in the scripture concerning what Apostle Paul said that "when I was a child, I acted and spoke like a child and now that I have grown ... Behavior with characters like Allottey Jacobs make you think that for some it is the reverse. Is the Peace Council alive?

Excerpt 4

[Background: The comment below is a response to an NPP MP, Edward Ennin whose comment is borne out of Yaw Boateng Gyan, NDC national organizer and presidential staffer’s assertion that “NPP is neck deep in tribalism.”]

Name: Clement Date: 02-24-2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Yaw Boateng Gyan Stooped Low…He Should Rather Counsel Mahama On How To Govern Efficiently Yaw Boateng Gyan should humbly grow with his age why? This man always talks about tribal politics in Ghana. They will never learn to solve the economy but will get time and do naughty politics on OKAY FM Shameless talks

Excerpt 5

Name: Kwabena Okyere Date: 02-24-2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Yaw Boateng Gyan Stooped Low…He Should Rather Counsel Mahama On How To Govern Efficiently I actually taught [sic] (thought) age is proportional to wisdom and maturity but it seems my own uncle Yaw Boateng -Gyan's is in the contrary. An old man like him should reason and sit to counsel the young on such irresponsible statement but he himself is doing this. Who then would correct him. Uncle, please don't lower yourself to that level and maintain your dignity. Your position is assured. No one will add anything by insulting and disgracing yourself.

Closely related to age is the metonymic use of grey hair to represent wisdom.

Ghana like most African societies believes that grey hair is a repository of wisdom. The general assumption within traditional African societies is that, a leader would only be respected if he or she looked older than his followers due to believe that wisdom and skilled leadership are endowed in grey hair. That is why chiefs are called

“Nana/Togbe/Nii in Ghanaian society. This is because the elderly are respected for their wise advice. They also hold fast to traditional social norms, and are therefore trusted not to deviate from these norms.

Correlating the metonymic use of grey hair understanding with excerpt 6, former

President Rawlings is challenged by the citizen to act in line with his grey hair when he insulted former President Kufuor as an “autocratic thief.” Literally speaking, Rawlings has grown a lot of grey hair, but according to the citizen, he was not showing the wisdom associated with it. That is to say, he is not exhibiting the characteristics or dignity of people with grey hair. Therefore, the ordinary citizen infantilizes Rawlings for not exhibiting the wisdom society attaches to grey hair and old age.

Excerpt 6

[Background: The citizen’s comment below is in response to an NPP MP, Major (Rtd) Derrick Oduro’s insinuation targeted at former President Rawling who described former President Kufuor as “autocratic thief.”]

Name: Lukeman Date: 01-14-2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Kufuor Will Not Speak From The “Chamber Pot” As JJ Does... This is the tale of two cities, the city of wisdom and the city of folly. Kufuor rules over the city of wisdom and Rawlings the city of folly. Gray hair is supposed to be the crown of old age in dignity. Rawlings, show me your dignity. You have none.

In addition to the infantalization of politicians, citizens question the cultural understanding and upbringing of politicians. This is reflected in “this mogul talks like he was not raised by his parents” and “my 10 years old girl is more cultured than

Hammond” in excerpts 7 and 8 respectively. It is common practice in Ghanaian culture that children are socialized and trained from a very early age to respect and obey elders, be humble towards elders, not to insult elders and to take their advice. Gyekye

(1996: 85) aptly states: “Character development is an important aspect of upbringing of children. In this connection, efforts are constantly made to instruct children in the values of the society to help them acquire the virtues that a person should possess in order to live a most satisfactory life.” Juxtaposing this with the behavior of adults, recall that in the previous discussions on age and grey hair, we mentioned that adults are respected as repository of knowledge and wisdom. So, an adult who has gone through these socialization processes but does not pay attention to proper speech behavior, is infantilized of needing proper training. That is to say, such adults were not properly trained as kids and therefore needed to go back for another socialization to learn societal norms governing speech behavior. This is seen in the infantalization of

Kennedy Agyapong, NPP MP in excerpt 7 when he insulted Afari Gyan, the Electoral

Commissioner of Ghana as “stupid.” To the ordinary citizen, the MP should have paid

attention to societal norms governing proper speech behavior and not insulted people in

authority, especially in public. The writer therefore chides the MP as being someone

who “talks like he was not raised by his parents.”

Similarly, in excerpt 8, another NPP MP, K. T. Hammond, is also infantilized

when he insulted the Majority Leader of the Parliament of Ghana, Benjamin Kumbour as

“foolish, stupid and useless.” For not respecting the highest law making body in the

country, his attitude was compared to a ten (10) year old girl: “my 10 year old is more

cultured than Hammond.” The citizen thus reduced the MP’s knowledge of culture to

that far below that of a ten year old.

Excerpt 7

[Background: The comment was a response from a citizen in reaction to NPP MP, Kennedy Agyapong who described the chairman of Electoral Commission as “stupid.” This insult was as a result of the 2012 election petition spearheaded by the NPP.]

Name: Kwame Date: 04-04-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Ken Agyapong: Afari Gyan Is Stupid And Not Indispensable This mogul talks like he was not raised by his parents. He should open his warmouth and lets the militant patriot go and kill Afari Gyan. God is only giving him time to repent. Please Peace FM do not put such audiotapes one air they are in bad taste.

Excerpt 8

[Background: The ordinary citizen’s comment below was a reaction to NPP MP, K.T. Hammond who launched a blistering verbal attack on the Majority Leader of Parliament, Benjamin Kumbour in the house, for making anti-corruption statement that did not go well him (Hammond).]

Name: Edward-Kumasi Date: 12-04-213 Source: Peacefmonline

Comment to: EXPLETIVES GALORE!!!! K.T Hammond Slams Majority Leader For Passing “Foolish, Stupid And Useless Comments” I can’t believe I voted for this thing? My 10 year old girl is more cultured than Hammond. Am not sure Kumbour was trying any mischief here. Clearly, Hammond seems to be running away from shadows.

3.2.1.2 Animalization of politicians

One common theme in the analysis of the data is the use of animal imagery to represent and describe political authority. The use of animal names to insult people is a common trait across cultures. The target or the object of such insult is addressed dysphemistically using animal names, most of which have their own metaphorical extensions and denotations (Allan and Burridge, 1991). Some unpleasant characteristics, appearance, behavior or parts of the animals are metaphorically mapped onto the target human. The traits manifested by some of the animals in the society carry heavy semantic loads, which in most general sense are negative.

As exemplified in excerpts 9 and 10, citizens describe the behavior of politicians as mmoasεm (animalistic behavior) and aboa (animal) respectively. Agyekum (2010) translates “aboa” as “a beast” and considers it to be a generic term used for all animals.

It is often applied to a person, as in woyε aboa “you are a beast.” Aboa is the singular form of mmoa “animals.” The representation and description of the behavior of politicians as “animals” is telling, in that, it implicitly presents them as not human beings; their behaviors are incongruous with society’s acceptable behavior of other human beings. Indeed, they have broken the social contract of how normal human beings should behave and do not have to exist alongside humans. That is to say, their behaviors do not conform to human society and therefore deserve to live in the bush with animals.

Excerpt 9

[Background: The discussion was focused on the erratic power supply and the increased electricity tariffs in the country. Below is the conversation that ensued between the host of the program, Afia Pokuaa and the caller, Sam.]

Adom FM (Burning issues) October 21 2013

Afia: Sam εwɔ Odokor, Bra Sam good evening. Sam in Odorkor. Brother Sam, good evening.

Sam: Merefrε firi Odoona. Vim lady. I am calling from Odoona. Vim Lady.

Afia: Boss, kasa ma me wae. Boss go ahead with your contribution.

Sam: Woyε bue paa, Vim lady. You are wonderful! Vim Lady.

Afia: Medaase Boss. Thank you, Boss.

Sam: Yε trust wo; yεgye wo di. Kyerε sε deε President ɔkaa yε yi. Kyerε sε ministers no ɔɔmo pay ne nnoɔma no εso so dodoo, me nuabaa. Ade no yε ɔtεlε, ɔtεlε, abodεe, abodεe, abodεe, abei. Wɔgye gye wei nyinaa wie na ɔwie wɔsan abεkyε agu yεn so, hei yε nyε deεn. Akyεde wɔn nya, mesee ministers akyεde a wɔn nya as ministers akyεde nkorɔfoɔ de ma wɔn, εno deε yεfrε no odwan to ɔnka nam ho, ɔno dwem, bebree kεkε. Na lady, wei bebree na ɔwie nso woabεyε mmoasεm, woabεyε rough akyerε yεn. Abei!

We trust you. We’ve confidence in you. What the President said means that the pay and other things for the Ministers are too much, my sister. It is too big, too big, too big! They receive all these and pass them onto us, what do they want us to do? These Ministers receive a lot of gifts from people; those ones are just the tail of a goat. It is not part of the meat. They enjoy them. It is too much! And Lady, after all these many things, they exhibit these animalistic tendencies on us. Why?

Excerpt 10 [Background: the comment below is an ordinary citizens’ response to Dr. Tony Aidoo, a Senior Presidential Aide and Head of Policy and Evaluation at the Presidency, for describing the NPP’s 2008 and 2012 presidential candidate as having an “offensive body language.”]

100

Name: Abriwa Date: 12-19-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Akufo Addo Has An 'Offensive Body Language' That Puts People Off - Tony Aidoo Aboa Tony... I sincerely do not think you are in the position of make [sic] (to make) such a comment on Nana Addo. Just leave the man alone and if you do not have anything to say just smoke ok.

In the same way, there are instances where specific domestic animal names such as dog, sheep, goat, pig, horse, donkey, among others, and the insults associated

with them, are used to insult politicians. An example is excerpt 11, where an NPP MP,

K. T. Hammond was described as a “dog” when he insulted the Majority Leader of

parliament as “foolish, stupid and useless.” Also, in excerpt 12, Rawlings is presented

as a “dog” for his “loud silence over corruption under Mahama.” Akans and most

cultures in Ghana as well as Africa have negative perceptions of “dogs.” According to

Agyekum (2010), a “dog” is considered as a very good pet but it has some negative

characteristics: (1) it is promiscuous, especially the males; (2) it steals; (3) it is

quarrelsome; and (4) greedy. Some of these characteristics are ascribed to the

politicians in question. More importantly, in excerpt 11, the most suitable characteristic

mapped on the NPP MP is “stealing,” since the discussion that resulted into the insult

was about the selling of a drill ship and the inability of the state to trace the proceedings

from the sale which the MP was involved. Related to the negative connotations

associated with the use of dogs to insult people is Leach’s (1979) research which

focused on Kadin, a Tibeto-Burmese language spoken by the hill tribesmen in Eastern

Burma. To them, calling a man a dog is an obscenity; it is a verbal taboo. It is also

important to note that in some contexts, the behavior of dogs in terms of sexual

101

relations is affinal. That is to say, dogs can have relation with their own children. This,

among Akans, is an act that is considered to be incestuous and abominable.

In excerpt 12, the suitable attribute of dogs extended to former President

Rawlings is “greediness,” because according to the ordinary citizen, he was now

enjoying under President Mahama and that he is too busy with his “bones” (reference is

made to the enjoyment with dogs’ attention and steadiness with respect to bones) and

does not have the time to criticize the administration over corruption. The “bones”

represents the supposed “goodies” given to Rawlings. Recall that Rawlings has

criticized all presidents who came after him, including his own vice president, John

Evans Mills of blessed memory, who was elected in 2008. His unusual silence of not

doing same under the current administration baffles the ordinary citizen who therefore

compares his attitude metaphorically to that of a dog with a bone.

Similarly, the “sheep” is also used to represent politicians. In excerpt 13, the

ordinary citizen describes some politicians and the Electoral commissioner as “sheep”

by adding odwan “sheep” to their names. Agyekum (2010) mentions the characteristics

Akans associate with sheep as “foolish.” Therefore these attributes are attributed to

Yaw Boateng Gyana, a presidential staffer; Kwadow Afari Gyan, the Electoral

Commissioner; and Boakye Gyan, a former military leader, an instrumental figure in the

1979 military take over in Ghana. That is to say, these people are “greedy” and are only interested in their well being just like the sheep.

Excerpt 11

[Background: The ordinary citizen’s comment below was a reaction to NPP MP, K.T. Hammond who launched a blistering verbal attack on the Majority Leader of Parliament, Benjamin Kumbour in the house, for making an anti-corruption statement that did not go well him (Hammond).]

102

Name: Nana Kwasi Date: 12-04-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: EXPLETIVES GALORE!!! K.T Hammond Slams Majority Leader For Passing “Foolish, Stupid And Useless Comments” This dog is fighting hard to win back the confidence of his mother. He says his mother does not believe his tale about the $3.5m.

Excerpt 12

[Background: The comment below is in response to NPP MP, Derek Oduro who was surprised at the sudden loud silence of former President Rawlings over corrupt practices in the Mahama-led NDC government. Recall that Rawlings has criticized almost every government after him, including his own party.]

Name: Kofi Date: 01-11-2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Rawlings’ Conscience Has Been Bought…Why The Loud Silence Over Corruption Under Mahama? If you give meat to a dog it finishes it fast and starts barking again. But if you give it a bone it does not come back. Mills gave Rawlings meat and he quickly finishes it.

Excerpt 13

[The background of this excerpt is the same as excerpt 12.]

Name: King Bright (USA) Date: 01-11-2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Rawlings’ Conscience Has Been Bought…Why The Loud Silence Over Corruption Under Mahama? Too many Odwan (sheep) in Ghana and they are bent on plunging Ghana into chaos. Just name them: Yaw Boateng dwan, Afari dwan, Boakye dwan, and the list is endless.

Ordinary citizens also describe the behavior of politicians as mythical creatures or demons, which make them physically unfit to live among human beings. In excerpt

14, David Annan, one of the lawyers of the NDC government, is described as a

“vampire” when he insulted the chief of Essikado as an “indecent vandal.” Also in excerpt 15, Tony Aidoo, a presidential staffer is presented as an “old monster,” when he

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said that the NPP presidential candidate for 2008 and 2012, Nana Akuffo-Addo, “has an offensive body that puts people off.” Further, in excerpt 16, Kennedy Agyapong, an NPP

MP is described as “devilished” when he insulted the EC as “stupid.”

These descriptions reveal a society that believes in mythical creatures and supernatural beings whose behavior and operations are considered very scary and dangerous. Thus, the behaviors and dispositions of these politicians are considered as metaphysical or associated with some ‘crazy’ creatures because they are beyond human comprehension, and therefore not fit to mingle with humans. Theirs is the

“spiritual” world.

The use of the description “a bunch of vampires,” “monsters,” and “devilish” in excerpt 14, 15 and 16 respectively can be analyzed as metaphors. Emphasis is placed on “vampires” to illustrate the behavior of politicians in Ghanaian political discourse. The physical appearance of “vampires,” as illustrated in European folklore, as some creatures who leave their grave at night to suck blood of the living by biting their neck with long pointed canine teeth is correlated to the corrupt practices of Ghanaian politicians of siphoning money from the coffers of government without any accountability.

Excerpt 14

[Background: This is an insult from an ordinary citizen to all politicians, especially NDC type. His comment is in response to one of the lawyers of the governing NDC that called the Chief of Essikado an indecent vandal, following the latter’s description of politicians as a “band of rats and vampires feeding fat” on Ghanaians.]

Author: Photosy. Date: 2013-11-02 05:45:55 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: Nana Nketsia is an indecent Vandal – David Annan

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It's so sad to read in between the lines and conclude that the NDC are really feeling the pinch from Nana Nketsia's words. Politicians are fools but NDC politicians are not only fools; they have heads full of mash and trash. Nana, you are right, you and I are more intelligent than them and yet they think they can Lord it over us. My God, I am now convinced from the little Nana said, and all the dirty noises coming from only the guilty ones how guilty they really are. What a disgraceful bunch of vampires.

Excerpt 15

[Background: the comment below is an ordinary citizens’ response to Dr. Tony Aidoo, a Senior Presidential Aide and Head of Policy and Evaluation at the Presidency, for describing the NPP’s 2008 and 2012 presidential candidate as having an “offensive body language.”]

Name: Ama Date: 12-19-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Akufo Addo Has An 'Offensive Body Language' That Puts People Off - Tony Aidoo Look at this birch [sic] (bitch) and wee-smoker old man talking, you are nowhere near Nana Akuffo Addo, don't compare yourself to Nana, Nana is winning 2016 whether you like it or not, Mahama with his body appearance look at the way Ghana is suffering, do we govern with appearance or by sense. You old monster!

Excerpt 16

Name: Mubarak Date: 04-04 2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Ken Agyapong: Afari Gyan Is Stupid And Not Indispensable I am sad for my country. How can people in their right frame of mind commend this devilish and uncivilized speech by no mean person, but a member of parliament? No wonder our development is at a standstill. All these garbage are paraded in our august house of parliament. Do we as country really understand the essence of democracy?

3.2.1.3 Insanity and mental health of politicians

The behavior of some politicians in Ghana is compared to that of patients in the

mental homes and those suffering from some form of schizophrenia needing psychiatric help. In excerpt 17, P.C. Appiah Ofori, an NPP MP is described as “insane/mad he

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needs a psychiatrist to help him” when he insulted Konadu Apraku, a presidential aspirant of the NPP as “stupid” for contesting the 2008 and 2012 presidential candidate of the NPP, Nana Akuffo-Addo. Again, in excerpt 18, Victoria Hammah, the deputy minister of communication mentioned in excerpt 1 is described as “gyimifoɔ” (foolish person). The citizen continues to insult the minister as “woabɔ dam” (you are mad) because she claimed that the media assault on her was “chauvinistic” and

“misogynistic.”

The use of these expressions to describe politicians is of interest, in that, in the

Ghanaian way of thinking, patients in the psychiatric hospital are regarded as mad.

There is a dysfunction and improper utilization of their intellect and therefore need some sort of psychiatric help. More importantly, according to Agyekum (2010), the use of the word “madness” is considered to be the highest point of foolishness and its use is more offensive and derogatory than other insults related to the intellect. It even becomes more insulting when the target himself is not mad, but the word is used to describe his behavior as someone whose behavior is not in tandem with normal human beings.

Interestingly, certified mad men even become furious and oppose to the tag of madness. They would rather refer to the “insulter” as the one who is really mad and not them.

It is also important to note that, in Ghanaian society, those treated with mental problems have difficulties integrating and reuniting with their families because of the believe that mental illness is a chronic disease and cannot be cured outright. This is reflected in the Akan expression bɔdamni see ne dam kɔ koraa no, nyε deε ɔde

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hunahuna nkɔdaa to wit “if a madman says he has been cured of madness, there is

some little left to scare kids.”

Thus, the presentation of politicians as people who need to be at the mental

hospital, mad and foolish people, reveals the understanding that those politicians have serious problems with their line of thinking and therefore deserve to be in the psychiatric hospital, since their behavior is incompatible with that of normal human beings. The country needs people with the right frame of mind and intellect to govern the nation and

“not mad people.”

Excerpt 17

[Background: This comment from the ordinary citizen is in response to former NPP MP, P.C. Appiah Ofori’s insult targeted at another NPP presidential aspirant, Kofi Konadu Apraku describing him as “stupid.”]

Name: Nana Nketia Date: 12-11-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: P.C Appiah Descends On Apraku: Any NPP Member Against Nana Addo As Flagbearer Is “Stupid” P.C Appiah Ofori is insane/mad he needs a psychiatrist to help him. Is NPP for Nana Addo alone? Since 2008 we have consistently lost our hold from 7 decreasing to only 2 regions and yet crazy old foxes like PC and his sycophants will not give us a break. Free education is not the issue but an appealing candidate. Please stop your unguided visionless commentary.

Excerpt 18

[Background: This is a comment directed at Deputy Minister of Communication, Victoria Hammar who said the media assult on her was purely chauvinistic and misogynistic after publicly looking for her edited speech. Her action incurred the wrath of most citizens who claimed that she had disgraced the country in the eyes of the international community. This necessitated the reaction below.]

Author: Adwoa Date: 2013-08-12 12:38:33 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: “Media assault” on me “chauvinistic", “misogynistic” – Victoria Hammah

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You are incompetent and you lack morals. Gyimifoɔ (foolish person); woabɔ dam (You’re mad).

3.2.1.4 Innocuous insults

The data for this study shows that some of the insults from the ordinary citizens

are at times innocuous. They are ways of diffusing tension in the midst of economic

hardships and challenges, such as access to electricity and water. A typical example of

this is in excerpt 19. The ordinary citizen describes the pre-paid meters in Ghana as

“John wahala meters.” The President’s name Mahama is replaced with the Hausa word wahala meaning “suffering.” The import of the renaming is that the President is an epitome of suffering; he is responsible for the increased in electricity tariffs and the fast consumption rate of the unit. This is seen in his accusation that the unit he bought did not last long. The ordinary citizen’s description of the president is an insult, but very harmless; it merely pokes fun at the president.

Similarly, during President Kufuor’s administration, residents of Adenta and

Teshie in Accra came up with the term “Kufuor gallons” for shortages in water supply.

“Kufuor gallons” were yellow gallons that were used by residents of Accra to fetch water

in times of acute water shortage. In the same way, the current president, Mahama, has

an entire greeting associated with his name Mema wo dumsɔ oo “I give you power cut”

Yaa Mahama “Response Mahama” due to the erratic power supply which the country

experienced in 2012. Therefore some of the insults are just for comic relief; they are not

offensive. It must, however, be pointed out that the use of humor, especially situational

humor or conversational joking, is a double-edged sword, that is, it can “diffuse” and

“control conflict,” depending on the relationship and the social distance between the

speaker and the addressee (Boxer and Cortés-Conde, 1997: 275).

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Excerpt 19

Adom FM (Burning issues) FM November 13, 2013

Afia: Yenkɔ Bra Alita. Bra Alita, good evening. Lets go to brother Alita. Brother Alita, good evening.

Alita Good evening sister Afia.

Afia: Alita wowɔ air kasa ma me. Alita you are on air go ahead with your contribution.

Alita: Ma menka about John wahala meter no a yεde abεbɔ hɔ ama yεn no. Yεsee yεareduce by 25% hwε εyε ntorɔ oo. Last Saturday yεakɔtɔ unit εnnε unit no asa.

Let me talk about the John ‘Wahala’ meter which has been fixed for us. They said they have reduced it by 25%. Look it is full of lies. We bought unit last Saturday, but today it is finished.

3.2.2 Lexicalization and predication used by pro-NPP and NDC newspapers

Pro-NPP newspapers reported insults with lexicalization and predication from those they considered as ingroup members targeted at the outgroup members. In Table

3-1 examples 1 and 2:

1. Specialist in lies and propaganda shouldn’t be managing our economy- Bawumiah. Daily searchlight, October 2, 2012

2. J.J. tainted with blood. Daily Guide, January 10, 2014

The insult in (1) is a quote from Dr. Bawumia, a running mate of the main opposition party. He has a PhD in economics and believes that the NPP has the experts to manage the economy. He however believes that those managing the economy do not have the requisite expertise to manage it; they rely only on lies and propaganda, meaning they are not being truthful with the true state of the economy. Looking at the

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background of Dr. Bawumia, it will be difficult for the public to interrogate his comment

and it may not be possible for readers to understand that this is an attempt to convince the electorate that if the NPP is voted into power they will make the economy better.

The underlying idea behind the report of this insult is that the ingroup has the experts to manage the economy better than the outgroup. Therefore, the newspaper reports the insults from the ingroup member seeking to negatively portray the outgroup as people who do not have the technical know-how to manage the economy.

Example (2) is a predication that projects the founder of the NDC (an outgroup member) as a killer. J.J. Rawlings has been accused several times of being responsible for the killing of the three Heads of State and three Supreme Court judges. Therefore, the report of this insult from the NPP newspaper is a way to remind the public that the founder of the NDC is a known killer. Thus, the underlying idea behind the report of this insult is to negatively project the outgroup member as a killer and not worth listening to.

Similarly, pro-NDC newspapers reported insults from the ingroup members

targeted at the outgroup members. Various forms of lexicalization and predication of

insults were reported from the ingroup in Table 3-1 examples 1’ and 2’:

1’. No ‘patapaa’ President Mahama warn losers in December election. Ghana Palaver, September 14-16, 2012

2’. Arrogant Kan Dapaah running a one man show. Ghana Palaver, July 20, 2012

The word patapaa in example (1’) was uttered by the current president of Ghana,

John Mahama to advise all losers of the 2012 election, and reported by the Ghana

Palaver newspaper. Patapaa is an Akan word, which means “a person who is violent or

a violent behavior.” It is used to describe losers in the December elections. Though the word is used to advise all losers, knowing that Ghana’s election is a contest between

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the NDC and NPP, this insult is directed at the doorsteps of the main opposition and

most importantly to the 2012 presidential candidate of the NPP, Nana Akuffo-Addo.

Because he is alleged to have said prior to the 2012 elections that the elections would

be “all die be die.” He was criticized for warmongering. Thus, the report of the

president’s insult is to negatively present the outgroup member, NPP presidential

candidate, as a violent person who would not accept the 2012 election results and

would plunge the country into chaos if he lost; by extension, it is implied he is not even

qualified to be a president.

In (2’), the newspaper reports insults from NDC members of the Public Accounts

Committee (PAC) of Parliament that were tasked to investigate financial malfeasance in

the public service. Parliamentary regulations provide the opportunity for an MP from the

opposition party to chair the PAC so that there is a fair investigation of government

officials. The NDC members accused the chairman of the committee, Albert Kan

Dapaah, an outgroup member, of being “arrogant” and “running a one-man show” because he threatened to cause the arrest of an ingroup member, Alfred Agbesi

Woyome. The newspaper reports this predicational insult from the NDC members of the committee to negatively portray the outgroup member as someone who does not consult them before making decisions, and has therefore taken an arrogant posture.

The publication of the insult is clearly meant to discredit the outgroup member.

Pro-NPP newspapers reported insults from outgroup members directed toward

members of the ingroup. Examples 7 to 10 in Table 3-2:

1. You’re bush guys, stupid, Sorogho storms Oman FM. Daily Guide, September 13, 2012

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2. Hanna Bissiw NDC MP and Deputy Minister for Agriculture referred to Minority in Parliament as abrɔ meaning agents of retrogression. Daily Guide, November 28, 2013

3. Rawlings referred to Kufour as “autocratic thief.” Daily Guide, December 10, 2013

These insults were reported by pro-NPP newspapers to project to both readers and the public the kind of invectives coming from members of the outgroup to the ingroup members. Therefore, members of the outgroup are projected negatively as the ones spurring the insults, citing insults from NDC MPs, Minister Sorogho and Hannah

Bissiw, and the founder of the NDC, former President Rawlings, in 1, 2, and 3 respectively. The spin is that pro-NPP newspapers accused the outgroup members of insulting the ingroup members. Pro-NDC newspapers, however, did not report insults from the outgroup members towards the ingroup. There was nowhere in the data that I encountered pro-NDC newspapers reporting insults from the outgroup to the ingroup members.

Furthermore, both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers reported insults from outgroup members targeted at the outgroup members. Outgroup members used various lexicalizations and predications to insult people in the same outgroup. These were reported to show that there were confusion in the camp of the outgroup. In examples (1) to (4) in Table 3-3, pro-NPP newspapers reported insults from members of the outgroup to the outgroup:

1. Greedy bastards and babies with sharp teeth-Rawlings. The New Statesman, April 3, 2012 2. Wayome is a crass criminal. Daily Guide, June 5, 2012 3. You’re an idiot. Daily Guide, August 29, 2012 4. NDC is filthy corrupt. The Chronicle, October 2, 2012 All these predicational insults were reported to negatively present the outgroup.

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The predicational insult in (1) “greedy bastards and babies with sharp teeth” was a comment made by the former President Rawlings to his own party members who were vilifying him. This insult can be analyzed in two ways: first, it is used to describe the activities of the NDC with regards to corruption. Secondly, the second part of the insult “babies with sharp teeth,” is a metaphor used to describe the behavior of the young ones in the NDC. Rawlings made this comment at the time when most of the youth in the NDC were insulting him. So, his metaphor “babies with sharp teeth” refers to their penchant toward behavior of vilifying and insulting people. Within the Ghanaian culture, kids or children are not supposed to engage in adult communication, let alone to insult adults. This metaphor portrays that the young ones within NDC have outgrown wings and are vilifying the adults in the party. Therefore, pro-NPP newspapers reported this insult to expose the confusion within the camp of the outgroup, and to show that they are not the only ones saying the outgroup members are corrupt; the founder of their party and members of their party concur with them.

Pro-NDC newspapers also reported predicational insults of the outgroup members to the outgroup. Example (1’) to (4’) in Table 3-3:

1’. NPP national executives are thieves. Daily Post, December 3, 2013 2’. NPP is full of thieves. The Informer, December 18, 2013 3’. Wereko Brobbey is a non-entity. www.myradiogoldlive.com, May 31, 2013 4’. Kufour’s 30 constituencies senseless. Ghana Palaver, August 27-28, 2012

All these were reported to show the misunderstanding in the outgroup. The way in which these insults were reported signals the underlying ideology behind the report.

For example, the use of predicates “revelation” and “vindicates” in both examples (1’) and (2’) in Table 3-3 shows how the pro-NDC newspapers exposed the thievery and confusion in the camp of the outgroup.

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Moreover, both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers reported insults from non-

politicians targeted at the outgroup. Non-politicians refer to the clergy, citizens, chiefs,

civil society, experts, think tanks as well as others. Pro-NPP newspapers reported most

of the non-politician insults aimed at the outgroup whereas the NDC newspapers only reported one, which was from a non-politician reporting an insult from the outgroup

targeted at the ingroup as in example (1’) in Table 3-4: “Tε ni can’t govern us.”

Predicational insults from renowned pastors such as Mensa Otabil; spokesperson for

Presbyterian Church of Ghana, Emmanuel Osei Akyeampong; and energy economist

(by trade), Mohammed Ameen Adams were reported on NPP newspapers, shown in

example (1) to (2) in Table 3-4. Those insults were reported to promote the agenda or

ideology of the ingroup and marginalize the outgroup.

For example in Table 3-4, the Al-Hajj newspaper reported the insult in (1’) from a

taxi driver who claimed to have heard some Akans using the lexical item “tε ni” to insult

the president. This word needs elaboration. The correct spelling of the word is “tani,” an

Akan term use to insult those from the Northern part of Ghana. Recall that the NDC

presidential candidate, John Mahama is a Northerner, and the NPP is perceived as an

Akan dominated party. So, for this term to surface on the front page of an NDC paper is

a way of turning people from the North against the NPP. The paper portrays to readers

that the outgroup is presenting the ingroup presidential candidate as someone who is

ethnically unfit to lead the country. This portrays the outgroup negatively for using tribal

and ethnic sentiments against the ingroup candidate, while the ingroup is implicitly

presented positively for not whipping up ethnic sentiments.

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Coupled with the above, both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers used their platform to insult those they considered to be the outgroup. To insult the outgroup, the

newspapers used negative lexicalization and predicational forms to describe them. As

shown in examples (1) to (3) in Table 3-5, pro-NPP newspapers used negative

descriptions such as:

1. Thieving Mahama caught. Daily Searchlight, October 2, 2012 2. Leading the verbal onslaught on the clergy. Daily Guide, September 10, 2012

In (1), the Daily Seachlight paper describes President John Mahama as a “thief”

for stealing the 2012 presidential election which the NPP contested in court and lost.

Calling the president a thief was meant to bring to the attention of the NPP supporters

that the party won the 2012 elections, a typical case of a stolen verdict. Therefore, the

insult is aimed at satisfying the aggrieved ingroup members and portraying the outgroup

as thieves.

In (2) outgroup members are presented as the front-runners in insulting the

clergy. The clergy in Ghana and most part of the world are held in high esteem, so for a

newspaper to report that some politicians are fond of insulting them creates friction

between Christians and the outgroup. In Ghana, where majority of the population are

Christians, such tensions could cause the electoral defeat of the outgroup. Thus, the

negative description of the outgroup is meant to present them negatively and to

ultimately lose the next election.

Similarly, pro-NDC newspapers describe the outgroup members with negative

lexicalization and predications. Examples (1’) to (3’) in Table 3-5 support this claim:

1’. Akuffo-Addo is wicked and not worth dying for. Ghana Palaver, June 20, 2012 2’. Rascal Akuffo-Addo and his marauding Akyem tribal mafia. The Informer, May 29-30, 2013

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3’. NPP’s hypocrisy knows no bound Ghana. Palaver, August 27-28, 2012

The Ghana Palaver’s predicational insult in (1’) is targeted at Nana Akuffo-Addo, the NPP presidential candidate for 2008 and 2012 elections when he continued with his campaign at a time when the late former Vice President, Aliu Mahama, was admitted at

the hospital. He is accused of not showing enough compassion and abandoning the

former Vice President to die. The ingroup candidate is reported to have asked for

prayers for the late vice president from Ghanaians. Therefore, the paper described

Akuffo-Addo negatively as “wicked” and not qualified to be president of Ghana. The

ingroup candidate is preferred over the outgroup, revealing a group polarization

between NPP and NDC newspapers.

The analysis of naming revealed that both pro-NDC and NPP newspapers used

negative lexicalization and predications to describe members of the outgroup. For

example in (1) and (2) in Table 3-6, pro-NPP newspapers named some deputy ministers and members of the NDC government as “acid tongues,” meaning they are fond of putting forth vitriolic attacks on their opponents. Others were also referred to as

“castle boys,” for their consistent dependence and stays at the Castle, the seat of

government in Ghana. Hajia Boya, a Deputy Minister of Women and Children’s affair,

was referred to as “De La Hoya” (the former boxing heavyweight champion) for her

quarrelsome behavior. These names were assigned to the outgroup members to

present them negatively.

Pro-NDC newspapers employed the same strategy to refer to members of the

outgroup. In example (1’) in Table 3-6, Dr. Bawumia’s consistent criticism of the

economy earned him the name “Bawumianomics.” Any bad analysis of the economy

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was referred to as “Bawumianomics.” In (2’) and (3’) the editor of the Daily Searchlight newspaper, a pro-NPP newspaper, Ken Kurankye was referred to as “ɔpεtε” meaning

“vulture,” and Dr. Bawumia was also referred to as “Lying Scavenging Vulture.” Vultures

in Akan and elsewhere are considered as unclean as they feed on dead carcasses.

These characteristics are ascribed onto the outgroup members to present them

negatively.

3.3 Presupposition

This section is divided into two parts: first, I analyze the presuppositions used by

ordinary citizens to challenge the existing social power, and second I explicate

underlying ideologies in the presuppositions employed by both pro-NPP and NDC

newspapers.

3.3.1 Presupposition used by ordinary citizens

Some of the online websites, such as peacefmonline, block intemperate and

insulting comments or words posted by ordinary citizens. In view of this, contributors

have devised other means of posting their comments to achieve the same effect, and

presupposition is one of the ways. Surprisingly, I did not encounter the use of

presuppositions in the phone-in data. The examples shown below are from online

commentaries. This is exemplified in excerpts 20, 21 and 22.

In excerpt 20, the ordinary citizen uses the presupposition “Ghanaians are now in

slavery” to challenge political authority. The use of the word “now” presupposes that

Ghanaians were free and independent before the current political power, and

management of the country was better than now. This is seen in his use of the word

“slavery,” which evokes senses such as bondage, hard labor, and servitude, serving to

emphasize the hardship in the country. He reinforced this idea by describing those in

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authority as “greedy bastards,” a description which, as I pointed out earlier had been used by former President Rawlings to refer to the ministers and government appointees of the late President Mills. Therefore this ordinary citizen accuses the current government of being responsible for the present predicament of Ghanaians. The ordinary citizens’ presupposition is a challenge to political authority to do something about the sufferings of Ghanaians.

Similarly in excerpt 21, the citizen tries to undermine Tony Aidoo, a political authority, by using the presupposition “which varsity gave Tony Aidoo his PhD?” The sentence has two implicit meanings: (1) the credibility of the university that awarded Dr.

Tony Aidoo a PhD is questioned, and (2) his academic credential is undermined. It can further be presupposed that Dr. Tony Aidoo is not qualified for the award of a PhD. The citizen does not understand how a PhD holder would make such a comment about the presidential candidate of the NPP. Thus, the comment admonishes those in political authority to be circumspect in the description of their political opponents.

In addition, the citizen uses the presupposition “the criminals are ruling us” to challenge political authority in excerpt 22. Reah (2002) states that the use of the definite article “the” triggers presupposition. This is in line with Yule’s (1996) existential presupposition, for example, “the X,” presupposes that “X” exists. The noun phrase “the criminals” presupposes that “criminals” exist and are in charge of the administration of the country. He further accuses “the criminals” of destroying the future of Ghanaians.

The citizen’s presupposition throws a challenge to political authority to be mindful of “the criminal” elements in government and also be more concerned about the future of the country.

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Excerpt 20

[Background: The insult below is borne out of an NPP Member of Parliament’s comment that associated the President of Ghana’s incompetence to that of a woman.]

Author: ranger Date: 2013-11-03 13:50:05 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: David Annan is evil!!! Nana, say it a thousand times please! Ghanaians are now in slavery, with greedy bastards in control.

Excerpt 21

Name: Somebody tell me Date: 12-19-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Akuffo-Addo Has An 'Offensive Body Language' That Puts People Off - Tony Aidoo Which varsity gave Tony Aidoo his PhD? It must be some wretched varsity.

Excerpt 22

[Background: This is an insult from an ordinary citizen to all politicians, especially the ones in NDC. His comment is in response to one of the lawyers of the governing NDC who that called the Chief of Essikado an indecent vandal, because the latter described politicians as a “band of rats and vampires feeding fat” on Ghanaians.]

Author: THE GERMAN FACT Date: 2013-11-02 05:30:47 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: Nana Nketsia is an indecent Vandal – David Annan Nana say it again the criminals are ruling us. They are destroying our future.

3.3.2 Presuppositions used by pro-NPP and NDC newspapers

In this section, I show how pro-NPP and NDC newspapers used presuppositions to report insults from either the ingroup or the outgroup, other sources and the authorial voice. In the following I discuss pro-NPP newspapers use of presupposition first, and

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then explicate how pro-NDC newspapers utilized a similar strategy to describe those

they considered to be outgroup members.

In Tables 3-7 pro-NPP newspapers presuppositions include:

1. In his usual propaganda style. The Chronicle, July 19, 2012 2. Send people who can make intellectual debate. daily Daily Guide, December 12, 2013 3. Elvis, a notorious loose talker and a deputy minister. Daily Guide, November 10, 2010 4. Former President Jerry John Rawlings has suddenly found his voice. Daily Guide, December 10, 2010

The Chronicle paper used the presupposition in (1) to report an insult hurled at one of their reporters by Deputy Minister of Information, James Agyenim Boateng when he asked a question on whether the Constitutional Review Committee (CRC) was considering putting a clause in the constitution about health status of presidents and

presidential candidates. This occurred during a time that the late President Mills was

alleged to have been taken ill. The paper therefore presented members of the outgroup

as people fond of using propaganda. Employing the lexical item “usual” by the Chronicle

paper indicates that the outgroup member is noted for his habitual propaganda style.

In (2) the presupposition was reported from a source meant to present the

outgroup negatively. Fiifi Banson, a broadcast journalist with peace FM, a radio station

in Accra, is reported by the Daily Guide paper to have uttered that presupposition. He is

presented as “an award winning Ghanaian broadcaster” to portray the genuineness of

the presupposition. The meaning behind the presupposition is that the crop of panelists

sent by the NDC to peace FM are not astute enough to present the agenda of the party.

The Daily Guide newspaper made this report when Elvis Afriyie Ankrah, deputer

minister for Local governance and rural development compared the crumbling down of

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the Melcom store, which killed about ten people and injured several others to how the

NPP will fall in the December 7, 2012 elections. The use of the word “notorious” in (3) presupposes that Elvis is well-known for passing unguided comments. Just like the word “usual,” he is noted for talking loosely.

The former President Rawlings is also presented in the Daily Guide paper in (4) as suddenly finding his voice when he insulted former president Kufuor as an “autocratic thief.” The use of “sudden” presupposes that Rawlings has been quiet for sometime and was now speaking. His sudden voice, however, is directed at an ingroup member, not the outgroup, which the paper believes are noted for corruption. Therefore, the use of this presupposition is to negatively present the former president, an outgroup member, as directing his attention towards the wrong person. In sum, pro-NPP newspapers presented the outgroup members negatively using presupposition from both the authorial voice and (depicting the ideology of the papers).

Pro-NDC newspapers also employed presupposition to present the outgroup negatively. They used presuppositions from the authorial voice and members of the ingroup. Some of the presuppositions in Table 3-7 include:

1’. Loose-talking ‘Genocide’ MP on the loose again. The Catalyst, September 7, 2011 2’. The rotten NPP judgment debt baggage. Ghana Palaver, July 20, 2012 3’. NPP turned Ghana into a cocaine country. www.radiogoldlive.com, June 7, 2013 4’. True NPP old evil Dwarfs at work. Ghana Palaver, July 20, 2012

The Catalyst paper reported the presupposition in (1’) using the authorial voice to represent the outgroup MP, Kennedy Agyapong negatively for insulting the President,

John Mahama, the entire membership of NDC and the police service. The use of the lexical item “again” in the report presupposes that the MP’s loose talking is not the first

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time; that is, the MP is known for that. He is even described as a “genocide MP,” a term which negatively portrays the MP. Thus, the presupposition and the description are used to negatively present the outgroup member.

In (2’), the definite article “the” utilized by The Palaver newspaper presupposes that NPP has a rotten judgment debt that exists. Judgment debt is one of the contentious issues discussed in Ghana, and the two dominant parties continue blaming each other as to who has paid most of the judgment debts. Thus, the use of the presupposition seeks to portray to readers that there exists a “rotten” judgment debt in the NPP.

Radiogold.com reported the presupposition in (3’) from a deputy minster of information, Felix Ofosu Kwakye who described as unfortunate attempts by the NPP to link the arrest of the Managing Director of SOHIN Security in the United States for drug trafficking to the Mahama administration. The word turned presupposes that before the

NPP came to power there was nothing like cocaine in Ghana and, therefore the NPP

are responsible for turning Ghana into cocaine country. The ingroup’s administration is

implicitly presented positively for not being responsible for the cocaine business in the

country.

The Ghana Palaver paper employed the presupposition in (4’) to insult the

outgroup. The former President Rawlings was the first person to utter the description

“old evil dwarfs” to refer to some members of the NDC. For an NDC newspaper to use

this same description with the adjective “true” to refer to the outgroup is interesting. The

adjective “true” is used to qualify the noun phrase “NPP old evil dwarfs.” Richardson

(2007) indicates that the use of nouns and adjectives to modify noun phrases trigger

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presupposition he calls nominal presuppositions. So, “true NPP old evil dwarfs,” is a

nominal presupposition meant to present the outgroup negatively. “True” presupposes that NPP are indeed the real or actual “old evil dwarfs” not the NDC. Therefore, the nominal presupposition was used to present the outgroup negatively. In sum, pro-NDC newspapers employed presuppositions using authorial voice and the ingroup to present the outgroup negatively.

3.4 Metaphor/simile

This section focuses on how ordinary citizens used metaphor/simile to challenge the existing social power. Employing metaphors/simile, ordinary citizens insulted and exposed the wrongdoings of political authority. The data for the analysis in this section are exclusively derived from phone-ins.

Excerpt 23

[Background: The discussion was focused on the accountability of government. Below is a contribution from an ordinary citizen.]

Burning issues-Adom FM October 14 2013

Me nuabaa, me deε, nneεma bi wɔ kurom ha seesei a wo hwε sεnea Ghana mpaninfoɔ bu man no a, akɔyε sε baakofoɔ ɔate n’asɔre na ɔgye collection no a na kaa V8 na ɔakɔtɔ. Control board sεe koraa na ɔasan aba asɔredan mu hɔ na ɔabεhyε nkɔm na ɔagye sika atɔ control board.

‘My sister, as for me, now there are things happening in this country, currently if you look at the way Ghanaian leaders are governing the country it’s like a sole owner of church who takes his/her own collection/offering and buys a V8. When the control board is not working, he prophesies to the church for money to buy a control board.’ (Burning issues-Adom FM October 14 2013)

Table 3-9 shows one-to-one mapping of source to target. The sole owner of the church/prophet maps onto the domain of leaders in government and the church

members maps to all Ghanaians. The caller’s simile indicates the way the country is

being run by the leaders who consistently increase taxes with the aim of salvaging the

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ailing economy. When those taxes are misused or misapplied they come back and

introduce more taxes. The use of the word baakofoɔ “one man” and expression hyε

nkɔm “prophecy,” which maps to the leaders interestingly could be used to explicate

insults in a culturally insightful way because Ghana is experiencing an era of one-man

churches (sole owner of a church), who give all sorts of prophecies to extort money

from gullible church members. The prophets live in mansions, drive the most expensive

cars (not forgetting the caller’s mention of V8), wear expensive clothes, and eat the best

food while their members live in abject poverty. The picture being presented here is that

Ghanaian leaders are cunning cheats, who have no regard for tax-paying citizens. The physical experience of a church-prophet and members provide us with the way

Ghanaian leaders are governing the country and how ordinary citizens respond to it. It is important to mention that the caller insults Ghanaian leaders, but this is presented nicely in a form of simile, which exposes the deceitful nature of those on the helm of affairs in the country.

Excerpt 24

[Background: The discussion was focused on how to assist government workers and politicians to achieve a better Ghana. Below is a contribution from an ordinary citizen]

Adom FM (Burning issues) October 23, 2013

Yoo. Sister Afia meda wo ase. Sister Afia, time no a yεsua no, yε taa kɔ wia obi akɔmfem ɔto wɔ nwuram a, εbi a motetε a ɔto baako na moakɔfa; ɔto baako a na moakɔfa. Na yεtaa wiawia. εbi na John Mahama amammuo no ayε.

Okay Sister Afia. Sister Afia, when we were young, we used to steal the eggs of someone’s guinea fowl in the bush. We hide in the bush, when it lays an egg we go and take it; it lays an egg we go and take it. We were stealing them. That is what John Mahama’s government is doing.

I employ Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980) conceptual metaphor in this analysis.

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Table 3-10 shows a one-to-one mapping of source to target. The young people map onto politicians; the guinea fowl maps onto the Ghanaian people; and the egg of the guinea fowl maps onto government coffers. The caller’s metaphor implicitly shows the manner in which politicians are stealing from the coffers of the country. The idea of young people hiding and stealing every egg the guinea fowl lays is interesting because it relates to how politicians steal every cedi that goes into government coffers. It insinuates that politicians generate a lot of money by taxing the people of Ghana, and later turn around and steal those monies. Therefore, the caller presents politicians as thieves, stealing from the coffers of Ghanaians. The caller insults politicians but in a presentable way captured in a form metaphor that exposes their thievery. The caller’s metaphor poses a challenge to political authority to desist from stealing the people’s money.

Excerpt 25

[Background: On January 7, 2014 the President of the Republic of Ghana met the Press to answer questions on his first term in office. After the meeting, Happy FM had a discussion on it during which callers were asked to contribute to the program. Below is an exchange between the host of the program and an ordinary citizen.]

Happy FM (Yεpε a yεbεhu)

εmrε aso sε NDCfoɔ ɔɔmo bεdi akonwa ɔɔmo nka nokware na Ghana ntu mpɔn na sε Ghana bεtu mpɔn a εyε mpanin papa na εbεma Ghana atu mpɔn. εsan sε ɔpanin, ɔntumi mmεgye tax, εnye road toll, εnye biribiara na ɔmmεka nkyerε Ghanafoɔ sε yεnni sika. Yεnni sika a yεde bεbɔ ɔman no ho bra. Enti court case nti na woantumi ammu man. Meanwhile radio stationfoɔ moantua tax? Ne nyinaa ɔgye yε. Woteaseε? NDCfoɔ aban εnyε aban ɔɔmo bεka nokware akyerε Ghanafoɔ efiri sε ɔɔmo deε ɔɔmo bεwia, bεkum yεn na ɔɔmo bεsεe; korɔnoo nkoaa na ɔɔmo bεbɔɔ yε, ɔɔmo amma sε ɔɔmo bεyε Ghana yie.

It is time for the ruling NDC government to be truthful to Ghanaians. The progress of Ghana depends on good leaders. The reason being that the leaders cannot take taxes, road tolls and others and tell Ghanaians that there is no

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money. We don’t have money to govern the country. So you could not govern the country because of the court case. Meanwhile radio stations, didn’t you pay taxes? They took all the taxes. Do you understand? NDC government will never be truthful to Ghanaians because as for them they’ve come to steal, to kill and to destroy. They ascended the throne only to steal from us. They did not come to power to develop Ghana.

The ordinary citizen uses a metaphor similar to the Bible’s description of a “thief” to refer to NDC government. The Bible’s description is found in John 10: 10a, which states, “The thief comes only to steal, kill and destroy” (New International Version). The ordinary citizen portrays the NDC government as thieves, who are only in power to steal, kill and destroy. The NDC government is not only presented as thieves, but is considered something more, as in the Bible, “the thief” refers to “Satan,” the devil,” as well as an “enemy of progress.” The use of the word “steal” may literally mean stealing from the coffers of government. However, “kill” and “destroy” involve depriving

Ghanaians of the better life they want to enjoy. If there is no money in the coffers of government, it will affect the economy and the final consequence will be on the

Ghanaian people.

The caller’s relation of this metaphor to the Bible is very instructive because

Ghana is a country where majority are Christians. Making such a relation will likely resonate with a lot of people who will take his comments as sacrosanct. Again, the host of the program will not chide the caller for an unsavory comment but will treat it as a quotation from the Bible. In sum, the ordinary citizen insults political authority, but this is done religiously to challenge political authority to be truthful and develop the country for the benefit of all Ghanaians.

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3.5 Proverbs

Proverbs are used extensively in Ghanaian political discourse. In the present study, ordinary citizens used proverbs to “soften” or mitigate the effect of an otherwise plain insult, which may affect the sensibilities of the addressee or eventually lead to the abrupt end of their calls. More importantly, the discoursal function of the proverbs is basically to challenge the existing social power. Below are excerpts to support this claim.

Excerpt 26

Happy FM (Yεpε a yεbεhu)

BB: Hello good evening.

Kwabena Nifa: Hi BB na apɔw mu te sεn? Hi BB, how are you?

BB: Nyame ahyira me. Mepaakyεw hwan nie? God has blessed me. Please who is on the line?

Kwabena Nifa: Mepaakyεw Kwabena Nifa nie. Please this is Kwabena Nifa.

BB: Kwabena Nifa yεnkɔe. Kwabena Nifa, go ahead with your submission.

Kwabena Nifa: Nana Addo kaa asεm bi: Nana Addo see nnipa baabiara wobεtu wo nan asi biara gya din pa εwɔ hɔ ama sε wofiri hɔ anaa sε daakye worekɔ a obi ba a ɔse asomasi εbεgyaa saa din wei wɔ ha.

Nana Addo said something: Nana Addo said as humans wherever we find ourselves we should leave a good name so that when we are no more your predecessor can recognize your good name.

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The full form of the proverb in Akan is “din pa yε sεn ahonya” meaning “good name is better than riches.” The literal meaning of this proverb is that one’s reputation is worth more than money. In the context of use, this proverb paints a picture of political authorities who are only interested in amassing wealth, stealing, engaging in corrupt activities, are visionless, and are unable to govern well at the detriment of their own reputation. For sometime now, Ghana has been bedeviled with reports of corruption and abuse of political office, involving members of the top political echelons. Politicians are more interested in making money for themselves instead of leaving a lasting legacy for the next generation or something monumental that they would be remembered for.

An understanding of this proverb requires an understanding of Akan sociocultural concept of naming a child. In Akan culture, children are named after people with good character who have done something monumental in the society or family. The reason behind this is that the child will take the good character of the good people (good names) they are associated with. The reverse in Akan tradition is true, in that, naming a child after a person with bad behavior will resort to having a child with similar behavior.

The general understanding here is that every Akan must ascribe to leave behind a good name so that their relatives or other people can name their children after them.

The ordinary citizen’s proverb is a softener of an otherwise insult, which may have termed politicians as corrupt, visionless or thieves. Most importantly, the communicative role or the discoursal function of the proverb is to challenge political authority to concentrate more on leaving a lasting legacy than to amassing wealth for themselves so that their predecessors, Ghanaians or the next generation, will recognize their good legacy they left behind.

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Excerpt 27

[The proverb below is a response to the host of the program insinuating that some politicians do not like her.]

Adom FM (Burning issues) October 21 2013

Afia: Yεnkɔ Abaana hɔ wɔ Adenta. Bra Abaana, good evening. Lets go to Abaana in Adenta. Brother Abaana, good evening.

Abaana: Meregye wo soo Afia Pokuaa. I respond Afia Pokuaa.

Afia: Boss mepaakyεw wowɔ air, wae. Boss, please you are on air.

Abaana: Yoo Afia. Na apɔw mu te sεn? Okay, Afia. How are you?

Afia: Bɔkɔɔ. Cool (I’m doing very well)

Abaana: Adwuma no deε worebɔ obi ara pε w’asεm wɔ Ghana ha. You’re doing a great job; everyone likes you in Ghana.

Afia: Medaase boss. Thank you boss.

Abaana: εmmarima nuabaa baako pε. The only sister of men.

Afia: Anha, except politicians, ɔɔmo deε ɔɔmo mpε m’asεm saa ɔɔmo nya me a ɔɔmo bεdi me awu. No, except politicians, they don’t like me. If they get hold of me they will kill me.

Abaana: Nnipa bɔneni na ɔhu sε nyame baa na ɔredwane. Saa na εteε

It is only an evil person who sees God and runs away. That is how it is.

This Akan proverb means that evil people cannot stand the sight of God. It can further be understood as those who do the right thing are not afraid of accountability.

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Akans believe that God is holy, pure, good, and that all are accountable to him, and cannot stand the sight of evil people (i.e. that what is light cannot stand darkness). The ordinary citizen represents the host of the program as God who asks probing questions to reveal the wrong deeds of her addresses. The evil people represent political authority or politicians. In the context of use, this proverb presents a picture of politicians as evil people who do not want to account for their stewardship to the citizenry by facing journalists who will probe them.

This proverb, therefore, mitigates the effect of an insult, which may have referred to political authority as evil people and as people who do not want to be accountable for their bad or corrupt deeds. The discoursal function of the proverb, however, challenges those in the helm of the existing social power to be accountable to the Ghanaian people and also avail themselves for the public to scrutinize their activities.

3.6 Verbal process

This section focuses on how pro-NPP and NDC newspapers employed different verbal processes to report insults from those they considered ingroup positively and those they considered outgroup negatively. The analysis of the data showed that pro-

NPP newspapers employed negative and neutral verbs to report insults directed at the outgroup. However, NDC newspapers adopted positive, negative and neutral verbs to report insults directed at the outgroup.

Table 3-8 shows examples of negative verbs utilized by NPP newspapers: (1)

“lashed out;” (2) “jabbed;” and (3) “accused.” The neutral ones included (4) “describe” and (5) “challenge.” The neutral verb, “say,” was used to report insults from the ingroup targeted at the outgroup, in examples (9) and (11). Negative verbs were used to emphasize the effect of a particular insult from the ingroup member. In example (8) “An

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energy Economist, Mohammed Ameen Adams has accused a deputy minister of

energy, Alhaji Inusah Fuseini of being economical with the truth concerning power generation expansion projects across the country” (Daily Searchlight, October 2, 2012).

Similarly, negative or neutral verbs were used to report insults from outgroup members

to ingroup members, as well as from others not considered ingroup or outgroup such as

pastors, experts to outgroup members.

Pro-NDC newspapers, on the other hand, utilized positive, negative and neutral

verbs to report insults directed at the outgroup. Positive verbs used by the newspapers

were particularly used to justify the need for such insults. In example (1’) “explained”

was used to justify the description of the outgroup member as arrogant. Other examples

included the newspapers’ report of authorial voice as in (2’) “confirm.” The negative verbs utilized include (10) “exposed” and (12) “lashed out.” The newspapers, however, employed either negative or neutral verbs to report insults from outgroup to outgroup as well as ingroup to outgroup, examples are (3’) “say;” (4’) “warn;” (8’) “blast” among others. Table 3-11 shows how the both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers utilized verbal process.

In sum, positive verbal processes were not very common; they only appeared in the reports of pro-NDC newspapers, showing that positive ingroup representation was more common in pro-NDC newspapers compared to NPP newspapers. However, negative other-representation manifested in both NPP and NDC newspapers.

3.7 Summary

The textual analysis reveals how ordinary citizens use insults to challenge the existing social power in Ghanaian political discourse. It also shows the underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in pro-NPP and NDC newspapers. That is to

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say, there is a clear dichotomy in terms of Us vs. Them in the representation of insults from the outgroup and the ingroup.

In the first place, the analysis of lexicalization and predication shows how citizens infantalize politicians by reducing them to the level of girls and boys, as well as asking them to behave in accordance with the age and position in society. They infantilize some politicians to exihibit the wisdom attached to the growing of grey hair and question their cultural understanding and upbringing. Also, citizens challenge the exiting social power by linking their behavior and attitudes to that of animals such as mmoasεm

(animalistic behavior), “dogs” and “sheep” as well as some mythical creatures and demons like “vampires.” In addition, citizens question the behavior of politicians by linking them to patients in mental homes needing psychiatric help. Finally, I made the point that some of the insults are innocuous; they merely poke fun at people in power.

They are ways of diffusion tension in the midst of difficult times.

Regarding pro-NPP and NDC newpaper, both reported negative lexicalizations and predications that sort to present those they considered outgroup negatively while presenting the actions of the ingroup positively. This was exemplied in NPP papers report on lexical items: lies, propaganda, greedy bastards, and predications: babies with sharp teeth, thieving Mahama caught. NDC papers also reported lexical items: patapaa, tani, and negative predications: arrogant Kan Dapaah running a one man show, NPP national excutives are thieves. Concerning naming, NPP and NDC papers employ this strategy to describe the action of outgroup members negatively as seen in the NPP papers’ negative description of some deputy ministers and members of the NDC government as acid tongues, castle boys, and De La Hoya. NDC papers refer to the

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economic analysis of Bawumia as “Bawumianomics” and also negatively described the editor of The Searchlight newspaper as ɔpεtε “vulture.”

Secondly, the discussion on presupposition reveals that citizens employ this strategy to avoid censorship with regard to online websites by implicitly insulting and challenging the existing social power. Again, pro-NPP and NDC papers used this strategy to present those they considered ingroup positively and the outgroup negatively.

In addition, ordinary citizens use metaphors, similes and proverbs to “soften” or mitigate the effect of an otherwise plain insult, which may affect the sensibilities of the addressee or eventually lead to the abrupt end of their calls. More importantly, the discoursal function of these devises is basically to challenge the existing social power.

Finally, the analysis of verbal processes shows that pro-NPP and NDC papers utilized different verbs in the representation of insults. While NDC papers employed positive, negative and neutral verbs, NPP papers used negative and neutral verbs.

Therefore, positive ingroup representation was more common in pro-NDC newspapers compared to NPP newspapers. However, negative other-representation manifested in both NPP and NDC newspapers.

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Table 3-1. Ingroup to outgroup lexicalization and predicational insults NPP Newspapers NDC Newspapers 1. Specialist in lies and propaganda 1’. No ‘Patapaa’ President Mahama shouldn’t be managing our economy- warns losers in Dec polls. President Bawumia. Dr. Bawumia has bemoaned John Dramanai Mahama on the current government’s focus on Wednesday warned all losers of the gaining propaganda value in the December general elections not to management of the economy instead resort to violence but strive to help of taking real steps to fix the economy maintain peace and stability of the and make life better for the ordinary nation. (Ghana Palaver, September 14- Ghanaian. You need serious people to 16, 2012) manage the economy. We don’t need people whose specialty is lies and propaganda in managing our economy. (Daily Searchlight October 2, 2012)

2. JJ Tainted With Blood. The New 2’. Arrogant Kan-Dapaah Running A Patriotic Party (NPP) has put former ‘One Man Show. Some NDC Members President Jerry John Rawlings on the of Parliament on the Public Account firing line, describing him as a man Committee have explained that they tainted with the blood of Ghanaians boycotted Wednesday’s sitting whose death he masterminded. (Daily because the Chairman is trying to run a Guide January 10, 2014) ‘one man show’ (Ghana Palaver, July 20, 2012)

3. KT Hammond Explodes; Stupid, 3’. You pay masters are crooks (Daily Useless, Foolish. This was after the Post, December 17, 2013) MP for Adansi Asokwa and Ranking Member on Energy and Petroleum, K.T. Hammond had taken strong exception to a comment made by the Majority Leader, Dr Benjamin Kunbuor, to the effect that the Woyome scandal was no different from the drill ship saga when it comes to the issue of corruption. Unpalatable words such as “stupid, foolish, useless and nonsensical” were hurled by K.T. Hammond at Dr. Kunbuor amidst confusion in the House. (Daily Guide, December 5, 2013)

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Table 3-1. Continued. NPP Newspapers NDC Newspapers 4. Wayo is a liar. The office of the 4’. NDC forum for setting the records former President John Agyekum Kufour straight exposes NPP’s Gargantuan has taken note of a wickedly concocted lies on the economy (THE Al-Hajji, allegation attributed to him by Mr. Kofi March 3, 2012) Wayo, leader of the United Renaissance Party at a trumped meeting between the two sometime ago. (Daily Searchlight, October 2, 2012) 5’ The NPP is becoming a “comic relief” to Ghanaians (www.myradiogoldlive.com December 19, 2012)

6’. Addison’s Address is Infantile, Lacks Intellectual Depth-Dr. Tony Aidoo. A stalwart of the governing National Democratic Congress (NDC), Dr. Tony Aidoo has described as infantile the petitioners’ address as espoused by Lawyer Philip Addison. (www.myradiogoldlive.com August 10, 2013)

7’. K.T Hammond is Suffering from Multiple Personality Disorder (www.myradiogoldlive.com November 30, 2013)

8’. Jake is Ignorant about Mahama. Hon. Hamza Abugri, the Bantama Constituency Organizer for the ruling Nation Democratic Congress has offered his party’s stiffest defense about the mud that has been thrown at its yet to be confirmed candidate and the incumbent President of Ghana, His Excellency John Dramani Mahama. He has consequently called the bluff of the New Patriotic Party’s Chairman Jake Obetsebi Lamptey, and described him as somebody who is ignorant about the true person of the president. (The New Voice, August 22, 2012)

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Table 3-2. Outgroup to ingroup lexicalization and predicational insults NPP papers NDC papers 1. You’re bush guys, stupid Sorogho storms Oman FM. He screamed at the top of his voice: “you are bush guys, you are stupid” among other invectives as he entered the premises of the radio station in a manner which suggested he was definitely going to hurl a blow at the host of an ongoing program he had a bone to pick with. (Daily Guide, September 13, 2012)

2. Abro. The Second day of the debate on the government’s 2014 financial policy and budget statement yesterday degenerated into chaos and emotional reactions when the National Democratic Congress (NDC) Member of Parliament for Tano South, Dr. Hannah Louisa Bissiw, who is also the deputy minister for Food and Agriculture, referred to the Minority in Parliament as ‘abro’ meaning members of the opposition are agents of retrogression. She said for the opposition in Parliament not to see anything good in the budget is like the proverbial mouse who because of ‘abro’ decides to eat bits of pepper on the farm of its archival even though pepper is not a delicacy of a mouse. (Daily Guide, November 28, 2013)

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Table 3-2. Continued. NPP papers NDC papers 3. ‘‘Autocratic thief’’ (Daily Guide, December 10, 2013)

4. Dr. Bissiw went to the extreme when she described Ursula Owusu, an aspiring parliamentary candidate for Ablekuma Central in Accra, as a “disgrace to womanhood”. (Daily Guide, March 23, 2011)

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Table 3-3. Outgroup to outgroup lexicalization and predicational insults NPP papers NDC papers 1. ‘‘Greedy bastards, babies with sharp 1’ NPP National Executives Are teeth” - Rawlings (The New Statesman, Thieves - Agyepong A revelation by a April 3, 2012) leading member of the opposition New Patriotic Party yesterday evening should see Ghanaians congratulating themselves and thanking God that they did not elect the party during the 2012 polls to governor Ghana. (Dailypost, December 18, 2013)

2. Woyome Is Crass Criminal. Former 2’ NPP Is Full Of Thieves - Kennedy President Jerry John Rawlings has Agyepong Vindicates Asiedu Nketia! described businessman Alfred Agbesi When the General Secretary of the Woyome as a “crass criminal” who was ruling National Democratic Congress allowed to dupe the country by the Atta (NDC), Mr. Asiedu Nketia, once spoke Mills-led National Democratic Congress about 17 thieves vying to lead the (NDC) (The Daily Guide, June 5, 2012) opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP), he was insulted heavily and called all kinds of name. Time has run by and today, no less a person than Kennedy Agyapong, has vindicated General Mosquito via his public outburst that Jake Otanka Obetsebi-Lamptey and his National Executives are just a bunch of thieves. (The Informer December 18, 2013)

3. You’re an Idiot. Joshua Akamba, 3’ Wireko Brobbey is a Non-Entity- P.C who was fuming with rage and panting Appiah Ofori. A senior member of the for breath, without mincing words New Patriotic Party (NPP), Paul Collins described Dr. Opuni as an idiot among Appiah Ofori, has condemned his other unprintable words. (Daily Guide colleague, Charles Wireko-Brobbey, for August 29, 2012) releasing a statement which analyzes the performance and exposes the ignorance of Dr. Mahamudu Bawumiah, the second petitioner in the ongoing election petition trial. (www.myradiogoldlive.com May 31, 2013

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Table 3-3. Continued. NPP papers NDC papers 4. NDC is Filthy corrupt. Mr. Martin 4’ KUFUOR’S 30 CONSTITUENCIES Amidu has challenged President John SENSELESS. Former Attorney Dramani Mahama to clean up the General under the John Agyekum massive corruption in the government Kufour administration has said the and the ruling National Democratic creation of 30 constituencies in 2004 Congress (NDC), and stop fooling was illegal and by extension senseless Ghanaians about the ability of a state (Ghana Palaver, August 27-28, 2012) institution to investigate a sitting executive Head of State. (The Chronicle, October, 2, 2012)

5. ‘‘Babies with hard teeth’’ (The New Statesman, April 3, 2012)

6. Ablokwa is stupid (The New Statesman, April 3, 2012)

7. Asiedu Nketiah is loose talker. Former regional chairman of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) in the Brong Ahafo region has fired a salvo at the party General Secretary, Johnson Asiedu Nketia, describing him as a “loose talker” (Daily Guide, November 12, 2012)

8. Watch evil dwarfs in NDC! (The New Statesman, April 3, 2012)

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Table 3-4. Non-politicians to outgroup lexicalization and predicational insults NPP papers NDC papers 1. You are evil! Pastor Otabil (The New 1’. ‘Tε Ni’ can’t govern us. The New Statesman, April 3, 2012) Patriotic Party (NPP) sharp propaganda machine an elaborate strategy of dirty campaign laced with tribal and ethnic sentiments against President John Dramani Mahama in order to portray him as someone who is ethnically unfit to lead this nation (THE Al-Hajj, August 16, 2012). 2. Mosquito is drunk. Shocked at the conduct of the NDC leaders, Public Relations Manager of the Presbyterian Church of Ghana (PCG), Emmanuel Osei Akyeampong, was last Saturday quoted by Asempa FM as saying that he believed that Asiedu Nketia was likely speaking under the influence alcohol when he blasted the church leaders. (Daily Guide, September 10, 2012)

4. ‘LYING’ MINISTER Exposed! (Naming) An Energy Economist, Mohammed Ameen Adams has accused a Deputy Energy Minister, Alhaji Inusah Fuseini of being economical with the truth concerning power generation expansion projects across the country. (Daily searchlight, October 2, 2012).

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Table 3-5. Newspapers’ lexicalization and predicational insults to the outgroup NPP papers NDC papers 1. THIEVING MAHAMA caught! 1’. Akuffo-Addo is Wicked and not President John Mahama and his worth dying for as he abandoned Aliu National Democratic Congress (NDC) to death (Ghana Palaver, June 20, have committed a great crime against 2012) the nation and the people of Ghana. They have committed what can only be described as a high treason and a coup d’etat with the active help and connivance of the Electoral Commission! It is a grant larceny of politicking! (Daily Searchlight October 2, 2012)

2. Leading the NDC verbal onslaught 2’. The well-educated and man that on the clergy were party General Bawumiah is, he certainly was living a Secretary Johnson Asiedu Nketia and confortable and clean private life before the NDC Central Regional Propaganda allowed himself to be moved onto the Secretary, Allotey Jacobs, as the center stage of Ghana’s politics by President observed in silence. (The rascal Akuffo Addo and his marauding Daily Guide, September 10, 2012) Akyem tribal mafia (The Informer, May 29-30, 2013) 3. Allotey Jacobs-Greedy, Sycophantic 3’. NPP’s hypocrisy knows no bound. bastard! You know one of the most Gradually, the hypocrisy, treachery, deadly diseases that affect leaders are and foolery that under the NPP’s sycophants, and the likes of Allotey are political agenda are emerging to the most deadly sycophants. Mills may confirm the opinion that the party have been a poor leader from the doesn’t have what it takes to undo any beginning, but the praise from nitwits of the governments, especially the like Allotey, who depend on praise incumbent, that it has continued to singing to keep their bread buttered, is waste its resources condemning. what would eventually put the NDC (Ghana Palaver, August 27-28, 2012) back into opposition. (Daily Searchlight, October 2, 2012)

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Table 3-5. Continued. NPP papers NDC papers 4. Minister goes loose on Chronicle 4’. Dr. Bawumiah, the nice innocent ‘‘You are also sick’’ A genuine attempt dove; has succeeded in by The Chronicle to seek clarification metamorphosing into a very dirty on the some aspects of the report of scavenging vulture eating from stinking the Constitution Review Commission ‘‘borla’’ on Ghana political landscape (CRC), took an unfortunate turn, when (The Informer, May 29-30, 2013) a Deputy Minister of Information, James Agyenim Boateng, verbally abused a reporter of the paper, attacking him of posing a question on the health status of the presidents and presidential candidates. (The Chronicle, July 19, 2012)

5. The fight between President 5’. Dr. Bawumiah, the nice innocent Mahama and Asiedu Nketia has dove; has succeeded in pitched many factions against the so- metamorphosing into a very dirty called Gonja Mafia or Octopus that is scavenging vulture eating from stinking dedicated to advancing the cause of ‘‘borla’’ on Ghana political landscape the President. (The New statesman, (The Informer, May 29-30, 2013) January 7, 2014)

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Table 3-6. Naming NPP papers NDC papers 1. Acid tongues like Samuel Okudzeto 1’. When Nana Akuffo-Addo unleashed Ablakwa, Deputy Minister of Bawumiah to claim that inflation was Information; Kojo Twum Boafo, galloping in Ghana because some few Executive Director of Ghana Free commodities had high prices, his goof, Zones Board, who operates his official which was christened duties from Radio stations; Castle boy ‘‘Bawumianomics’’ by NPP, was Nii Lantey Vanderpuye; Peter Boamah pardonable because it was obvious he Otukunor; Kwesi Pratt Jnr of pro-NDC was not good at lying (Enquirer, August CJA fame; and Iddrisu Bature of NDC 13, 2013) Al-Hajj rag tag (Daily Guide, August 31, 2012)

2. Hajia Boya, now nicknamed ‘‘De La 2’. SHUT UP!!! Mills’ Mourners Tell Ken Hoya’’ and ‘‘No 10’’ for her alleged Opete Kuranchie (Ghana Palaver, quarrelsome behavior and garnering August 15, 2012) only 10 votes in the constituency primaries, allegedly attacked 54-year- old Rahinatu Zakaria alias Mma Kande, a banku seller in Tamale, on Sunday afternoon. (Daily Guide, August 28, 2012)

3. Sir John is kokoase kuraseni-Kobby 3’. When A Dove Like Bawumia Acheampong. The former journalism Becomes A Lying Scavenging lecturer at African University College of Vulture!!! (The Informer, May 29-30, Communication, did not only describe 2013) ‘Sir John’ as ignoramus but a typical ‘kokoo ase kuraseni’, to wit a typical villager from a cocoa-growing area. (Daily Guide, October 21, 2010) 4’. KENNEDY AGYAPONG TURNS GUNS ON MAHAMA ...Loose-Talking ‘Genocide’ MP On The Loose Again (The catalyst Newspaper, September 7, 2012)

5’. Hon. Hamza Abugri, the Bantama Constituency Organizer for the ruling National Democratic Congress (The New Voice, August 22, 2012)

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Table 3-7. Presupposition NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 1. An obviously incensed Agyenim 1’. KENNEDY AGYAPONG TURNS Boateng took the microphone, and in his GUNS ON MAHAMA ...Loose-Talking usual propaganda style, unleashed verbal ‘Genocide’ MP On The Loose Again. That terrorism on the reporter. (The Chronicle, Kennedy Ohene Agyapong still talks on July 19, 2012) public platforms for, and on behalf of the opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP) is shocking. But this is attributable to one reason. The Akufo-Addo-led party endorses the nation wrecking conduct of the Assin North Member of Parliament (MP). Notorious for making dangerously explosive statements with well anticipated impunity, the NPP MP has now turned his guns on President John Dramani Mahama, after the death of President John Evans Atta Mills who was the main target of the loose-talking MP's insults, carved in the most despicable foul language. (The catalyst Newspaper, September 7, 2012)

2. Fiifi Banson Advices NDC…Send 2’. The Rotten NPP Judgment Debt People Who Can Make Intellectual Debate Baggage Ghana (Ghana Palaver, July 20, Daily. Deputy Minister of Information, Felix 2012) Ofosu Kwakye and the Communication team of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) have been advised to ‘carefully’ select the party’s communicators especially those who appear on Peace FM’s Morning show programme‘Kokrokoo’. Award winning Ghanaian broadcaster and host of ‘Ekwanso Brebre’, a late afternoon drive show on PEACE FM, Fiifi Banson , is of the view that most of the NDC communication members are doing a great disservice to the party and the country with the way they talk on air. (Daily Guide 12, December 2013)

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Table 3-7. Continued. NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 3. Elvis, a notorious loose talker and a 3’. NPP turned Ghana into a Cocaine deputy minister of Local Government and Country - Felix Ofosu Kwakye. A Deputy Rural Development, in an effort to rubbish Minister of Information, Felix Ofosu the New Patriotic Part (NPP) free SHS Kwakye, describes as unfortunate an policy, used the collapsed Melcom building attempt by the opposition New Patriotic to explain why the National Democratic Party (NPP) to link the arrest of the Congress (NDC) would win the December Managing Director of SOHIN Security in 7 elections. (Daily Guide, November 12, the United States for drug trafficking to the 2012) Mahama administration. (www.myradiogoldlive.com June 7, 2013)

4. Former President Jerry John Rawlings 4’. True NPP Old Evil Dwarfs At Work has suddenly found his voice. Former President Jerry John Rawlings has suddenly found his voice in the raging corruption scandals that have rocked the National Democratic Congress (NDC) Administration. However, he rather directed his arsenal in the wrong direction, firing at his successor John Agyekum Kufuor’s administration, which spanned 2001 to 2009. (Daily Guide December 10, 2013)

5. Nana Akufo Addo is a ‘Sexy old fool’. 5’. Sekou Who? (Ghana Palaver, August The Deputy Minister of Water Resources, 15, 2012) Works and Housing, Dr. Hannah Louisa Bissiw, has lashed out at Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) Presidential candidate for the 2012 elections, describing him as a “sexy old fool”. (Daily Guide, March 23, 2011)

6. JJ Blasts Kufuor Over Corruption SEE 6’. Ghanaians are looking for a leader who NO EVIL! Jerry John Rawlings (Daily will be clean, because we all know what Guide December 10, 2013) narcotic drugs can do to a society-Richard Quashigah lamented (THE Al-Hajj, February 23, 2012)

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Table 3-7. Continued. NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 7. Old evil dwarfs (The New Statesman, 7’. The loose-tongued New Patriotic Party April 3, 2012) (NPP) Member of Parliament (MP) for Assin Central, Kennedy Agyapong is at it again; turning his unrestrained tongue to the President, the entire membership of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the Police Service. (National Democrat, April 25, 2013)

8. The “worst public speaker” Ghana has 8’. The stupid fool Police (National ever had as a leader. “John Mahama is the Democrat, April 25, 2013) worst Ghanaian President when it comes to public speaking because his ideas are totally bankrupt and uninspiring,” he said. (Daily Guide December 19, 2013)

9. Rawlings is at it again. On Monday he 9’. The NPP flagbearer is visionless and returned to his old devil-may-care rhetoric too old for President says Ade Cocker. self after a lull, when he descended on The Greater Accra Regional Chairman of former President John Agyekum Kufuor the ruling National Democratic Congress during his visit to the South African High (NDC), Joseph Ade Coker, has said the Commission- obviously ignoring the good presidential candidate of the New Patriotic counsel of his family to stop the silly and Party (NPP) Nana Akufo Addo is too old incoherent remarks. (Daily Guide and lacks the vision to lead the country if December 11, 2013) given the opportunity. (www.myradiogoldlive.com November 21, 2012) 10’. CONTINUE TO EDUCATE ‘‘SPOILT CHILD’’ ADDISON ON ETHICS OF THE LAW PROFESSION (The Informer, May 29-30, 2013)

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Table 3-8. Verbal process NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 1. The Deputy Minister of Water 1’. Arrogant Kan-Dapaah Running A ‘One Resources, Works and Housing, Dr. Man Show. Some NDC Members of Hannah Louisa Bissiw, has lashed out at Parliament on the Public Account Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, the New Committee have explained that they Patriotic Party (NPP) Presidential boycotted Wednesday’s sitting because candidate for the 2012 elections, the Chairman is trying to run a ‘one man describing him as a “sexy old fool”. (Daily show’ (Ghana Palaver, July 20, 2012) Guide, March 23, 2011)

2. The founder of the ruling National 2’. Gradually, the hypocrisy, treachery, and Democratic Congress, Jerry John foolery that under the NPP’s political Rawlings, has once again jabbed his party agenda are emerging to confirm the in an indirect manner, that will be subject opinion that the party doesn’t have what it to various interpretations by social takes to undo any of the governments, commentators. especially the incumbent, that it has continued to waste its resources condemning. (Ghana Palaver, August 27- 28, 2012)

3. Rawlings accused the Kufuor 3’. Former Attorney General under the administration of being so corrupt that the John Agyekum Kufour administration has United States Central Intelligence Agency said the creation of 30 constituencies in (CIA) warned him of a potential coup 2004 was illegal and by extension d’état. senseless (Ghana Palaver, August 27-28, 2012) 4. Deputy Information Minister, Samuel 4’. President John Dramanai Mahama on Okudzeto Ablakwa, has been described by Wednesday warned all losers of the President Mills’ appointee to the Energy December general elections not to resort Commission, ‘‘Chucks’’ Kofi Wayo, as to violence but strive to help maintain ‘‘sometimes stupid’’ in the discharge of his peace and stability of the nation. (Ghana duties, and has asked President Mills to Palaver, September 14-16, 2012) fire him since he is becoming a liability (The New Statesman, April 3, 2012)

5. Mr. Martin Amidu has challenged 5’. Other propaganda tags the NPP have President John Dramani Mahama to clean planned to put out on the President in the up the massive corruption in the run up to the December elections include government and the ruling National homosexual, womanizing and corruption Democratic Congress (NDC), and stop (THE Al-Hajj, August 16, 2012). fooling Ghanaians about the ability of a state institution to investigate a sitting executive Head of State. (The Chronicle, October 2, 2012)

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Table 3-8. Continued. NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 6. He (Otabil) described as defamatory, 6’. The Coordinator for the Human unethical, criminal, malicious and evil the Security Project in the Office of The doctoring and manipulation of his sermon President, Brig-Gen Joseph Nunoo- by members of the NDC to give them a Menasha says Egbert Faibille, Editor-In- political twist (The New Statesman, April 3, Chief of the ‘Ghanaian Observer’ 2012) continues to drag his name in the mud and soil his otherwise impeccable reputation at every opportunity only because his paymasters see him as the greatest obstacle to their political ambition of regaining power by hook or by crook to continue with their diabolical agenda of looting state coffers and impoverishing the people. (Daily Post, December 17, 2013)

7. Mosquito is drunk. Shocked at the 7’. A member of the governing National conduct of the NDC leaders, Public Democratic Congress (NDC) Relations Manager of the Presbyterian communication team Mr. Samuel Nartey Church of Ghana (PCG), Emmanuel Osei George believes Mr. K.T Hammond is Akyeampong, was last Saturday quoted by suffering from what he describes as Asempa FM as saying that he believed Multiple Personality Disorder (MPD). that Asiedu Nketia was likely speaking (www.myradiogold.com under the influence alcohol when he blasted the church leaders. (Daily Guide, September 10, 2012)

8. An Energy Economist, Mohammed 8’. NPP Youth Blasts Jake and Co. A Ameen Adams has accused a Deputy youth activist of the opposition New Energy Minister, Alhaji Inusah Fuseini of Patriotic Party (NPP) has condemned the being economical with the truth concerning purported attempts by the current party power generation expansion projects leadership and its fanatics to create an across the country. (Daily searchlight, unfettered situation for the re-election of October 2, 2012). the twice-defeated Presidential candidate, Nana Addo-Dankwa Akufo-Addo. (The Informer October 11, 2013)

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Table 3-8. Continued. NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 9. President John Agyekum Kufour says 9’. Angry Kufuor Descends on Sir John. that it has taken note of a wickedly The ever-deepening crisis prevailing in the concocted allegation attributed to him by main opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP) Mr. Kofi Wayo, leader of the United does not seem to be ending anytime soon. Renaissance Party at a trumped meeting At its last week Thursday’s crisis meeting between the two sometime ago. (Daily in Accra, former President J. A. Kufuor had Searchlight to fix a ‘Fatwa’ on the head of the General Secretary of the Party, Mr. Kwadwo Owusu-Afriyie. (The Informer October 7, 2013)

10. General secretary of the NPP 10’. Gabby’s Lies, Mischief Fall Flat descended heavily on the MCE of The attempt by the all knowing Executive Ejisu/Juaben, Afrifa Yamoah Ponkoh, Director of the Danquah Institute, Gabriel describing him as a “blatant liar.” (Daily Kwabena Asare Otchere-Darko, to make Guide, November 12, 2012) his voice heard in the ongoing discourse concerning the Ghana Youth Employment and Entrepreneurial Agency (GYEEDA) affair, has exposed him as a pure mischievous person and peddler of untruth. (The Enquirer, August 13, 2013)

11. Abu Jinapor, an aide to Nana Addo, 11’. A stalwart of the governing National says the presidential candidate of the New Democratic Congress (NDC), Dr. Tony Patriotic Party is incorruptible, stressing Aidoo has described as infantile the that corruption related issues will take petitioners address as espoused by center stage in the party’s campaign to Lawyer Philip Addison. capture power in the December polls. (www.myradiogoldlive.com August 10, (Daily Guide, October 1, 2012) 2013)

12. Former regional chairman of the 12’. Leader and Founder of the United National Democratic Congress (NDC) in Renaissance Party (URP), Charles Kofi the Brong Ahafo region has fired a salvo at Wayo, has lashed out at Mr. Yaw Osafo the party General Secretary, Johnson Marfo, a former Finance Minister under ex- Asiedu Nketia, describing him as a “loose President Kufuor’s administration, talker” (Daily Guide, November 12, 2012) describing him as a “character” who lacks the economic intellect and prowess to access the economic management of the Mahama-led administration. (The Al-Hajj July 17, 2013)

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Table 3-8. Continued. NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 13. Kufour blasts Kofi Wayo (Daily Guide, 13’. A Deputy Minister of Information, Felix October 5, 2012) Ofosu Kwakye, describes as unfortunate an attempt by the opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP) to link the arrest of the Managing Director of SOHIN Security in the United States for drug trafficking to the Mahama administration. (www.radiogoldlive.com June 7, 2013)

14. Chase out Evil Dwarfs. Former 14’. A senior member of the New Patriotic President Jerry Rawlings stormed the Party (NPP), Paul Collins Appiah Ofori, ruling National Democratic Congress has condemned his colleague, Charles (NDC) manifesto launch at the Ho Jubilee Wireko-Brobbey, for releasing a statement Park yesterday with a challenge to which analyzes the performance and President John Mahama to exorcise what exposes the ignorance of Dr. Mahamudu he described as “old evil dwarfs” in the Bawumiah, the second petitioner in the party ongoing election petition trial. (www.myradiogoldlive.com May 31, 2013)

15. Joshua Akamba, who was fuming with 15’. Deputy Minority leader Dominic Nitiwul rage and panting for breath, without has lashed out at a leading member of the mincing words described Dr. Opuni as an NPP Kwame Pianim over comments about idiot among other unprintable words. (Daily the minority in Parliament’s decision to Guide August 29, 2012) boycott the state of the Nation Address. (www.myradiogoldlive.com February 26, 2013)

16. Former President Jerry John Rawlings 16’. General Secretary of the National has described businessman Alfred Agbesi Democratic Congress (NDC), Johnson Woyome as a “crass criminal” who was Aseidu Nketiah has lashed out at the allowed to dupe the country by the Atta minority in Parliament for walking out on Mills-led National Democratic Congress the President. (www.myradiogoldlive.com (NDC) (The Daily Guide, June 5, 2012) February 21, 2013)

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Table 3-8. Continued. NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 17. Dr. Bissiw went to the extreme when 17’. Anti-corruption Campaigner and she described Ursula Owusu, an aspiring former New Patriotic Party (NPP) Member parliamentary candidate for Ablekuma of Parliament for Asikuma Odoben Central in Accra, as a “disgrace to Brakwa, PC Appiah Ofori has descended womanhood”. (Daily Guide, March 23, heavily on his fellow party 2011) member, Kennedy Agyepong, for a behavior of the latter’s which he describes as insanity. (www.myradiogoldlive.com February 5, 2013)

18. Rawlings accused the Kufuor 18’. The Greater Accra Regional Chairman administration of being so corrupt that the of the ruling National Democratic United States Central Intelligence Agency Congress (NDC), Joseph Ade Coker, has (CIA) warned him of a potential coup said the presidential candidate of the New d’état. Patriotic Party (NPP) Nana Akufo Addo is too old and lacks the vision to lead the country if given the opportunity. (www.myradiogoldlive.com November 21, 2012)

19. Political activist Dr Sekou Nkrumah has described President John Mahama as the “worst public speaker” Ghana has ever had as a leader. (Daily Guide, December 19, 2013)

20. The Presidency has described political activist Dr Sekou Nkrumah as a “perpetual cynic” and an “anarchist” who has lost touch with reality (Daily Guide January 9, 2014)

21. Mps Punch Speaker The Minority in Parliament has accused the Speaker, Rt Hon Edward Doe Adjaho, of being biased and not serving the interest of the people of Ghana.

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Table 3-9. Caller’s simile Source Target Sole owner of church/prophet Ghanaian leaders/leaders in government Church members Ghanaian people

Table 3-10. Caller’s metaphor Source Target Young People Politicians Guinea fowl Ghanaian people Egg of guinea fowl Government resources

Table 3-11. Summary of NPP and NDC verbal process Newspapers Positive Negative Neutral NPP Lashed out Describe Jabbed Say Blasted Challenge Accused

NDC Explain Warned Describe Confirm Blasted Say Lashed-out Condemned Exposed

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CHAPTER 4 DISCURSIVE PRACTICE ANALYSIS

4.1 Overview

This Chapter concentrates on the second dimension of Fairclough’s three dimensional framework: discourse-as-discursive-practice. In this section, I focus on how ordinary citizens cite the voices of others to reiterate their challenge of the existing social power. I further analyze the underlying ideologies in the report of insults by pro-

NPP and NDC newspapers, that is, whose insult or voice is reported and whose is not.

The latter focuses more on the institutional practices and organizational routines of text production. That is to say, in the production of text, journalists take into account various factors such as the editorial policy or procedure, guidelines of the media outlet, the targeted audience as well as the ideological leanings of the newspaper.

Moreover, I investigate the various topics which ordinary citizens selected to insult and challenge political authority. Some of the topics they dwell on are: the economy and corruption. Using foregrounding and backgrounding in the topic selection of newspapers, I show how insults from the ingroup/outgroup members are foregrounded or backgrounded in pro-NPP newspapers, and how pro-NDC newspapers also highlight or hide insults from both ingroup/outgroup members. Both pro-NPP and

NDC papers reported selected topics similar to the ones by ordinary citizens. The linguistic phenomena analyzed to unpack discursive practice are intertextuality and topic.

4.2 Intertextuality

As explained in Chapter 2, intertextuality refers to the citing and reciting of an already existing text. In speaking and writing, we contextualize and recontextualize the

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words and expressions of others. In his definition of Intertextuality Bakhtin (1986: 1)

writes “the text lives only by coming into contact with another text (with context). Only at this point of contact between texts does a light flash, illuminating both the posterior and anterior, joining a given text to a dialogue. We emphasize that this contact is dialogic contact between text … Behind this contact is a contact of personalities and not of things.” This definition presents the view of how a current text is linked to previous one and even to-be-said text as “ubiquitous and foundational, comprehending all of the ways

that utterances can resonante with other utterances and constitutive of consciousness,

society and culture” (Bauman, 2004: 5). This provides us with the idea of how citizens

include the voices of prominent people in society to emphasize their challenge of

political authority. I begin the analysis of this section by looking at citizens’

intertextuality. I follow up with the analysis of pro-NPP and NDC newspapers’ report of

voices they considered newsworthy.

4.2.1 Ordinary Citizens’ Intertextuality

The analysis of citizens’ intertextuality is based on four pertinent issues: the

patterns in citizens’ intertextuality; the kinds of people they cited; the part of their

discourse cited; and what citizens sought to achieve by linking their text to that of

others’ text. Utilizing Bauman’s (2004) framework on implicational relationship of

mediational routines with respect to intertextuality, I analyze the patterns found in

citizens’ phone-ins and online commentaries to challenge the existing social power.

The traditional understanding of spoken and written text is that they are

unmediated, consitituting speaker and hearer in a face-to-face interaction, and writing

and electronic media distance the sender from the receiver. However, the data on

intertextuality reveal that there is some form of spoken or written mediation in the citing

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of others’ voices in the comments of citizens to challenge political authority. There is a mediation of “utterance from a source to an ultimate targeted receiver, with the relay message framed and understood by the participants as a replication of the original”

(Bauman, 2004: 129). This is diagrammatically represented in Figure 4-1, taken from

(Bauman, 2004: 133).

The main understanding in this meditational routines is that, it is made up of two mutually implicated sets of participant roles: the receiver in the first set, who is the main organizer of the source dialogue. He intends become the sender of the second dialogue, leading to the target dialogue. It is important to note that the first speaker is the originator or source of the message, while the second is the mediator or relayer of the source utterance. A typical example is seen in the Akan chieftancy discourse where the ɔkyeame (refer to as the “linguist” in Ghanaian English) relays the Chief’s message to his subject. That is to say, the ɔkyeame serves a mediator between the Chief and his subjects (see Yankah, 1995 for detail discussion on this subject matter).

Ordinary citizens’ citation of the voices of prominent people in society to emphasis their challenge of the existing social power is reminiscent of Bauman’s implicational relationship of meditational routines. Unlike the traditional institutional discourse where there is a clear triadic transmission of information in the same context, for example the discourse of the ɔkyeame: the Chief speaks to his subjects through a mediator (ɔkyeame), the situation or the context in which citizens cite the text of others is different. That is to say, the context of the source message is different from the context of the citizen’s message (message1). Citizens borrow, quote or make reference to the source message to support their challenge of the existing social power.

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Relating this to citizens’ intertextuality exemplied in excerpts 28, 29, and 30, citizens acting as mediators cited the texts and comments of the following people: a renowned Archbishop in Ghana, Duncan Williams, the founder of Christian Action Faith

Chapel (CAFM), who is recorded to have said: “we don’t need amateurs in leadership, we need seasoned people;” an NPP MP, Sheik I. C. Quaye, who called the NDC government as “stealers;” and the General Secretary of the NDC, Asiedu Nketiah who described the former President Rawlings as an “old barking dog” respectively. In addition to these people, citizens also cited the voices of religious leaders, former

Presidents, traditional rulers and among others to challenge political authority. I use excerpt 29 in Figure 4-2 as an illustration based on Bauman’s (2004) implicational relationship of meditational routines.

The first speaker Sheik I.C. Quaye is the architect or source of the word “stealer,” which was used in a different context, while the citizen mediates the source word with his own comments in message1 targeted at political authority. It is interesting to note that the citizen employs strategic quotation or scare quotes to distance himself from the contentious nature of the word “stealer.” However, a critical look at his comment shows that he supports the idea that the NDC government is full of thieves. This is seen in his portrayal of politicians as a “disgraceful bunch of vampires.” Recall in Chapter 3 we mentioned that the word “vampire” connotes the sense of sucking blood from the living.

Relating this to his perceived actions of politicians indicates that the politicians are siphoning money from the coffers of government. Therefore, the ordinary citizen cites the word “stealers” used by of a former MP to reaffirm his challenge to the existing social power to stop stealing from the state’s coffers.

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Moreover, citizens cited or made reference to portions of the voices of the discourse of prominent people in society that seek to denegrade, criticize and question the leadership style of the existing social power. Some of the texts cited in the

comments of citizens are lexical in nature. For example, the use of the word “stealer” in

excerpt 29. Others are descriptions such as the one in excerpt 28, “we don’t need

amateurs in leaders,” which presupposes that the current crop of leaders or those in the

helm of affairs in Ghana do not have the requisite skills and experience to govern the

nation. During the presidency of the late Professor Mills, he appointed a lot of young

people as ministers and deputies, a trend continued by the current president, John

Mahama. Many have questioned the competence of such people since a majority of

them had just graduated from the university and have never worked and, therefore,

lacked the necessary experience to be ministers and deputy ministers.

Idioms were also cited from prominent people to challenge political authority. In

excerpt 30, the idiom “old barking dog” was used by the General Secretary of the NDC

to refer to former President Rawlings. The English idiom “barking dogs never bite”

means “someone who makes a lot of noise but takes no action.” The adjective “old”

which is used to modify “barking dog” presents us with the idea that the former present

is noted for making empty noises or claims. It could also mean that the former president

is indeed old and frail and cannot do anything serious. Therefore, the ordinary citizen

cites the insult of General Secretary of the NDC to reiterate the point that the former

president is not worth listening to because he is just a barking dog; his claims do not

have any basis and people should not take him seriously. That is to say he makes

claims without substantiating them.

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The generalizations drawn from the analysis of the intertextuality are that all the meditational routines (references made to the others text) were firmly situated in the texts of either politicians or religious authority aimed at challenging the existing social power. That is to say, all the texts are taken not from mere people but rather from people with authority who are revered in society. This, in general, is reflected in the relationship that existed between citizens’ texts and other texts, which was largely due to the discursive practices through which citizens accomplished their challenge of political authority. Political authority and the general public as targets show that mediational routines are public enactments. The constitution of the public as audience is a critical factor in determining the political, social and cultural capacities of mediational routines (Bauman, 2004) because such configuration resonates with the general public to continue with their challenge of the existing social power.

More importantly, considering the daily monitoring of the use of intemperate language by politicians and activists on radio stations by Media Foundation for West

Africa (MFWA), Ghana Independent Broadcasters Association (GIBA) and National

Media Commission (NMC), we can infer that the citizens citation of texts of politicians or religious authority in phone-ins was one of the ways to avoid being censored. Because the host(s) of the program may consider citizens’ comments citing the texts of prominent people in society as insults or comments not coming from the citizen, but from the originators of the source texts.

Excerpt 28

[Background: The focus of the discussion was on a Deputy Minister of Communication who claimed on a leaked tape that she will not quit politics until she makes one million dollars. After the discussions the phone lines were opened to solicit the views of the public. Below is a comment from an ordinary citizen.]

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Adom FM (Burning issues) November 11, 2013

Afia: Yenkɔ Bra George hɔ wɔ Zongo Junction. Bra George, good evening. Lets go to brother George in Zongo junction. Brother George, good evening.

George: Fine evening.

Afia: Mepaakyεw bɔkɔɔ deε. Please, I hope it is cool (all is well).

George: Oh Vim Lady bɔkɔɔ na mo nso ε? Oh Vim Lady all is well how about you all?

Afia: Mepaakyεw bɔkɔɔ, mepaakyεw kasa ma me. Please, all is well. Please go ahead with your contribution.

George: Me deε asεm a mepε sε meka ne sε εyε Nana Addo Dankwa Akuffo-Addo meda no ase. Mato no ɔbour papapapa! Because ɔkaa sε the battle is the Lords. Na Bible see εnyε deε εhinti dua no bεba na deε εnam ne so no ɔndue. εyε deεn pε, saa ade a εwɔ sε εba bεba. Because Nana Addo Dankwa see the battle is the Lords. Enti me deε mereka akyerε NPP prayer group network sε ɔɔmo mmɔ mpae paa afi ansa na εmu akεseε bεba no. Hwε NDC εna nea ɔsɔfo no kae no ɔɔmo yε immature. Kyerε sε ɔɔmo nnyinieε. Na sε ɔɔmo bε appoint ministers ɔɔmo a ɔɔmo ano yεya. NDC wokɔ mu a, ɔɔmo a ɔɔmo ano yεya. Hwε saa Ama Benyiwa Doe.

As for me, all that I want to say is that I’m grateful to Nana Addo Dankwa Akuffo-Addo. I’ve given him his due. Because he said the battle is the Lords. The Bible says temptation to sin will surely come, but woe to the one through whom they come. Because Nana Addo said the battle is the Lord’s. So I will like to admonish NPP prayer group network that they should keep on praying more revelations will come. Look, NDC, this is what the Pastor said: they are immature. This means that they are amateurs. If they will appoint Ministers, they appoint those with acid tongue. NDC is full of those with acid tongue. Look at that Ama Benyiwa Doe.

Excerpt 29

[Background: This is an insult from an ordinary citizen to all politicians, particularly from the NDC. His comment is in response to one of the lawyers of the governing NDC that

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called the Chief of Essikado an indecent Vandal, following the latter’s description of politicians as a “band of rats and vampires feeding fat” on Ghanaians.]

Author: Photosy. Date: 2013-11-02 05:45:55 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: Nana Nketsia is an indecent Vandal – David Annan It's so sad to read in between the lines and conclude that the NDC are really feeling the pinch from Nana Nketsia’s words. Politicians are fools but NDC politicians are not only fools; they have heads full of mash and trash. Nana, you are right, you and I are more intelligent than them and yet they think they can Lord it over us. Yes we do need a bloody revolution now, no, democracy breeds thieves and perhaps let me borrow Sheiks word ‘STEALERS.’ My God, I am now convinced from the little Nana said, and all the dirty noises coming from only the guilty ones how guilty they really are. What a disgraceful bunch of vampires.

Excerpt 30

[Background: This is a comment of an ordinary citizen in response to former President Jerry John Rawlings’ assertion that corruption did not start with Mahama, and that Kufour was an “autocratic thief.”]

Name: Kwame Date: 01-09-2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Corruption Did Not Start With Mahama...Kufuor Was An “Autocratic Thief” - Rawlings Rawlings is always attacking Kufuor and Mills because they didn't steal money to share with him. Mahama is stealing and sharing the booty with him, no wonder he keeps shielding the well-noted and famous corrupt man Mahama. Least I forget, who respects, regards and takes him serious? No wonder Asiedu Nketiah called him old barking dog. He needs a psychiatrist.

4.2.2 Pro-NPP and NDC newspapers intertextuality

In this section, I analyze how both pro NPP and NDC newspapers reported

insults or voices they considered newsworthy, focusing specifically on the voices that

were given more prominence and the ones that were marginalized. I show how the

various outlets used direct, strategic and indirect quotation to report insults from the

ingroup, outgroup and non-politicians. NPP newspapers included voices ranging from

religious leaders, former president Rawlings (from the outgroup), journalists, supporters

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or members of the NDC and NPP, and NDC and NPP members of parliament. NDC newspapers, on the other hand, included voices from citizens, the President, NDC leaders, NPP Youth, and NPP MPs; however, they excluded the voice of Rawlings, the founder of the NDC party.

Both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers used direct quotation to report insults from voices they considered newsworthy. NPP newspapers, for instance, included the voices of the Rawlingses (outgroup members). Examples (1), (4) and (5) in Table 4-1 show the various insults from Rawlings and his wife. In (1) Mr. Rawlings is quoted when he insulted the NDC, a political party he founded, for not following the ideals of the political party, that is, upholding the principles of “probity and accountability.” Rather, “they have lost the moral high ground.” The newspaper employed a neutral verb “stated” to report the insult from the outgroup member. The negative and neutral verbs “quiz” and “told” are used in (4) and (5) respectively to report the voices of the Rawlingses. Richardson

(2007: 102) states “readers’ interpretation of the quotation and the source responsible is inevitably framed by the reporting clause that the reporter chooses to employ.” The verbal processes employed in most cases reveal the “Us” versus “Them” dichotomy. In broader context, the inclusion of the voices of the Rawlingses shows that the NPP newspapers considered insults from them targeted at the outgroup members as newsworthy. The voices were also reported to show confusion at the camp of the outgroup to present them negatively. NPP newspapers also reported insults from former ministers of the outgroup using direct quotation, as in (2). The newspaper employed a negative reported verb, “claimed,” to report an insult from the former attorney general,

Martin Amidu all in an attempt to portray the outgroup negatively to readers. Voices of

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the spokesperson for the moderator of the Presbyterian Church of Ghana in (3), a

journalist (7) and ingroup members were also cited to present the outgroup negatively.

In sum, NPP newspapers included different voices targeted at the outgroup members in their report of insults. They also employed negative and neutral verbal reporting clauses to quote insults from the voices cited.

Like the pro-NPP newspapers, pro-NDC newspapers employed direct quotation to include the voices of different people to report insults. The majority of the voices included in the report of insults were from ingroup members targeted at the outgroup members. In (1’) for instance, an NDC “kingpin” is directly quoted relating the analysis of

Dr. Bawumia, the running mate of the NPP presidential candidate for 2008 and 2012 presidential elections, to that of a Senior High School economic student. The newspaper used a neutral verbal reporting clause, “ask,” to report the voice of the ingroup member. The voice of the NDC kingpin was included to discredit the economic analysis of the outgroup member. In (2’), the voice of a taxi driver was also quoted to portray the outgroup negatively for playing the ethnic card to win elections. In example

(3’) the voice of the NDC propaganda secretary is reported to revisit the issue of narcotic drugs. This is one of the most contentious issues in Ghanaian politics of which the two dominant parties, NPP and NDC continue to play the blame game. For an NDC newspaper to report this insult targeted at the opposition presupposes that the NPP’s presidential candidate is perceived as someone who uses narcotic drugs and therefore is not qualified to lead the nation. It is important to recall that in Chapter 3, we mentioned that the NPP presidential candidate has been given a lot of negative tags by the NDC party, of which narcotic drugs is one. The newspaper employed a negative

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verbal reporting clause, “lamented,” to show a passionate appeal to readers not to vote for anyone who is engaged in narcotic drug use. The NDC newspapers also included the voices of the outgroup members targeted at the outgroup in example (4’), (7’), (9), and (11’) in attempt to present the outgroup negatively. However, the NDC newspapers did not directly include the voices of non-politicians in their report of insults. Therefore, the voices, as well as the reporting clauses included in the report of the pro-NDC newspaper, were an attempt to present the outgroup negatively.

NPP and NDC newspapers utilized strategic or scare quotes to report insults from the voices they included in Table 4-2. Both employed this strategy to distance themselves from the contentious nature of the words or phrases involved. For example in (1) NPP newspapers used scare quotes to show a possible contention towards the phrases and words used by former President Rawlings to insult the outgroup members:

“greedy bastards,” “babies with sharp teeth” and “old evil dwarfs.” In (2) an outgroup member, Kofi Wayo is reported to have described a deputy information minister as

“sometimes stupid.” (3) also shows how NPP newspapers utilized this same strategy to report an insult from an outgroup member towards an outgroup member as “loose talker.”

NDC newspapers employed the same strategy to distance themselves from contentious issues, phrases or words. For example, in (1’), the president’s warning to all losers of the December poll is put in scare quotes as “patapaa” to distance themselves from such controversial terms. Similarly, in (2’) NDC newspapers used scare quotes to report insult from an outgroup member targeted at another outgroup calling him “non-

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entity.” In (3’), an insult from a deputy minister of information targeted at the outgroup is

put in scare quote as “a comic relief to Ghanaians.”

According to van Ginnekin (2002), the use of scare quotes indirectly questions

the content of the reported speech, that is, it distances the reporter or the editor from

the implications, the factualness or the truth-claims of certain words or expressions.

The use of scare quotes is similar to expressions such as “so-called,” “the so

described,” what they describe,” “according to him” and “what they call.” Both pro-NPP and NDC utilized this strategy to distance themselves from the claims of the reported speech; however, it is one of the means to present the outgroup negatively, reporting that they are not the ones insulting the opposing group or presenting them negatively.

NPP and NDC newspapers also employed indirect quotation to report insults

from voices they considered newsworthy in Table 4-3. In the representation of different

voices, it is very difficult to maintain the boundaries between the representing discourse

and the represented discourse, that is to say, maintaining a strict boundary between the

voice of the reporter and the voice of the person being reported. Fairclough (1995: 81)

aptly states that one of the prominent features of indirect speech is that “although it is

expected to be accurate about the propositional content of what was said, it is

ambivalent about the actual words that were used - it may simply reproduce them, or it

may transform and translate them into discourses which fit more easily with the

reporter’s voice.” An example is shown in (1) where the NPP newspaper indirectly

quotes the voice of a renowned pastor in Ghana, Pastor Mensa Otabil, founder of the

International Central Gospel Church (ICGC), calling the outgroup “evil” and “criminal.” It

is not clear from the text whether the pastor used such words to refer to the outgroup, or

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it is the reporter’s own voice embedded in the reported speech purposely for ideological expediency. Similarly, in (2) the voice of the deputy organizer of the NDC is indirectly quoted for insulting an outgroup as an “idiot.” The voice of the reporter is seen in the use of expressions “fuming with rage,” “panting for breath” and “without mincing words.”

It would be difficult to separate the voice of the reporter and that of the person being reported, in that, we cannot ascertain the validity of these expressions as the mood of the outgroup member when he made that comment. This provides us with the idea of ideologically-loaded words or expressions employed by reporters to serve group interest. The use of such expressions is to portray the misunderstanding between outgroup members as chaotic and thus present them negatively.

NDC newspapers also utilized indirect quotation to report speech. They included voices of the outgroup as well as the ingroup. In (1’), the voice of an NPP MP, Kennedy

Agyapong is indirectly quoted when he insulted the outgroup national executives as

“corrupt” and “thieves.” We cannot say for certain whether Kennedy Agyapong used those words or expressions in the text, or it is the reporter’s own voice inserted into the reported speech. Indeed, if these were his words there is a possibility that it has been spun by the reporter or editor to suit the group interest. In (2’) and (3’), voices of ingroup members targeted at the outgroup were indirectly quoted to present them negatively. In this case too it is difficult to judge the accuracy of the indirect quote from the ingroup members targeted at the outgroup. The possibility exists that the reported speech can be spun to satisfy group interest and denigrate the outgroup.

In sum, NPP newspapers included voices from religious leaders, media personnel, ex-presidents, supporter/members of NDC/NPP, NDC/NPP MPs, and at

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times excluded the voices of the ingroup. NDC newspapers, on the other hand, included

voices (insults from opponents) citizens, president, NDC leaders, NPP youth, NPP MPs;

however, they excluded the voice of Rawlings, the founder of the NDC party.

4.3 Topic

Recall from Chapter 2 that topics are basically the information in a discourse that

speakers or writers find important to foci. Citizens selected various topics to insult and

challenge the existing political authority. Similarly, I discuss how both NPP and NDC

newspapers’ used foregrounding and backgrounding to select topics. The analysis in

this section is in four themes: the economy, corruption, ethnic politics, and drugs.

4.3.1 The Economy

This subsection is divided into two, that is, ordinary citizens’ metaphor of disorder

and the economy, and pro-NPP and NDC newspapers selection of insults targeted at

the economy.

4.3.1.1 Ordinary citizens’ metaphors of disorder and the economy

The economy of every country is the pivot around which other things such as

health, education, security and others revolve. When the economy is not doing well, it is

natural for citizens to express their frustration because it directly affects their daily living.

In view of this, citizens in Ghana use metaphors of disorder to challenge the existing political authority to fix the ailing economy as exemplified in excerpts 31 and 32.

In excerpt 31, the ordinary citizen uses two figurative expressions to describe the

economy. The first one is a simile that relates the economy to a parked car with a

novice driver: the parked car mapped onto the economy, the driver mapped onto the

president and the children mapped onto Ghanaian people. His simile provides us with a

picture of a president who does not know how to manage the economy, and therefore

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leads the whole country into a ditch. He compares the rate of the Ghanaian cedi to other

currencies to show the bad state of the economy. What really bothers him is how the

CFA is outperforming the cedi.

The second figurative expression is metaphor in which the citizen mirrors the economy to a patient who is on admission at Korle Bu hospital (the biggest teaching hospital in Ghana). It is interesting to note that “Korle Bu” is a referral hospital (a

hospital that provides tertiary care, which is health care from specialists in a large

hospital after referral from primary or secondary care), so if an economy is on admission

at a referral center, it tells the severity of the “ailment” of the economy. Meaning all the

other hospitals, being primary or secondary care facilities (i.e. economic experts) in

Ghana could not heal or offer the best cure for the ailing economy. The ordinary citizen

further points to the fact that the economy will soon be sent to the morgue, indicating

how fragile the economy is. If the economy will soon land at the morgue then it is

metaphorically presented that it is on the verge of dying or collapsing.

Thus, the ordinary citizen’s simile and metaphor on the economy is a challenge

to the president to fix the economy because Ghanaians are suffering. His comment also

questions the president’s handling of the economy; that is to say, the president is not

managing the economy to the satisfaction of the citizen.

Similarly, in excerpt 32, the metaphor “Ghana’s economy is out of control”

presents us with idea of the current state of the economy. To the ordinary citizen,

everything is completely out of gear in the country since state institutions are arbitrarily

doing what they want. This is captured in his chronicle of some institutions collecting

tolls and others increasing tariffs and bills at will without consulting the presidency, thus

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pointing to the fact that the president is not in control of the administration of the

country. Therefore, this metaphor shows the disorder in the country; nothing seems to be working.

In general these metaphors of disorder show the kind of choices citizens make in

their discourse by comparing the economy and political leadership to parked cars and

novice drivers, and, most importantly, linking the ailing economy to a patient on

admission at a referral hospital (Korle Bu hospital) waiting to be conveyed to the

morgue. Also, the economy is represented as completely out of control. These

representations to some extent present us with the understanding of a country whose

economy is totally in a mess, needing redemption or in the economic world requires a

“bail out.” Further, political leadership and economic experts are represented as inept in

terms of mapping out proper strategies to salvage the ailing economy. Some of the

citizens comments present a gloomy picture of a country where nothing seems to be

working; and everyone seems to be doing what he or she wants, showing the confusion

and how things are disorganized in the country. There is no leadership in the country as

presented in the citizen’s simile in excerpt 31; the president does not even have the

leadership abilities to manage the economy.

Excerpt 31

[Background: The host of the program opens the phone lines after every morning political discussion to solicit the views of the citizens on the economy. Below is a comment from a citizen.]

Kokrooko (peacefm) September 20 2013

Kwame: Abacha wɔ ahoma no so. Abacha yεma wo akye. Abacha is on the line. Abacha, good morning.

Abacha: Yaa Bra Kwame, εte sεn?

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I respond, Brother Kwame. How are you?

Kwame: Nyame wɔ hɔ God exists.

Na bra Kwame, mεsan akɔ m’asεm no so bio. Seesei Ghana yεrehu amane papapaa. Yεbεsrε ɔmanpanin, Bro Kwame, economy εte sε kaa a εsi fie na akɔyε sε sεbe, sεbe wo papa ɔnnim kaa ka na woakɔ foro, ɔbεkɔ akɔkum mo. Seesei yεhwε baabi a dɔla, euro, seesei koraa cefa koraa a yε ne no te Africa ha no koraa ɔno ɔte kaa no front εna ɔde yεn korɔ. Enti yεbεsrε ɔmanpanin sε seesei yε economy no na εda Korle Bu a seesei εyε aduru mokyere. ɔnhwε na ɔnyε biribi mfa ho mma yεn because Ghanafoɔ yεrebrε.

Brother Kwame, I’ll revisit my issue again. Currently, Ghanaians are suffering. We would like to plead with the president, brother Kwame; economy is like a parked car in a house, excuse me to say, your father does not know how to drive and jumps into the car; he’ll go and kill all of you. Currently, if you look at the rate of the dollar, euro and even the CFA in Africa is seated at the front of the car driving. So, we want to plead with the president to tell us if our economy is on admission at Korle Bu and it will soon be sent to the morgue. He should do something about it for us because Ghanaians are suffering.

Excerpt 32

[Background: The comment below is a response to an article written by Professor Lord Amoah of Ashesi University, accusing politician of thinking of the masses as “idiots” and “fools.”]

Author: Just being curious!! Date: 2014-02-09 05:10:08 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: Our leaders think us ‘idiots’, ‘fools’ – Ghana’s economy is completely out of control, with everybody doing his or her own thing. President Mahama is simply useless. Mahama cannot control anything or anybody in corporate Ghana, even including his family members, because he knows his corrupt lazy visionless ways. Yesterday, it was university of Ghana authorities introducing toll charges for use of the university roads. Another time, it was Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) increasing electricity tariffs. Another time, it was Water Company introducing water meters and increasing water consumption bills. Another time, it was petroleum companies increasing fuel retail prices.

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4.3.1.2 NPP and NDC newspapers selection of insults targeted at the economy

Both NPP and NDC newspapers reported insults from ingroup members targeted

at the economy. The economy is one of the main topical issues political parties include

in their manifestoes on as well as their campaigns. In the manifesto, they present

comprehensive measures and solutions to address the economic challenges of the

country. Thus, it is one of the hotly debated topics in any democratic country.

In the report of insults (Table 4-4), NPP newspapers reported an insult from the

NPP 2012 running mate, Dr. Bawumia describing the managers of the economy as (1)

“specialists in lies and propaganda” in reference to the outgroup members. As an opposition party, their job is to punch holes in the economic policies of government to instill hope in the electorate that they will be better managers of the economy if elected into office. Therefore, this insult was selected to negatively present the outgroup as bad managers of the economy (as has been explained in detail in Chapter 3.)

NDC newspapers also selected insults from the ingroup targeted at the economy.

However, most of the insults reported were in response to accusations from the outgroup which presented them as bad handlers of the economy. For example in (1’)

“NDC kingpin blasts Bawumia on the economy.” This insult from the ingroup was purposely selected and reported to rebut Bawumia’s comment in (1). The kingpin compares Bawumia’s understanding of the economy to that of Senior High School

(SHS) economic student to portray him as unfit to comment on the economy. Recall that in Chapter 3 any economic analysis from Bawumia was described as “Bawumianomics.”

In example (2’) “NDC forum for setting the records straight exposes NPP’s gargantuan lies on the economy,” it can be inferred from this insult that the NDC newspaper selected and reported this insult to present the outgroup negatively for lying about the

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economy. Also, it points to the fact that the insult is a response to a comment made by

the outgroup concerning the economy. A former minister of finance, Osafo Marfo a

member of the outgroup, in example (3’) is described as a “disgrace to economics.” This

insult and among others are all in attempt to present the outgroup negatively.

4.3.2 Corruption

The issue of corruption is very complex and difficult to define. I resort to

Transparency International’s (TI) definition of corruption, which states that “corruption

and bribery are complex transactions that involve both someone who offers a benefit,

often a bribe, and someone who accepts, as well as a variety of specialists and

intermediaries to facilitate the transaction” (Bribe payers index 2008). They further state

that both the payer and the taker cause damage in a number of ways. Corruption is also

a fraudulent or dishonest conduct by those in power of which the ultimate sufferers are

ordinary citizens. Therefore, citizens insulted and challenged political authority on

corrupt practices in Ghana. This subsection is divided into two parts: ordinary citizens’

insults focused on corruption and pro-NPP and NDC newspapers reporting of insults on

corruption.

4.3.2.1 Ordinary citizens’ insults on corruption

Corruption is also one of the important issues that affect the daily lives of citizens

in a country. If political leaders are engaged in corruption, then there is a high tendency

that the development of the country will be stalled. Monies that are supposed to be used

for development are stocked in the pockets of some politicians. In view of this, citizens

insulted and challenged political authority involved in corrupt practices by using

idiomatic expressions and word play to expose such practices as exemplied in excerpts

33, 34 and 35 respectively.

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In excerpt 33, a citizen challenged the government of Ghana on corruption by

comparing the Supreme Court (SC) judgment on the 2012 election petition to the

ISOFOTON judgment. A brief information of this institution: in 2011 the government of

Ghana paid ISOFOTON, a Spanish company, a judgment debt of $325,472.00. A

former Attorney General and Minister for Justice, Martin Amidu sent the case to court

arguing that the payment of the judgment debt was wrong because the company had no

basis to make the claims against the government since it had no contract with the

government. He won the case and the company was asked to pay the money back to

the government of Ghana. According to this citizen, the government conspired with

ISOTOFON to “create,” “loot” and “share” the nation. Therefore the president is not

ready to retrieve the money. His accusation of the president is seen in the usage of the

idiom ɔabu nnua agu n’asom to wit “he has turned a deaf ear (to the issue).” This

means that the president has ignored the court ruling and he is not making any earnest

effort to retrieve the money from ISOFOTON. To the ordinary citizen, the government,

and, by extension, the president is an accomplice in the saga. Thus, the citizen’s idiom

is a challenge to political authority to be proactive in the fight against corruption and also

not to connive with private companies to dupe the nation.

Similarly, in excerpt 34, the citizen tries to reveal the double standards in former president Rawlings’ assertion that “Kufuor was an autocratic thief” with the idiom “a pot calling the kettle black” to wit “he is guilty of the very thing which he is accusing Kufour.”

This idiom reveals the double standard and hypocrisy in the comment of former

President Rawlings. To the commenter, Rawlings is more corrupt than the man he is accusing of being an “autocratic thief.” In sum, the citizen’s idiom is a challenge to

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former president Rawlings to stop accusing others of corruption since he is also guilty of that very accusation.

Moreover, the citizen’s comment in excerpt 35 is in support of the NPP activist’s claim that the president is an “insensitive” father of the nation for travelling to the UAE for Christmas holidays. He insults the president as “commander in thief of create, loot and share brigade” to indicate that the president is the leader of the corrupt activities in the country. His use of the word play “commander in thief” provides us with a picture of a president superintending over corrupt practices; he is the leader of corruption in the country. This claim also points to the fact that the president is corrupt, because to the ordinary citizen, the president is treated as a “King” and “Emperor” in the UAE due to his corrupt deals that benefit the UAE. Thus, the citizen’s insult is a challenge specifically to the president to stop his corrupt practices.

Excerpt 33

[Background: The host of the program opens the phone lines after every morning political discussion to solicit the views of the citizens on the economy. Below is a comment from a citizen.]

Peace FM (Kokrooko) September 20, 2013

Kwame: ɔdehyeε medaase. Yεnkɔ Sweduro, Appiah kɔtɔkɔ maakye. Royal good morning. Lets go to Sweduro, Appiah Kɔtɔkɔ good morning.

Appiah: Me nua panin Kwame Sefa Kai. My senior brother Kwame Sefa Kai.

Kwame: Yaa agya. I respond.

Appiah: ɔdehyeε kronkron wo ho te sεn? Holy royal how are you?

Kwame: Nyame adom nti.

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By the grace of God (I’m doing very well)

Appiah: Na NPPfoɔ na εkɔɔ supreme court kɔdii fo. εbaa ne sεn na the same Supreme Court no abua asεm εde atia aban a ɔte so a εno deε ɔno see aban tenase create, create, loot and share a ɔɔmo fa kwan bɔne faa ɔman no sika. Enti ISOFOTON εne saa nkorɔfoɔ no εnsan ntua saa sika no mmra. President Mahama ɔabu nnua agu n’asom saa sika no. ɔnyε n’adwene sε ɔregye saa sika no ama yεn.

It was NPP people who sent their case to Supreme Court and lost. How come the same Supreme Court that ruled against the ruling government that the government connived with others to create, loot and share to steal from the coffers of the state. They used dubious means to take the state’s money. So ISOFOTON and others should pay back the money. President Mahama has turned deaf ears on that money. He is not ready to retrieve that money for us.

Excerpt 34 [Background: This is a comment of an ordinary citizen in response to former President Jerry John Rawlings’ assertion that corruption did not start with Mahama, and that Kufour was an “autocratic thief.”]

Name: James Date: January 9 2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Corruption Did Not Start With Mahama...Kufuor Was An “Autocratic Thief” – Rawlings Lol, a pot calling kettle black. Who was more corrupt than this man? I think he is sick upstairs no wonder he is talking too much these days.

Excerpt 35

[Background: The comment below is as a result of an activist of the NPP, Richard Asante Yeboah, who criticized the President for being “an insensitive father of the nation” for taking an annual leave with his family to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) for the 2013 Christmas celebration.]

Name: Aduse Poku Date: December 25 2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: President Mahama Is An “Insensitive” Father Of The Nation There is a booming real estate business in that part of the world where Rich people go to buy holiday homes and resorts. As COMMANDER IN THIIEF of Create, Loot and Share brigade whose family and cronies are so rich to buy a bank, John Mahama is a

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caliber of person who are treated like Kings and Emperors. Have we paused to find out where all the oil go? Poor Ghana. Only God knows how many gold bars and cash he is sending there.

4.3.2.2 NPP and NDC newspapers report of insults on corruption

Pro-NPP and NDC newspapers selected and reported insults targeted at the

outgroup on corruption. Most of the newspapers foregrounded such insults to present

the outgroup negatively. Van Dijk (1998) aptly states that the media foreground

important stories and background the least important ones. Van Dijk’s ideological

square states that outgroup negative actions are foregrounded in the form of lead stories and headlines while ingroup negative actions are backgrounded, and vice versa.

In Table 4-5, example (1), an NPP newspaper reported or twisted and changed the slogan: “it dey bee kεkε” a pidgin phrase which means “it is exciting, fun or good to be part of (it or them)” which was used by the current president, John Mahama during the

2012 election to the Akan phrase “yεbεdii bi kεkε!” to wit “we came to squander some of your (money).” Though the paper does not explicitly insult the outgroup as corrupt, we can infer from the phrase that they are in power to perpetuate acts of corruption.

Therefore, the newspaper foregrounded and spun this slogan to present to readers that the outgroup are in power to engage in corrupt activities. In (2), the outgroup is presented as “filthy corrupt” and in (3) a member of the outgroup is described as

“greedy, sycophantic and a bastard.” All these insults were given front-page coverage to present to the reading public that the outgroup and its members are corrupt.

Similarly, NDC newspapers employed the same strategy of foregrounding insults on corruption targeted at the outgroup. However, most of the insults reported were comments from the outgroup members calling the outgroup as “thieves.” In (1’) and (2’) for example, an NPP MP, Kennedy Agyapong, an outgroup member, is reported for

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insulting the outgroup, stating that the “NPP is full of thieves” and that “NPP National executives are thieves” respectively. These insults were selected and foregrounded to present the outgroup negatively and most importantly to reveal to readers that even outgroup members attest to the fact that the NPP is corrupt and therefore not qualified to lead the nation. This point to the fact that the criteria used for the selection of news report provides us with a partial view of the world (Fowler, 1991) since this is carefully done for ideological purposes.

4.3.3 Ethnic politics

Ghana is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in the world. There are about 146 ethnic groups in Ghana. According to the Ghana Statistical Service (GSS)

2010 report on population and housing census, Akans are the predominant ethnic group in Ghana with 47.5%, followed by Mole Dagbani 16.6%, Ewe 13.9% and Ga-dangme

7.4%. It is common knowledge in Ghana that the two dominant political parties, NPP and NDC, are affiliated to one or two of the predominant ethnic groups. The NPP receives massive support from Akan dominated areas while NDC has majority of its votes from Mole Dagbani and Ewe areas. In the report of insults, therefore, newspapers aligned to these political parties selected and reported insults from the out-group and used authorial voice that sought to marginalize the strongholds of the ingroup. This section is exclusively focused on pro-NPP and NDC report of insults on ethnic politics.

Pro-NDC newspapers reported insults targeted at ethnic groups, which they considered to be part of the ingroup. In Table 4-6, example (1’), “tani can’t govern us,” was given front-page coverage for ideological purposes. Recall that in Chapter 3, it was shown that “tani” is a derogatory term used to insult those from the northern part of

Ghana. Thus for an NDC newspaper to select and report this insult from a supposedly

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ordinary citizen claiming that he heard some Akans discussing this issue is a typical political strategy to win the votes of those from the North. In (2’) the NPP presidential candidate’s tribe, Akyem, is presented as “marauding Akyem mafia within the NPP.” A

“mafia” according to the Oxford dictionary is “an organized international body of criminals, operating originally in Sicily and now in Italy and US and having a complex and ruthless behavioral code.” This description is mapped onto the Akuffo-Addo’s tribe to portray them negatively and by extension to present him as not qualified to be president of Ghana since he belongs to a tribe who are “mafias.” The NPP newspapers, however, did not report insults on ethnic politics.

4.3.4 Drugs

The issue of drugs is one of the most contentious topics discussed in Ghanaian political discourse. This topic has become very polarized between the two dominant political parties in Ghana: the NPP and NDC. Both parties continue to play politics with drugs, depending on who is in power. For example, an NPP member of parliament was arrested in the United States for the possession of cocaine. Subsequently, the MP was prosecuted and jailed in the US. The then opposition National Democratic Congress

(NDC) mischievously changed the abbreviation of the NPP to “Narcotic Peddlers Party.”

A similar incident happened to the NDC when they came to power in 2008, and the NPP also changed their initials to “Narcotic Drug Cartels.”

In Table 4-7 for example, pro-NDC newspapers reported insults and insinuations about drugs targeted at the outgroup. An example is (1’) “Ghanaians are looking for a leader who will be very clean, because we all know what narcotic drugs can do to a society.” This was a comment from a deputy propaganda secretary of the NDC, Richard

Quashigah insinuating that the leader of the NPP, Nana Akuffo-Addo is involved in

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narcotic drugs. His comment is presented in such a way that it speaks to the conscience of Ghanaians to be careful and select leaders who are not engaged in narcotics. Thus, this comment was given a front-page headline to portray the outgroup negatively for dealing in narcotic drugs. Again in (2’), Nana Akuffo-Addo is reported in The National

Democrat as “Akuffo-Addo was indeed caught with Marijuana in the US,” to show that indeed the outgroup presidential candidate is noted for drugs.

In (3’), a member of the government communication team, Felix Kwakye-Ofosu also accuses the NPP of turning Ghana into a cocaine country. The impression this comment creates is that during the tenure of the NDC there was nothing like cocaine, and NPP is responsible for the cocaine business in Ghana. This comment was selected and reported to present the outgroup negatively for turning Ghana into a cocaine country. Therefore, NDC newspapers foregrounded the topic of drugs to present the outgroup negatively.

However, pro-NPP newspapers did not select and report insults on drugs. The only comment recorded in pro-NPP newspapers was on the “Narcotic Drug Cartels” by the Daily Guide newspaper.

4.4 Summary

The analysis of discursive practices revealed findings that are consistent with those arrived at the textual level. With respect to Intertextuality, citizens mediated or made reference to the comments of prominent people in society to emphasize their challenge of political authority based on Bauman’s implicational relationship of mediational routines. Citizens also employed intertextuality in their discourse to avoid censorship.

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Pro-NPP and NDC papers employed direct, strategic and indirect quotations to report insults or voices they considered newsworthy. That is, the papers gave more prominence to voices they considered newsworthy and marginalized others. NPP newspapers included voices ranging from religious leaders, former president Rawlings

(from the outgroup), journalists, supporters or members of the NDC and NPP, and NDC and NPP members of parliament. NDC newspapers, on the other hand, included voices from citizens, the President, NDC leaders, NPP Youth, and NPP MPs; however, they excluded the voice of Rawlings, the founder of the NDC party.

On topic selection, ordinary citizens selected topics that impact their daily lives such as the economy and corruption. Concerning the economy, citizens employed metaphors of disorder which showed the kind of choices citizens make in their discourse that revealed the ineptitude and dereliction of the existing social power with regard to the administration of the country. As to corruption, citizens used idiomatic expressions and word play to insult and expose political authority involved in corrupt practices.

Both NPP and NDC papers selected topics similar to the ones used by citizens.

The study showed that NPP papers foregrounded insults and topics on the economy and corruption that presented the outgroup negatively. They however backgrounded topics on ethnic politics and drugs. NDC papers, on other hand, foregrounded insults on economy, corruption, ethnic politics and drugs to project the outgroup negatively.

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Table 4-1. Direct quotes on intertextuality NPP Newspapers NDC newspapers 1. ‘‘They have lost so much morale 1’. ‘‘This is unbelievable, even Senior high ground, and now one of the most High School Economics students know truthful, forceful, logically-minded that low inflation does not mean price personalities of integrity in the party stagnation, but that even though prices leadership is being treated like an are increasing, they are at a outcast to serve a parochial and comparatively low rate.’’ NDC Kingpin unpatriotic interest,’’ Mr. Rawlings Stephen Ashitey Adjei asks (Enquirer, stated (The Chronicle, March 27, 2012) June 12, 2012)

2. ‘‘Corruption, or perception of 2’. ‘‘Master, where is this country going corruption in this government is to, the NPP people have begun endemic and systematic and was not something which can be dangerous for personal to my late friend, Prof. John this country… Evans Atta Mills. The people infecting ‘‘I was at a spot at Dansoman and I this government with the endemic heard them saying in Twi, ‘Yendiye yen corruption and abuse of office for pini ma tε ni bia embedi yesu oh! to wit; private gains are alive and in President we won’t allow any person of northern Mahama’s government’’, the former descent rule over us. Mr. Charles Attorney-General and Minister of Ahwireng, a taxi driver (THE Al-Hajj, Justice claimed (The Chronicle, August 16, 2012) October 2, 2012)

3. ‘‘Any normal person cannot speak 3’. ‘‘Ghanaians are looking for a leader like that … I don’t know whether Asiedu who will be very clean, because we all Nketia was speaking under the know what narcotic drugs can do to a influence of alcohol, because how can society’’ Richard Quashigah any normal person without taking in lamentated (THE Al-Hajj, February 23 anything speak that way? This is 2012) uncalled for …The President must call them to order because these (insults) have been going on for far too long.’’ Mr. Osei Akyeampong was reported by the station as saying (Daily Guide, September 10, 2012)

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Table 4-1. Continued. NPP Newspapers NDC newspapers 4. ‘‘You have left crass criminals like 4’. ‘‘It was not questioned, nobody Woyome and those who supported him question it. The creation was done in government and you expect to win somewhere in January-10 clear months an election?’’ he quizzed, adding, “what to elections. Once issues are raised is your moral stand? I have a right of then the Supreme Court can look into saying so, that you have lost the moral it,’’ Ayikwei Otoo (Ghana Palaver, high ground.’’ Mr. Rawlings described August 27-28, 2012) businessman Wayome. (Daily Guide, June 5, 2012)

5. Mrs. Rawlings told reporters in Accra 5’. MP for Salaga Constituency, yesterday, ‘‘If the man is your founder, Ibrahim Dey Abubakari in an interview there should be a certain level of with XYZ News, said they will return to decorum where you don’t cross that continue with the committee’s sittings lies, insults and putting things on his when their request has been granted. head that he has not said at all. He added that the Chairman, Albert In a party where you have a founder Kan-Dapaah must also change his who is permanently being pummeled attitude and cooperate with members of with things that are not true is totally the committee to make their work not acceptable.’’ (Daily Guide, transparent. ‘‘A committee work is not a November 27, 2012) one man show and if the chairman is trying to have a one show, fine, then let him go ahead ‘‘This attitude can make the report bias. We want to maintain the integrity of the committee. Once the public is divided with PAC then you can imagine that the report will also be divided.’’ (Ghana Palaver, July 20, 2012)

6. “Mr. Speaker, this is the most 6’. “I would like to make it very clear to disgraceful statement that has ever you and your paymasters that no one is been made by any member in this going to stop me from serving our house; it is insulting, it is foolish and people. I will do it as long as I live and should never be allowed in this house,” God Almighty gives me the strength to Mr. Hammond said. Hdo so. It is my sacred duty and I will for the statement to be withdrawn continue with it till the very end” immediately…Mr. Speaker, I ask for the General Nunoo-Mensah said (Daily stupid and useless and foolish Post, December 17, 2013) statement to be withdrawn immediately…it is palpable nonsense,” K.T. Hammond fumed. (Daily Guide, December 5, 2013)

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Table 4-1. Continued. NPP Newspapers NDC newspapers 7. “I know we have intelligent people in 7’. “Many of the polling station the NDC and some of them even executives are complaining that they happen to be my friends and so when I have not received their responsibility hear some of these people talking it allowance. saddens me but…” Fiifi Banson (Daily of people who have been denigrated Guide, December 12, 2013) and accused of being responsible for the party’s defeat”. M r. S Alhassan Atakpo said (The Informer October 11, 2013)

8. “John Mahama is the worst 8’. “If he doesn’t take time and he talks Ghanaian President when it comes to like that and he is not careful, he will be public speaking because his ideas are giving the perception that he is a tin totally bankrupt and uninspiring,” he god,” he said. said. Comparing the President to his (www.myradiogoldlive.com August 19, late predecessor, Prof John Mills, Dr 2013) Nkrumah said, “The late Prof Mills might not have been so inspiring but I think he had some intellectual depth, but unfortunately with Mahama, he doesn’t seem to have anything.” Dr. Sekou Nkrumah (Daily Guide December 19, 2013)

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Table 4-1. Continued. NPP Newspapers NDC newspapers 9. The NPP “finds it highly unbecoming, 9’. “You NDC people don’t know how mischievous and provocative that Mr. serious these things are; when they Rawlings, a former military leader, later make false statement against you in head of state, who should naturally be the presence of the whole world. How wearing the shoes of statesmanship, is do I go back to correct this impression deliberately and unruly casting about me? You Nkhyira FM, always unjustified insinuations and insults on you want to disgrace me, saying as for his colleague.” (Daily Guide January Kenny Agyepong he is a violent 10, 2014) person. What kind of nonsense is that? These NDC people are fools. What can they do to me? Let them come and cut my head off if they are not fools. Always saying foolish things about people thinking nobody will respond to them. Everyday Kennedy Agyepong, Kennedy Agyepong, Kennedy Agyepong. No amount of money can repair my damaged imaged and so I will also have to insult them. If a sitting to himself will come out to say that…Their brains are not working. These NDC people are fools. Then the stupid fool Police too will come and say they are…what kind of bullshit is that?” Kennedy Agyapong said on Nhyira FM (National Democrat, April 25, 2013)

10’. “It is double standard because the NPP on one breadth are saying that the EC is not credible and they will have nothing to do with them; on another breadth you see them going against their own orders.” Joseph Yamin

11’. Mr. Dominic Nitiwul said “people like him (Kwame Pianim) are ridiculing themselves thinking that they are ridiculing the party. (www.myradiogoldlive.com 26, February 2013)

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Table 4-2. Strategic quotation or scare quotes on intertextuality NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 1. To the former President those 1’. NO ‘Patapaa’! President Mahama “greedy bastards” in connivance with Warns Losers In Dec Polls (Ghana “babies with sharp teeth” have now Palaver, September 14-16, 2012) developed into “old evil dwarfs” (The New Statesman, April 3, 2012) 2’. But P.C Appiah Ofori disagrees with him noting that Dr Charles Wireko- 2. Deputy Information Minister, Samuel Brobbey is a “non-entity” and so “I don’t Okudzeto Ablakwa, has been comment on the statement of non- described by President Mills’ appointee entities”. to the Energy Commission, “Chucks” (www.myradiogoldlive.com May 31, Kofi Wayo, as “sometimes stupid” in 2013) the discharge of his duties, and has asked President Mills to fire him since he is becoming a liability (The New Statesman, April 3, 2012)

3. FORMER REGIONAL Chairman of 3’. 16. A Deputy Minister for the Nationa Democratic Congress Information and Member of Parliament (NDC) in the Brong-Ahafo region has (MP) elect for the North Tongu fired a salvo at the party’s General Constituency, Samuel Okudzeto Secretary, Johnson Nketia describing Ablakwa describes the protest for him as a ‘‘loose talker.’’ Alhaji Abdullah justice by the opposition New Patriotic said the NDC scribe’s growing notoriety Party (NPP) and its supporters over for having a sharp tongue could ruin electoral fraud as “a comic of relief to the party’s chance in the December Ghanaians.” He says “the NPP is polls. (Daily Guide, November 12, becoming a comedy of contradictions 2012) and a laughing stock in Ghana”. (www.myradiogoldlive.com December 19, 2012)

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Table 4-2. Continued. NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 4. THE MEMBER of Parliament for Madina/Abokobi constituency who is also the Ghana National Fire Service (GNFS), Alhaji Amadu Sorogho last Tuesday created a scene at the premises of Oman FM. He screamed at the top of his voice: ‘‘you are bush guys, you are stupid’’ among other invectives as he entered the premises of the radio station in a manner which suggested he was definitely going to hurl a blow at the host of an ongoing programme he had a bone to pick with. (Daily Guide, September 13, 2012)

5. Dr. Bissiw went to the extreme when she described Ursula Owusu, an aspiring parliamentary candidate for Ablekuma Central in Accra, as a “disgrace to womanhood.” (Daily Guide, March 23, 2011)

6. I Pray Subsequent Presidents Do Not Inherit Mahama’s “Visionless” Mantle – Sekou (Daily Guide December 19, 2013)

7. The man he handed power to, he said, was “an autocratic thief” who endorsed corruption in all its forms. (Daily Guide December 10, 2013)

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Table 4-3. Indirect quotation on intertextuality NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 1. The General Overseer of the 1’. When it came to the turn of Kennedy International Central Gospel Church, Agyepong, a leading member of the Pastor Mensah Otabil, has taken NPP and owner of the radio station, he President John Dramani Mahama to went straight for the jugular, declaring task over what he calls the evil and that all the National Executives of the criminal attempts by members of his NPP are not only corrupt and but National Democratic Congress to thieves as well. According to Kennedy tarnish his reputation by piecing Agyepong, the National Executive together comments he had made in the members stole motorbikes he bought past to create the false impression that on credit from China for them to he is against the proposed free senior campaign with in the run up to the high school policy being espoused by December 2012 polls. He accused Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, them of using it now to campaign for presidential Candidate of the New themselves to be elected back into the Patriotic Party (The New Statesman, office. (The Informer December 18, April 3, 2012) 2013)

2. Joshua Akamba, who was fuming 2’. A stalwart of the governing National with rage and panting for breathe, Democratic Congress (NDC), Dr. Tony without mincing words, describe Dr. Aidoo has described as infantile the Opuni as an idiot among other petitioners address as espoused by unprintable words. (Daily Guide, Lawyer Philip Addison. August 29, 2012) (www.myradiogoldlive.com August 10, 2013)

3’. The Greater Accra Regional Chairman of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC), Joseph Ade Coker, has said the presidential candidate of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) Nana Akufo Addo is too old and lacks the vision to lead the country if given the opportunity. (www.myradiogoldlive.com November 21, 2012)

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Table 4-4. Topics on the economy NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 1. Specialist in lies and propaganda 1’. NDC Kingpin Blasts Bawumia on shouldn’t be managing our economy- economy. (Equirer, June 12, 2012) Bawumia (Daily Searchlight October 2, 2012) 2’. NDC forum for setting the record straight Exposes NPP’s gargantuan lies on the economy (The Al-Hajj, July 17 2013)

3’. Osafo Marfo is a disgrace to economics-Kofi Wayo (The Al-Hajj, July 17, 2013)

4’. NPP has no credible track record-NDC (The-Alhajj, September 27, 2012)

Table 4-5. Topics on corruption NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 1. ‘Yεbεdii bi kεkε! (The Chronicle, 1’. NPP Is Full Of Thieves - Kennedy November 5, 2012) Agyepong Vindicates Asiedu Nketia!The Rotten NPP Judgment Debt Baggage (Ghana Palaver, July 20, 2012)

2. NDC is filthy corrupt (The Chronicle, 2’. NPP National Executives Are Thieves - October 2, 2012) Agyepong (Ghana Palaver, July 20 2012)

3. Allotey Jacobs- A Greedy, Sycophantic 3’. The Rotten NPP Judgment Debt Bastard (Daily Searchlight October 2, Baggage (Ghana Palaver, July 20, 2012) 2012)

4. THIEVING MAHAMA CAUGHT! (Daily Searchlight October 2, 2012)

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Table 4-6. Topics on ethnic politics NPP newspapers NDC newspapers NPP avoided ethnic politics 1’. Tε Ni’ Can’t Govern Us ‘Yendiye yen pini ma tε ni bia embedi yesu oh! to wit; we won’t allow any person of northern descent rule over us (THE Al- Hajj, August 16, 2012)

2’. Rascal Akuffo Addo and marauding Akyem tribal mafia within the NPP. (The Informer, May 29-30, 2013)

Table 4-7. Topics on drugs NPP newspapers NDC newspapers 1. Narcotic Drug Cartel (NDC) 1. ‘‘Ghanaians are looking for a leader who will be very clean, because we all know what narcotic drugs can do to a society’’ Richard Quashigah lamentated (The Al- Hajj, February 23, 2012)

2. Akufo-Addo was indeed caught with Marijuana in the US-Steve Mallory (The National Democrat December 6, 2012)

3. NPP turned Ghana into a Cocaine Country - Felix Ofosu Kwakye (www.myradiogoldlive.com 7 June 2013)

4. Narcotic Peddlers Party (NPP)

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Source − (message)  Mediator − (message1)  Target

Source utterance Target utterance

Source dialogue Ι Target dialogue

Implicational relationship

Figure 4-1 Bauman’s implicational relationship of mediational routines

Source − (Message)  Mediator − (Message1)  Target

(I.C. Quaye) (“Stealers”) (citizen) (Stealers (Political

cited in authority

citizen’s and public)

comment)

Implicational Relationship

Figure 4-2. Citizen’s implicational relationship of mediational routines

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CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION: SOCIAL-PRACTICE ANALYSIS

5.1 Overview

In this Chapter, I expatiate on both the textual and discursive analysis to show the broader sociopolitical and sociocultural context, which is the third dimension of

Fairclough’s three dimensional framework. According to Fairclough (1995: 78), a

“sociocultural analysis needs to address such issues as the relation of power that underlie the emergence and continuity of particular discourse types, ideological effects that might be associated with them, ways in which they construct social identities, cultural values that they project, and so forth.” Thus, “critical” issues of power, ideology and voice are analyzed in the present Chapter.

I analyze that the power the media holds in political discourse in Ghana that is transferred to the powerless in society (i.e. ordinary citizens) who are empowered to challenge the existing social power (of politicians) through phone-ins and online commentaries, as well as the voice that the media give to the voiceless in society to participate in political discourse.

Drawing on van Dijk’s (1995) ideological square, I discuss the various ideological structures utilized by both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers on the textual and discursive levels to represent ingroup positively and the outgroup negatively (group polarization), paying particular attention to the sociopolitical context that necessitated this polarization.

Finally, I analyze the explicit use of insults in spoken and written text. As I have already noted throughout the dissertation, the Media Foundation of West Africa (MFWA) regulated and monitored the radio stations with the results that most of the outlets would

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not allow citizens to use intemperate language on their airwaves. Instead, they would

censure people who make such comments. Online websites, however, in most cases,

are a free-for-all insult. Thus, the use of explicit insults was very limited on radio as

compared to the online commentaries.

5.2 Media, Power, Voice and Ordinary Citizens

Throughout the analysis of the data in Chapters 3 and 4, we have observed that ordinary citizens challenged the existing social power via phone-ins and online commentaries, an avenues created by the media. We saw that citizens used insults to infantilize politicians, animalize them, and question their mental health. I also showed that some of the insults are innocuous. The broader question I discuss in this section is where do ordinary citizens derive this power from to challenge the existing social power, taking into the consideration the conservative nature of Ghanaian society?

Recall also that in the literature review in section 1.5, the Apoɔ and Kundum festivals and Halo poetry all of which empower the powerless in society to review the performance of their leaders, are done within a very short period of time in a controlled circumstance. Similarly, the various speech games that give people the license to insult are operational within the parameters of the game. Further, members of a particular social network cannot use “group insults” outside the domain of the network.

The moral priorities and direction of culture as well as the restorative and

regulatory functions of the tradition of institutionalized insults, particularly the festivals, point to the power imbalances in traditional Ghanaian society. Juxtaposing the power asymmetry in Ghanaian traditional and cultural set up to the current democratic context, the right to vote is a basic fundamental right of every citizen in a democratic state to elect political leaders. For example, article 42 of the constitution of the republic of

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Ghana states that “Every citizen of Ghana of eighteen years of age or above and of sound mind has the right to vote and is entitled to be registered as a voter for the purposes of public elections and referenda.” After exercising this fundamental right and power to vote, how do ordinary citizens contribute to political discourse or challenge the people they have elected into office? What are the avenues created for the ordinary citizens to make their voices heard in political discussions? How do citizens see themselves as partners and not observers in the governing process?

As I have argued and continue to argue, the power in Ghanaian political discourse operates within the media, in that, it is the main medium for the dissemination of political information, ideological enactment, and a persuasive tool for socio-political and cultural activities of people. They also provide opportunity for citizens to participate in political discourse.

Communication researchers see the media as the place where politics occurs

(Rose, 2004) as well as the institution whose function is to mediate politics in democratic society (Blumler and Kavanagh, 1999). These views are in line with political radio program and online commentary, because they are avenues that empower the powerless in society to contribute to political life. Listeners on radio, for instance, feel a strong sense of civic duty, which makes them call into a political program, send text messages or send comments online to contribute to political discussions. Indeed, it offers ordinary citizens a communication outlet that conforms to their desire to participate in politics, yet allows them to take an outsider stance (Owen, 2010).

The power the media holds in political discourse in Ghana is transferred to the powerless in society (i.e. ordinary citizens) leading to their empowerment to challenge

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the existing social power (power of politicians) and also contribute meaningfully to the day-to-day political discourse via phone-ins, SMS messages and online commentary.

By observing the actions of political authority, ordinary citizens use the power given to them to insult and challenge the existing social power. As observed by Wodak (2001:

11), “power does not derive from language but language can be used to challenge power, to subvert it, to alter the distributions of power in the short or long term.” The use of insults in Ghanaian political discourse, as has been explained, therefore, is one of the ways in which the existing social power is challenged.

The power citizens have to use lexicalizations and predicational insults to infantilize politicians by reducing them to “girls” and “boys;” challenging them to behave in accordance with their age, position in society; display the wisdom associated with grey; and conduct themselves as culturally raised adults and not to behave as uncultured people, is due to the empowerment of the media.

In the same way, the opportunity that citizens have to use animal imagery such as “dog,” “sheep,” and “swine” to represent and describe political authority; the ability to even go to the extent of referring to their behavior as “mmoasεm” (animalistic behavior) or some mythical creatures who have broken the social contract of how normal human beings should behave and therefore deserve to live in the bush with animals, is a further testament of the power that the media hand down to ordinary citizens.

In addition, the avenue created for citizens to link the behavior of political authority to patients in the psychiatric hospital and needing psychiatric help and those suffering from some form schizophrenia, and thus presenting them as people using their

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intellect improperly, is as a result of the power the media provide to the powerless and

voiceless in society.

Finally, the medium that the media offer to ordinary citizens helps them to

release or diffuse any pent up feelings or tension in the midst of economic hardship and challenges by allowing citizens for the use of predicational insults that are sometimes innocuous such as John wahala meters, Kufuor gallons and mema wo dumsɔ oo ‘I give

you power cut;’ yaa Mahama, ‘response Mahama,’ show the power the media gives to

ordinary citizens. (See section 5.3 for detailed discussion on the therapeutic function of

free speech.)

Recall that the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) monitors the conduct

of radio stations, especially those that allow people to use intemperate language on

their airwaves. In light of this, many of the radio stations do censor the comments of

ordinary citizens. To avoid censorship, as mentioned in Chapter 3, citizens resort to

presuppositions such as “Ghanaians are now in slavery,” “which varsity gave Tony

Aidoo his PhD?” and “the criminals are ruling us” to achieve their goal of challenging the

existing social power.

Similarly, metaphors/similes and proverbs are employed to avoid censorship as

discussed in Chapter 3. The main point drawn here is that in spite of censorship, the

avenue still exists (i.e. the power that the media give to the powerless and voiceless in

society) for those who are able to use witty and artistic ways of speaking to covertly or

implicitly insult and challenge political authority without being censored. Chilton and Ilyin

(1993) point to the fact that with metaphor, a speaker is able to avoid direct reference to

a face-threatening phenomenon because it leaves the addressee to make his/her own

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inferences from the intended knowledge being communicated. They further emphasize

that metaphor creates a common ground by paying particular attention to cultural frame.

That is to say, citizens use metaphors/similes and proverbs to mitigate the effect of an

otherwise explicit insult, which may have had the potential of affecting the sensibilities of

the addressee or possibly lead to an abrupt end of their calls.

Intertextuality was also one of the ways in which ordinary citizens avoided

censorship to challenge political authority. This was seen in the citing of the voices of prominent individuals such as religious leaders, presidents, MPs and others to reaffirm their challenge of the existing social power. For example, the citing of the voice of

Archbishop Duncan Williams “we don’t need amateurs in leadership, we need seasoned people,” NPP MP Sheik I. C. Quaye “stealers,” and Asiedu Nketia “old barking dog”

show the voice and power the media provide ordinary citizens to cite the voice of people

in power to first avoid censorship, and second to challenge political authority.

The avenue that the media offer creates the opportunity for citizens to contribute

to the selected topics that the media put forth for discussion. They emphasize on the

areas that affect their daily lives to insult and challenge political authority. Majority of the

insults from citizens were targeted at the ailing economy and corruption. These two

topics, to some extent, directly or indirectly affect the daily lives of citizens. In cases

where the economy is not doing well, it is natural for people to direct or express their

frustration to the handlers of the economy.

In sum, the platform the media offers to the powerless and voiceless in society to

use language to challenge their political authority is the power the media gives to

ordinary citizens. The opportunity to send text messages, make phone calls and even

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sit behind a computer to contribute to political discourse without being intimidated is the

voice the media give to ordinary citizens.

5.3 Therapeutic Function of Ordinary Citizens Discourse

Yankah (1998) discusses the significance of speech as a therapy in African

societies. He mentions that the suppression of speech in certain situation has the high

tendency of causing ill-health. This is exemplified in the Akan saying paepae mu ka ma ahomka, to wit “candid speech produces relief.” In some of these situations such as the apoɔ and Kundum festivals, “speech or social interaction may be frank, or bald on

record, and speakers may be shockingly candid, believing that uninhibited venting of

one’s thoughts is therapeutic” (Yankah, 1998: 20). Therefore, the main purpose of the

abuse is to drive away evil and ill-health. Akans believe that those who continually

harbor evil and grudge normally get sick, and if they do not release them, then the gods

will afflict them with diseases.

Relating this to countries where citizens do not have the democratic right to

express themselves freely, they normally experience all kinds of political unrest. This is

due to the fact that people may have harbored ill-feelings for a very long time and would want to expunge them so that they will be free. The question is why the political stability in Ghana in spite of the economic hardship, ethnic tensions, political invectives among politicians, and highly fixed ideological and power struggles between the two major political parties: New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress?

There are many factors that answer this question such as the fundamentals of democracy that are realized in other ways of freedom of speech. One important factor is the platform which the media offer citizens to experience and vent the wide range of feelings and emotions while considering the actions of political actors, issues, and

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events. That is to say, in the midst of tension and economic hardships, the ordinary citizens are able to express any pent-up feelings or emotions and challenge political authority and power abuse on radio and online commentaries. The expression “it is

better to jaw jaw than to war war” in Ngugi wa Thiongo’s novel “Weep Not, Child,” is

instrumental in the avenue that the media offer to citizens in Ghanaian public political

discourse. Instead of resorting to arms that will lead to destabilization of the nation,

citizens prefer to vent their frustration and anger by calling into radio programs to

express their feelings, or send text messages or go online to do same.

Therefore the contribution of the media to multi-party democracy and citizens’ participation in the daily political processes and discussions is revealing. The media

have also been analyzed as the fourth arm of government adding to three organs of

government: executive, legislature and judiciary in the sphere of politics, due to their watchdog role of keeping governments on their toes.

5.4 NPP and NDC Newspapers Polarization at the Textual level

Recall that in Chapter 2 we discussed in detail van Dijk’s (1995) ideological

square, which points to the fact that ideologies manifest in a form of polarized opinion,

thought, action, or discourse. That is to say, any property of discourse that expresses,

establishes, confirms or emphasizes a self interest opinion, perspective or position,

especially in a broader socio-political context of social struggle, is a strong candidate for

ideological analysis (van Dijk, 1998). Therefore, ideological structures are represented

along the lines of Us verses Them dichotomy, in which members of one social group

present themselves in positive terms, and others in negative terms. This leads to

polarization whereby the media emphasize the positive actions of the ingroup members

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and deemphasize its negative actions on one hand, and deemphasize the positive

action of the outgroup and emphasize its negative actions on the other hand.

Textual analysis of pro-NPP and NDC newspaper reports of insults in Chapter 3 revealed that there is clear group polarization dividing these two dominant political parties into ingroup and outgroup. In the subsequent paragraphs, I provide explanations for this polarization at the textual level, focusing specifically on the two ideological structures: negative lexicalization and predications and detailed description employed by both pro-NPP and NDC newspapers. These revealed group polarization between the two dominant political parties in Ghana.

In the first place, the lexical forms that are used to describe the political opponents show Us verses Them dichotomy. Pro-NPP newspapers for example employed the lexical item “propaganda” from Dr. Bawumia to refer to the managers of the economy. According to United States Institute for Propaganda Analysis (USIPA)

(2001), the word propaganda “is an expression of opinion or action by an individuals or groups deliberately designed to influence opinions or actions of individuals with reference to predetermined ends.” The NPP newspaper, therefore, published the word

“propaganda” for ideological purposes, that is, to present the outgroup as: (1) not giving the true state of the economy and (2) bad handlers of the economy. However, they portray to the reader that the NPP would be transparent and have the expertise to manage the economy better than the outgroup. This reveals group polarization, in that, the ingroup is presented positively as transparent and good mangers of the economy while the out-group is presented negatively as liars and bad handlers of the economy.

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Pro-NDC newspapers also employed lexical items “patapaa” and “tani.” The current president of Ghana, John Mahama prior to 2012 general elections used the word “patapaa”. It means “a violent person or violent behavior or a thug”. The meaning can be extended to “someone who uses force to claim what does not belong to him/her.” This word was used to advise all losers of 2012 elections. However, this was an insult directed at the presidential candidate for the NPP describing him as violent, adopting a “patapaa” stance to win the elections. NDC newspapers reported this negative lexicalization from the president to present the presidential candidate of the outgroup as violent while maintaining that the ingroup candidate is peaceful and not violent.

NDC newspapers employed the term “tani” an Akan word that is used to insult those from the Northern part of Ghana. There is no consensus as to meaning of this word. While Agyekum (2010) argues that it is a derogatory term for people who move in pairs (ntafoɔ [ntaafoɔ]-twins and tani [ata/ataa]-one of the twin), reference is made to immigrants from the Northern part of Ghana; others have the understanding that it is an insult which makes reference to those from the northern part of Ghana as “dirty people.”

The common idea out of the two meanings is that it is not a good term to use for

Northerners. Interestingly, this term surfaced on the front page of an NDC newspaper

“tani can’t govern us.” It must be mentioned that the 2012 presidential candidate of the

NDC and the current President is a Northerner, which gives credence to this insult.

Also, it is important to recall that the NPP has long been perceived as an Akan or

Ashanti dominated party, and historically Northerners were considered as servants of the Akans. Putting all these facts in context, the pro-NDC newspaper pitches an old

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ideological battle between the ingroup and the outgroup. The outgroup is presented negatively as insulting and marginalizing those from the North. This, therefore, raises an ethnic tension between those from the North and the outgroup. That is to say, it turns the people from the North against the NPP. According to van Dijk (2001), ethnic prejudice and ideologies are not innate; rather, they are acquired and learned through communication, that is, through text and talk.

Secondly, with regard to detailed description, NPP newspapers employed detailed positive descriptions to describe ingroup members as well as non-politicians insulting the outgroup. For example, the Daily Searchlight paper described Mr.

Mohammed Ameen Adams who accused the deputy energy minster, Alhaji Inusah

Fuseini of being economical with truth concerning the energy crisis in the country as “an energy expert or economist.” Similarly, the Daily Guide paper described a broadcast journalist, Fiifi Banson as “an award winning Ghanaian broadcaster” when he criticized the outgroup for not sending people who can make an intellectual debate. The paper also referred to former President Rawlings as “founder of the ruling NDC” when he insulted the party he founded. Negative descriptions were also used to refer to outgroup members for insulting the ingroup. For example, the former President Rawlings was described by the Daily Guide paper as “see no evil” for calling former President Kufour an “autocratic thief.”

NDC newspapers, on the other hand, employed honorifics and official titles to describe ingroup members insulting the outgroup. For example, the Voice newspaper described Hamza Abugri, the Bantama constituency organizer for the NDC as

“honorable” for insulting the chairman of the NPP as “ignorant.” This is very interesting

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because “honorable” is a title given to Ministers of state, MPs, Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief executives (MMDCE), and assembly members but not leaders of political parties. Members of the outgroup who insulted the outgroup were given more detailed descriptions such as “leading member of NPP” Daily Post paper, “senior member of NPP” radiogold.com, and “a stalwart of the opposition,” the Informer paper, to report such insults as credible. Negative descriptions were also used to refer to outgroup members’ insults targeted at the in-group. For example, “genocide MP” and

“loose talking MP,” by the Catalyst paper.

Van Dijk (1995) aptly states that one of the structures used to present the ingroup positively is detailed description. This is supported by Blommaert (2005) who points to the fact that members of the ingroup employ indexical meaning such as terms of politeness to elevate them to a particular social status. It is however important to note that, in this study, it has been revealed that positive descriptions were used to describe the outgroup members insulting their own party to portray to readers that the source of the insult or information is credible and authentic. Though the opposing group members are presented positively, it gives an impression to readers that there is confusion at the camp of the outgroup, which eventually presents them negatively.

In sum, the two important ideological structures used were negative lexicalization and predication as well as detailed description. A detailed analysis of these structures revealed group polarization between the pro-NPP and NDC newspapers.

5.5 NPP and NDC Newspapers Polarization at the Discursive Practice Level

Van Dijk’s concept of ideological square was also utilized in discursive practice analysis. This included features such as intertextuality and topics. Recall in Chapter 2 that intertextuality is the citing and reciting of expressions that are already available.

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Topics, on the other hand, are the information in discourse that speakers or writers find

more important to say and/or write. A strategy used by media institutions of citing and

giving more prominence as well as selecting some news and leaving others confirm

ideologies of media institutions. Therefore, the analysis of the report of insults at the

discursive practice level showed group polarization between NPP and NDC papers in

terms of the ideologies of the two dominant political parties in Ghana.

NPP papers included voices of the ingroup, outgroup, religious leaders,

journalists, among others. An outgroup member whose voice was given more

prominence and foregrounded was for President Rawlings. They considered insults

from him targeted at his own party newsworthy because it presented the opposing

group negatively.

NDC papers, however, excluded the voice of Rawlings, the founder of the NDC party. A plausible explanation for the exclusion of the voice of Rawlings is that in the run up to the 2012 election, he was not happy with the governance style of the late

Professor Mills and his appointees. He criticized Mills for selecting “mediocre” ministers

to govern the nation. Subsequently, his wife, Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings, formed

her own party, the National Democratic Party (NDP) after losing the NDC’s presidential

candidate race to Mills. The perceived bloodbath between the NDC and former

President Rawlings may have resulted in the exclusion of his voice from the report of

insults. It is also possible to say that per the data gathered, majority of the insults

reported from Rawlings were targeted at the ingroup (i.e. NDC party and its members)

and thus NDC newspapers were not interested in reporting such insults since those

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insults were denting the image of the party. The NPP newspapers, however, gave more

prominence to the voice of Rawlings while the NDC newspapers marginalized his voice.

Thus, criteria for news selection and newsworthiness as well as identification of

worthy and unworthy victims are knitted to ideological and institutional practices, which

are determined by the media outlet (Herman and Chomsky, 1988). The inclusion and

exclusion of the voice of Rawlings revealed a group polarization between NPP and NDC

papers showing a clear difference between the two.

Both pro-NPP and NDC papers employed direct, strategic and indirect quotes to

report insults from ingroup, outgroup and non-politicians. NPP papers directly quoted the voices and insults of non-politicians targeted at the outgroup. However, NDC papers did not directly cite the voices of such people.

Concerning strategic quotes, both utilized this strategy to distance themselves from contentious insults emanating from the ingroup, outgroup as well as the non-

politicians. A critical analysis of this strategy in Chapter 4 revealed that the papers

utilized it to present the outgroup negatively, showing a polarization between the NPP

and NDC papers.

In like manner, the papers employed indirect quotes using the authorial voice

embedded in the reported speech for ideological purposes. That is to say, in the

representation of different voices, it is very difficult to separate the voice of the reporter

and the person being reported. Therefore, both NPP and NDC papers utilized this

strategy to surreptitiously churn out their ideologies resulting into group polarization

between the outlets.

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With regard to topic, the analysis showed some contrast between NPP and NDC

newspapers. While both papers selected and foregrounded insults on topics such as the

economy and corruption, insults on ethnic politics and drugs were backgrounded by the

NPP papers. NDC papers, however, foregrounded such insults directed at the

doorsteps of the outgroup.

The manner in which topics are selected reveals the ideological leanings of the

media institution in question. Van Dijk (1995) postulates that topicalization is subject to

ideological management. This was reflected in how NPP papers de-topicalized and

backgrounded information or insults (ethnic politics and drugs) that were not consistent

with their interest and positive self image.

A possible explanation for this is that NPP seems to be losing the ethnic politics war. This is because in the 2008 and 2012 elections, the NDC won three out of the five dominated Akan areas namely Brong-Ahafo, Central and Western regions, which eventually led to the defeat of the NPP in the 2008 elections. The issues of ethnic politics do not favor them and thus might have accounted for not selecting and reporting insults on ethnic politics.

Also, NPP papers did not report insults on drugs because their 2008 and 2012 presidential candidate, Nana Akuffo-Addo was portrayed by the outgroup as a someone who has strong connections with drug barons and therefore deals in narcotic drugs.

That, coupled with the arrest of an NPP MP in the United States for possession of cocaine, this situated them in very weak position to comment on the issue of drugs.

Thus, these might have accounted for backgrounding of the topic of drugs in NPP newspapers. It is typical of newspapers with ideological stands to select certain events

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and leave out others because it helps them in “legitimizing the existing power structure and the existing ways of seeing and doing things” (Dunlevy, 1998: 129).

In contrast, NDC papers topicalized and foregrounded the negative actions or insults targeted at the opposing group ranging from economy, corruption, ethic politics and drugs. While insults on these topics placed the outgroup in a bad light, it was consistent with the ingroup’s ideology of presenting their opponents negatively. They therefore gave prominence to various voices that insulted the ingroup as Narcotic

Peddlers Party.

5.6 Explicit Insults in Spoken and Written Text

Recall in Chapter 1 that we mentioned how the Media Foundation for West Africa

(MFWA) publishes a weekly report to the general public on shaming politicians who engage in politics of insults. Also, we stated that this ‘shaming politicians project’ involves a comprehensive daily monitoring of campaign language or expressions by politicians and activists on specific radio programs, such as morning shows and political discussions across the length and breadth of the country. More importantly, they assess the conduct of the radio stations that are being monitored.

In addition, the Ghana Independent Broadcasters Association (GIBA) has a code of conduct for private radio stations with respect to political discussions on their respective radio stations. The article 10 of the code of conduct talks about hate, incitement and insulting speech, and admonishes members “not to fan and not to inflame by broadcast of programs; language, passions and activities that may lead to violence, disrupt the electoral process, compromise the integrity of the vote of individuals.” This is further explained in article 11, which urges members to “create

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space for voters to express their views and opinions freely and responsibly without fear and with decorum.”

In view of these developments, as mentioned above, most of the radio stations do not allow citizens and politicians alike to use vulgar or intemperate language on their phone-ins during political discussions, for the fear of being sanctioned by the GIBA and the NMC. There is also the fear of being cited and shamed by MFWA as one of the stations offering their platforms for fanning the flames of political invectives. A critical observation of the data, therefore, reveals a considerable difference in the use of explicit insults in spoken and written data.

With regard to the spoken data, citizens used fewer explicit insults during phone- ins compared to the online websites. This was due to the fact that those who used insults in their submissions or contributions were either cautioned to withdraw the insult and apologize to the target or have their conversations cut. Indeed, some hosts of the political programs in most cases throw a note of caution to callers that insults will not be entertained and therefore people should desist from using them to avoid any embarrassment. To avoid censorship, citizens resort to witty and aesthetic ways of speaking by employing figurative expressions such as metaphors, similes, proverbs and intertextuality as analyzed in Chapters 3 and 4.

Concerning the online websites, in most cases, it is a free-for-all insult. The commentary sections of peacefmonline, ghanaweb and myjoyonline are flooded with all kinds of vulgar language and insults, some of them unprintable. It must however be mentioned that some of websites such a peacefmonline do block some of the intemperate language used by citzens, yet some still filter through their website.

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Therefore, there were more explicit insults in the online websites data compared to the

phone-ins, and the reasons as discussed are quite obvious, since there is no body or

agency that monitors the comments trending on the websites like the GIBA, NMC and

MFWA do for the radio stations.

5.6 Summary

The main idea behind this Chapter was to link the findings on textual and

discursive practices analysis to the sociopolitical and cultural context and the entire

discourse to the society in general. On both the textual and discursive levels, it became

evident that ordinary citizens are able to insult and challenge political authority based on

the platform the media provide to the powerless and voices in society to contribute to-

day-to-day governing process in Ghana. That is to say, the power that the media hold in

political discourse in Ghana is transferred to the powerless in society (i.e. ordinary

citizens) leading to their empowerment to challenge the existing social power (power of

politicians) and also contribute meaningful to the day-to-day political discourse via phone-ins, SMS and online commentary. We also came to the conclusion that the discourse of citizens is therapeutic since it helps them to vent on a wide range of feelings and emotions while considering the actions of political actors, issues, and event.

Utilizing Fairclough’s textual analysis and van Dijk’s concept of ideological square, this study revealed the Us/Them representation of insults between the NPP and

NDC newspapers. That is to say, the action of the ingroup was presented positively while that of the outgroup were presented negatively. The ideological differences and political spin in the representation of insults, showed a clear group polarization between

NPP and NDC newspapers on the textual level. The negative lexicalizations and

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predications employed by both NPP and NDC newspapers revealed the Us/Them

dichotomy between these two dominant political parties in Ghana. Concerning detailed

descriptions, NPP newspapers employed detailed positive descriptions to describe

ingroup members as well as non-politicians insulting the out-group. NDC newspapers, on the other hand, employed honorifics and official titles to describe ingroup members insulting the outgroup.

At the discursive practice level, NPP and NDC newspapers employed direct, strategic and indirect quotational strategies in the inclusion and exclusion of voices they considered newsworthy. NPP papers included voices of the ingroup, outgroup, religious leaders, journalist and among others. Rawlings, an outgroup member’s voice was given more prominence because they regarded insults from him targeted at his own party as newsworthy in the sense that it presented the opposing group negatively. NDC papers, however, excluded the voice of Rawlings, the founder of the NDC party due to the fact

most of his insults were targeted at them.

Concerning topic selection, there were differences in both NPP and NDC papers.

While both papers selected and foregrounded insults on topics such as economy and

corruption, insults on ethnic politics and drugs were backgrounded by the NPP papers.

NDC papers, however, foregrounded such insults directed at the doorsteps of the

outgroup.

I concluded the Chapter with an analysis on the comparison of explicit insults in

spoken and written text. The discussion showed that there were more explicit insults in

the online websites data compared to the phone-ins. This was due to the regulation and

monitoring of radio stations by MFWA, GIBA and NMC.

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CHAPTER 6 FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION

6.1 Overview

This Chapter spells out the findings and conclusion of the study, taking into consideration the various results revealed in the analysis. I further look at theoretical reflections and show why the CDA approach is the most appropriate theoretical framework for the analysis of this study, focusing on the two CDA frameworks:

Faiclough’s three dimensional approach and van Dijk’s ideological square. I end the

Chapter with the study’s limitations and implications for future research.

6.2 Findings

Utilizing Fairclough’s three dimensional approach to the study of discourse, that is, discourse-as-text; discourse-as-discursive-practice; and discourse-as-social-practice, and, further, drawing on these three layers of analysis, I link text to context, and especially employ the sociopolitical and the cultural context to link the entire discourse to the society in general.

In the first place, by studying the sociopolitical and cultural context, the analysis reveals the trajectory of the use of insults in major festivals and games and their regulatory and restorative functions for the general good of society. Particularly, the festivals showed the deep-seated power asymmetry in traditional Ghanaian society, and the current drastic change spearheaded by the media that allow ordinary citizens to challenge and insult the existing social power through their outlet.

The second finding is closely linked to the above, that is, the media empower the powerless in society to make their voices heard in political discussions by going to the extent of insulting and challenging politicians, pointing to the fact that the Ghanaian

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society is changing. Taking into consideration the Apoɔ and Kundum festivals that allowed citizens to insult and challenge traditional rulers were very controlled. This finding is in line with Owen’s (1997) study on “Talk radio and evaluation of President

Clinton,” in which she points to the fact that the platform which the media provide to ordinary citizens allows them to participate in political life, and transforms them from

“passive observers into active participants in the creation of news and dissemination of messages” (Owen, 1997: 334). Likewise, the media empower and give voice to citizens to fully participate in political discourse in Ghana.

In addition, the study reveals that due to MFWA, GIBA and NMC monitoring of radio stations with regard to the use of intemperate language during phone-ins, citizens avoid censorship by employing witty and aesthetic ways of speaking such as metaphors, similes, proverbs, presuppositions and intertextuality to achieve the same purpose of implicitly or covertly insulting and challenging the existing social power.

Similarly, citizens use such devices to mitigate the effect of an otherwise explicit insult, which may have had the potential of affecting the sensibilities of the addressee, but still with the intention of drawing the attention of the general public and politicians alike to the social wrongs perpetuated by those in power.

Furthermore, the analysis showed the therapeutic function of citizens’ insults.

That is to say, it became clear that some of the insults are innocuous; they merely poke fun at people in authority. In the midst of economic challenges, citizens use insults to release or diffuse any pent up feelings, emotions and tension. Instead of resorting to arms that may destabilize the country, they prefer to release their frustration and anger by calling into radio station, sending SMS messages or going online to express them.

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This emphasizes the instrumental role the media play in making citizens part of political processes and discussions in Ghana.

Coupled with the above, utilizing Fairclough’s textual analysis and van Dijk’s concept of ideological square, this study showed the Us vs Them dichotomy in the representation of insults between the NPP and NDC newspapers. That is to say, the action of the ingroup was presented positively while that of the outgroup were presented negatively. The ideological differences and political spin in the representation of insults, revealed a clear group polarization between NPP and NDC newspapers.

Finally, the comparison of the explicit use of insults in spoken and written text shows the regulatory and monitoring of the comments of ordinary citizens and politicians alike. We discussed in Chapter 4 that most radio stations do not allow ordinary citizens to use intemperate language on their radio. So they use presuppositions, metaphors, similes, proverbs, presuppositions and intertextuality to make their comments. With regard to the online websites, most at times, it is a free-for- all insult. The commentary section is flooded with all kinds of insults, some of them unprintable. However, some of the websites such as peacefmonline block intemperate language used by commenters. Thus, the use of explicit insults was very limited on radio as compared to online websites.

6.3 Theoretical Reflections

The present study utilized CDA and critical terms within it, i.e., power, ideology and voice. It specifically employed two prominent approaches in CDA: Fairclough’s three dimensional framework and van Dijk’s ideological square. Drawing on these three layers of analysis, I took the text and discursive practices and linked them to the cultural

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and sociopolitical practices to give a broader explanation on the discourse of ordinary citizens and how they used insults to challenge the existing social power.

Using van Dijk’s ideological square, I discussed ideological structures such as negative lexicalizations and predications as well as detailed descriptions employed by pro-NPP and NDC newspapers in the representation of insults from those they considered as ingroup members and outgroup members. The structures of ideologies are represented along the lines of Us vs Them dichotomy, in which the NPP/NDC papers present themselves in positive terms, and others in negative terms. This shows polarization of how media institutions emphasize the positive actions of ingroup members and deemphasize its negative actions on one hand, and deemphasize the positive actions of the outgroup while emphasizing its negative actions. Therefore, positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation is manifested in the representation of insults in NPP and NDC papers.

The primary objective of CDA is “The object of moral and political evaluation, and analyzing them should have effect on society by empowering the powerless, giving voice to the voiceless, exposing power abuse, and mobilizing people to remedy social wrongs” (Blommaert, 2005: 25). Based on this core tenet of CDA, I have argued and analyzed how the media empower and give voice to the powerless and voiceless in society to challenge the existing social power. To understand the discourse of citizens, I brought together “linguistically-oriented discourse analysis and social and political thought relevant to discourse and language” (Fairclough, 1992: 92). Questions 1 and 3 were focused on Fairclough’s textual and discursive practices. To offer critical answers to these questions, I employed linguistic features such as lexicalization and predication,

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presupposition, metaphors/similes, proverbs and verbal processes at the textual level.

At the discursive level, I utilized linguistic phenomena such as intertextuality and topic selection. Questions 2 and 4 expatiated on the cultural and sociopolitical level on how the media empower citizens to challenge the existing social power, as well as how pro-

NPP and NDC used ideological structures in the representation of insults in public political discourse in Ghana.

Generally speaking, the findings of this study point to the conclusion that the combination of Fairclough’s three dimensional framework, and van Dijk’s ideological square has given a broader insight into the understanding of how the media empower ordinary citizens to challenge the existing social power by going to the extent of insulting them. It further revealed the underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in pro-

NPP and NDC newspapers. That is to say, the ideological differences and political spin in the representation of insults showed a clear group polarization between NPP and

NDC newspapers.

6.4 Study Limitations and Implications for Future Research

The analysis and findings of the present study are limited by three factors. Firstly,

it discussed the use of insults by powerless and voiceless (ordinary citizens) to

challenge the existing social power in Ghana (politicians). The voices and comments

selected for the study may not necessarily represent the position of the majority of

ordinary Ghanaians. It is possible that some of the comments may have been uttered or

written based on the political leanings of the various commenters. Therefore, the

conclusions may not be generalized to represent the powerless in Ghanaian society

based on the dynamics of Ghanaian politics. Secondly, insults that emanated from

citizens were skewed towards the NDC party. The reason for this skewedness is the

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fact that the period under which the data were gathered was the time the NDC party was in power. In my future research, I plan to replicate this study when the NPP or any

party comes into power in Ghana to find out if the level of insults and challenges will be

same or otherwise. Finally, it investigated the underlying ideologies in the

representation of insults in pro-NPP and NDC newspapers, which consisted of private

and independent papers in Ghana. The ideological differences and political spin in the

representation of insults in NPP and NDC papers cannot be extended to other private

and independent newspapers in Ghana.

The present study adds to the growing body of CDA research on the nexus

between language and society, focusing on language on one hand, and power, ideology

and voice, on the other hand. Using, citizens’ participation in governance process as

background, future studies might be interested in finding out whether those in power

heed the call of citizens. This will provide a broader understanding on language and

voice. Also, other studies may compare and contrast the representation of insults in pro-

NPP and NDC papers and independent private newspapers, or compare and contrast

state owned newspapers and pro-NPP and NDC papers. These studies would give

clearer picture in the underlying ideologies in the representations of insults in

newspapers in Ghana.

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APPENDIX A PHONE-INS FROM ORDINARY CITIZENS

Afia: Yεnkɔ Aggudey hɔ wɔ Lapaz. Bra Aggudey good evening.

Aggudey: Afia.

Afia: Agya, mepaakyεw ɔwɔ air kasa ma me.

Agudey: Nyankopɔn nhyira wo. Afia da biara meba wo afidie so meka sε εmaa nyinaa te sε wo a nka nyε ne sε yεrebrε yi. Journalist wɔ Ghana nyinaa te sε wo a, nka Ghana εnyε sei o. εna Aban wei ahyεda εrebɔ yε anidaho korɔnoo. Afia, woreka sε journalist bi ama ɔɔmo ho kwan ama aban wei atɔ ɔɔmo it’s perfectly correct. Mesee deε journalistfoɔ bi yε wɔ Ghana ha εyε nwanwa. εsan sε journalist bi ahyεda ama ɔɔmo kwan ama government of the day; NDC aban ahyεda use ɔɔmo. Hwε Afia NDC aban yε aban bi a, menhu aban bi te sε NDC da in any where of the world. Afia, yεsee yεate sika de ama journalist, yεsee sε yεde bεma mo ama mo adwuma moreyε akɔ mo anim. Afia hwε adwuma nkorɔfoɔ yi ayε sε yεakɔtɔ RLG laptop de abrε mo, a yεreka Ghana ha journalist yεrebobɔ din a, baako koraa ni hɔ a woanya bi. A maako maako a yεde akɔ ma government communicators ne ayi, o awurade! Hwε mesee Afia, NDC amammuo woahu, mesee ɔɔmo ayε anidaho bɔne, sε ɔɔmo di Ghanafoɔ abrɔ.

Phone-in-1. AdomFM (Burning Issues) December 18, 2013

Afia: Sammy wɔ Suhum, Bra Sammy good evening.

Sammy: Megye wo so me nua Afia εte sεn?

Afia: Mepaakyεw bɔkɔɔ. Mepaakyεw kasa ma me wae.

Sammy: Na wotumi hu sε Ghana yεmɔbɔ papa. Mεsrε Oko Vanderpuye, Afia me ne wo kasa yi meda light off mu. Na yεtena hɔ na yεdi Ghanafoɔ abrɔ sei. Hwε sika a woakukuru de ama Ghana blackstarsfoɔ sε ɔɔmo kɔ ballo baako 90 minutes.

Afia: Daabi, daabi boss, εyε ɔɔmo talent. Hwε minister ɔnyε talent biara. Ma ɔɔmo nnye ɔɔmo sika nni. ɔɔmo deε εmfa w’asεm nkɔ ɔɔmo so.

Sammy: Maakɔtena obroni kurom. Afia, ma menka nkyerε maakɔtena obroni kurom, sεbe Ghanafoɔ ministers no ɔyε nnipa bɔne. Mento sebe, hwε hɔ na ɔɔmo kɔsua nyansa na ɔde abεpue wɔ Ghana ha na ɔde abεbu Ghanafoɔ kɔn mu. Afia Mεsrε, Ghana yεyε nnipa bɔne

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papapapa. Mesee nka mewɔ tumi paa εwɔ sε nka me kye Oko Vanderpuye na me jail no.

Phone-in-2. Adom FM (Burning issues) October 14, 2013

Afia: Yεnkɔ Abaana hɔ wɔ Adenta. Bra Abaana, good evening.

Abaana: Meregye wo so o, Afia Pokuaa.

Afia: Boss mepaakyεw ɔwɔ air, wae.

Abaana: Yoo Afia. Na apɔw mu te sεn?

Afia: Bɔkɔɔ.

Abaana: Adwuma no deε worebɔ obi ara pε w’asεm wɔ Ghana ha.

Afia: Medaase boss.

Abaana: εmmarima nuabaa baako pε. To be honest saa arrogance talk wei εyε a ɔɔmo bu yε sε sεbe Ghanafoɔ no a yεretua tax no yεyε nkwaseafoɔ. Saa na recently yεfrε no sεn Murtala εbεkaa sε ayi port hɔfoɔ, importers wɔɔnom a ɔɔmo firi sε ɔɔmo ntumi nyi neεma wɔ ha ɔɔmo mfa ɔɔmo neεma mfa Togo a yε revenue so ate bεsi εnnε. The same talk na ɔɔmo kasa yi. Sεbe Doctors yi ɔɔmo wei na ɔɔmo reka. Nkorofoɔ akorɔkorɔ ɔɔmo sε ɔɔmo ntena na sε nkorofoɔ εrekum ɔɔmo ho wɔ Ghana ha εyε adwuma sεbe sεbe me kakrawa me nso me pɔdwe na sε mo apea ahyε baabi na yεreka ho asεm a εyε akorɔkorɔ, εyε kasa kasa deε keke. Na sε a whole security ayi wobεka saa kasa wei kyerε yεn Afia he na yε korɔ.

Phone-in-3. Adom FM (Burning issues) October 21, 2013

BB: Hello good evening.

Kwabena Nifa: Hi BB na apɔw mu te sεn?

BB: Nyame ahyira me. Mepaakyεw hwan nie?

Kwabena Nifa: Mepaakyεw Kwabena Nifa nie.

BB: Kwabena Nifa yεnkɔe.

Kwabena Nifa: ɔpanin, ma me nka biribi nkyerε NDC government bεtena akonwa so deε na ɔɔmo de ɔɔmo nsa bεsi ɔɔmo bo sε deεn na ɔɔmo ayε ama Ghanafoɔ ama Ghana atu mpon. Woteaseε? Hwε korɔnoo

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biara ɔɔmo supporto, ASOFOTON ɔɔmo supporto, CP sika ɔɔmo supporto. korɔnoo biara ɔɔmo supporto. NDC aban mo nsesa mo suban na korɔnoo no adɔɔso. Me bra medaase.

Phone-in-4. Happy FM (Yεpε a yεbεhu)

Kwame: Abacha wɔ ahoma no so. Abacha yεma wo akye.

Abacha: Yaa Bra Kwame, εte sεn?

Kwame: Nyame wɔ hɔ.

Abacha: Seesei deε aka adom ne ahwε yie na yεde nam. Bra Kwame anɔpa yi mεkɔ m’asεm so kakra ma menkyea Honorable Fiifi Kwetey because Ayawaso central mmrahyεbεdwani because papa no ɔberε ne ho ase papa. Bra Kwame, seesei deε, deε akɔ duro no, akɔ duru deε εden ankasa. Wei deε mεfa Supreme Court mfikiyire hɔ kakra. Bra Kwame, electoral reforms a ɔɔmo see yεnyε yi, me neεma bi wɔ hɔ a menteaseε. 2008 yεkɔto aba, aba no a yεkɔto yεte ballot paper ma wo a, yεsee yεanstampo akyire na yεansign akyire ansa na ɔde akɔwura ballot box mu. Sε stamp amma akyire a na yεansign a kyerε sε yεnkan nka ho. Na sε yεakɔ to aba na sε presiding officer ansign na akɔ court na menim sε asεm no mpo a yεde kɔ court no εbɔ bɔ so ama Ghanafoɔ ahyε den anaa sε yε electoral process no εkɔ n’anim. Yεde y’asεm akɔ court na sε ankɔsi hwee na sε afei ɔɔmo see electoral reforms a, na mepε sε mebusa sε Dr. Afari Gyan, ɔkɔgyinaa witness box no mu seesei woatɔre mu anaa? Papa no εwɔ sε ɔba abonten bεka sε εbia election no yεyεε no ne kotodwe anaa ne sisi na εyε ne ya na yεahu sε yεrepε ano aduro a, εde asa no a, na yεahu sε yεde asa no. Enti no seesei no deε εrekɔ no εwɔ sε peace councilfoɔ εnsɔre na yε electoral reforms no yεhwε yε no yie nyε saa seesei deε 2016 obiara de ne supreme court εbεkɔ polling station. abε de da mu too much. Because signature woka sε signature εho nhia εno εkɔ si sεn?

Phone-in-5. Peace FM (Kokrooko) September 20, 2013

Afia: Salamatu good evening; hello Salamatu, good evening oo.

Salamatu: Good evening oo Afia, εte sεn Afia?

Afia: Mepaakyεw bɔkɔɔ. Mepaakyεw wowɔ air kasa ma me.

Salamatu: Yoo medaase. Sε wobεkae, Kufour mmre so a na tax yε low yi, Malifoɔ bεyi ɔɔmo nneεma wɔ Ghana ha. Time biara wobεhu sε

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Nsawam kwan yi so na Atekulatorfoɔ εretwa mu, na ɔɔmo yi nnoɔma wɔ ha, na ɔman yi yε nya sika. εnnε yεgye tax no εmu dɔ nti no amanfoɔ ntumi mfa nneεma no mba. εna aban no nso, nkorɔfoɔ no gye tax no nso, εbεkɔ akɔduru aban no coffers mu na sika no εyε five cedis a na aka one cedi. Nti saa sika wei no nyinaa aban no nnya. Nti woyε no kakra kakra no wo meete wo revenue εyε sεn sε wode tax bebree bεto so at the end of the day no wo nnya sika no. Na John Mahama εnyε ɔnoa ɔyε visionless woahu?. Sεnea yεbu man no ɔnim man no bu. Ghanafoɔ ma mo nto aba mma NDC mosee mobεto, ɔɔmo ayε propaganda saa εbεduru 2016 na yεwerε afi.

Phone-in-6. Adom FM (Burning Issues) October 07, 2013

Afia: Agudey wɔ La Pas, Bra Agudey good evening.

Agudey: Afia.

Afia: Yes Boss, mepaakyεw wowɔ air oo.

Agudey: Afia nyankopɔn nhyira wo. Afia yεdaase; worebɔ adwuma. Da biara meba mesee maa nyinaa te sε wo a nka Ghana nyε ne sε yεrebrε yi. Afia, sε woahu sε deε Ghana teε. Hwε, wei na mahu sε NDC yεka arrogance a, hwε wei na obroni bεka no arrogance of power, Afia. Nkorɔfoɔ yi ba sε yεnto aba ma wɔɔnom hwε sε nea ɔɔmo gugu fam. Yεn deε yεyε socialist o, socialist o. εnnε hwε nsεm a NDCfoɔ ka kyerε Ghanafoɔ εsε wo a wontumi ntena John Mahama amammuo mu no fa wo passport na kɔ. Yε nyinaa na yεwɔ passport a nka ɔɔmo gyedi sε nka Ghana yε nyinaa yεte ha. εnnε Ghana ayε hyehyehye sεn boronsam gyam, nka ɔɔmo dwene sε nka yεda so te ha. Passport no na yεnni bi nti na yεda so te ha no. NDCfoɔ deε εbuo baako a yεde ma ordinary Ghanaian deε NDCfoɔ nni bi mma Ghanaians.

Phone-in-7. Adom FM (Burning issues) October 21, 2013

Afia: Ma menkɔ Bra Kofi Bray hɔ. Bra Kofi good evening.

Kofi Bray: Afia, good evening.

Afia: Mepaakyεw ɔwɔ air kasa ma me wae.

Kofi Bray: Yoo, megye di sε εmmrε a worekasa no wofrεε Hon. Bray, Kwasi Bray womaa no bεkasae. Nokware ne nyame anim nea ɔka no nyinaa ntorɔ nkotoo na ɔredi. Sister, baabi a ɔte koraa εkwan no nyinaa εnyε. ɔpε a frε no na ɔnkyerε baabi woreyε εkwan no aduru.

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Phone-in-8. Adom FM (Burning Issues) November 04, 2013

Kwame: Yεnkɔ Sweduro, Appiah kɔtɔkɔ maakye.

Appiah: Me nua panin Kwame Sefa Kai.

Kwame: Yaa agya.

Appiah: ɔdehyeε kronkron wo ho te sεn?

Kwame: Nyame adom nti.

Appiah: Yoo. Kwame, w’adwuma yε deε εho te papapapa na Ghanafoɔ εrebɔ woaba so. Kwame sε anɔpa yi mawura peacefm deε a Ghanafoɔ nyinaa εretie me. Me mfa nkyea kεseε εma me MP baako a ɔwɔ mfimfini mantan mu a yεfrε no Alex Afenyo Markins, Winneba MP. Abranteε no, Kwame, ɔbɔ adwuma papapa. εyε a mεsrε na da koro woainvite no εwɔ studio ama me wae. Kwame, me nsεm a mereka εfa mmra sε Ghanafoɔ bεdi mmra so. Na Kwame, medi organization bebree ho yaw. One peace council εna Christian council, Moslem community εna organization bebree a εwɔ Ghana ha medi bebree ho yaw papapapa. Kwame, yεwɔ Ghana ha εna supreme courtfoɔ a Justice Baffoe Bonnie εka ho bi εbua case sε Jake Obetsebe Lamptey dan a ɔtɔɔ yε wo manpanin Kufuor aberε so no ɔfaa kwan papa so na ɔtɔɔ yε. Enti aban εnsan mfa Jake dan εmfa ma no. Up to date a merekasa yi deputy minister te dan no mu a εno deε supreme court εnkɔ kyee saa minister contempt. Supreme court oo na εbua sε εdan no ɔde kwan papa na εtɔɔ yε. εno nti mo mfa Jake dan mma no. A duputy minister εnyε minister mpo, deputy minister. ɔde te dan no mu sε ɔntu nnε ɔntu kyina. Na merebisa sε peace councilfoɔ e, Christian councilfoɔ e, civil societyfoɔ e, Moslem community a mo see morepε asomdwie ama ɔman a yε nyinaa pε asomdwie no, εno monte sε εno no εtiatia ɔman no fawohodie so anaa? Because εnnε Jake so ne n’abusuafoɔ sɔre na ɔɔmo see ɔmo nteaseε na supreme court aka ama no nti deε εbεsi bεsi a na yεrekɔ ne sεn.

Phone-in-9. Peace FM (Kokrooko) September 20, 2013

BB: Good evening. Yaw Barima: BB: Mepaakyεw yεfrε wo sεn? Afenyia pa so.

Yaw Barima: Afe nkɔ mεto yεn. BB Yaw Barima nie Taxi Driver, mepaakyε wo nso wo ho yε deε.

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BB: Nyame ahyira me oo me nua. Kasa.

Yaw Barima: Yεbεsrε yε Ghana ɔmanpanin sε ɔnoa ɔhwε ne ho one year sε ɔsee adwuma woayε εsom bo ma no a Ghanafoɔ see yεda no ase. BB deε nti a mereka saa yi ɔmanpanin bεka kyerε Ghanafoɔ sε court no nti εna nnε mammuo atwe kɔ akyere. BB, mesrε na mabusa sε time a court no kɔ so no na ɔnnye nnye tax wɔ kurom ha? Na Taxi drivers yε twa income tax six cedis. Busa wo ho sε ɔnto mu nkɔ twelve cedis anaa? εno na ɔde saa sika no yε deεn? Journalistfoɔ kɔ busa no sε nti court nsεm yi εha no anaa, wosee ɔno deε εmfa ne ho koraa ɔrebu ne man. ɔreyi ne DCEs, ɔreyi ne Ministers de yε adwuma. εnnε ɔbεka kyerε me sε court nsεm no εde nneεma akɔ akyere. Deε yεreka ne sε 2014 Ghana obiara ani da hɔ seesei nti, ɔntumi mεtu mfuturo ngu obiara ani. ɔnhwε so na ɔnyε adwuma. Adwuma no a Ghanafoɔ see ɔnyε no ɔnhwε so nyε.

Phone-in-10. Happy FM (Yεpε a yεbεhu)

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APPENDIX B ONLINE COMMENTARY FROM ORDINARY CITIZENS

Name: Cle Date: 02-24-2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Yaw Boateng Gyan Stooped Low…He Should Rather Counsel Mahama On How To Govern Efficiently Yaw boateng gyan should humbly grow with his age. Why does this man always talks about tribal politics in Ghana including drosmani, tweeeeeeeee. They will never learn to solve the economy but will get time and do naughty politics on OKAY FM shameless talks.

Name: Eric Date: 01-11-2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Rawlings’ Conscience Has Been Bought…Why The Loud Silence Over Corruption Under Mahama? It is because Kufour after his rule has not time to rest or was not allowed to rest by the UN. Today he is appointed this, tomorrow he is appointed that. What about the wicked killer? Why won't there be ENVY? SAD!

Name: Mallam Tula Date: 10-21-2014 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: President Mahama Is A Woman If He Does Not Sack FDA Management What in Adams name is this NPP man attempting to associate this John Mahama’s incompetence to WOMEN; has he met some women with intelligence and their ability to manage things better than men; personally I wish a woman was in Charge of Ghana today because this poor portrayal of women in such manner detest me. This NPP man an IDIOT of a character should apologize to all women. Has he got a wife or a mother because this is an insult to our dear women? Besides if some members of the NPP have no respect for women then they should not attempt to attract women at the next elections because this very bad. Frankly we are all fed with the NDC and their CROOKISH MONSTERS and to throw in this statement is rather a SHAME UNTO NPP PARTY.

Name: Agya Duah Date: 12-19-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: Akufo Addo Has An 'Offensive Body Language' That Puts People Off It is only on the platform of Alhaji and Alhaji that this foul-mouthed Dr will parade with his insinuations and suggestions. If he doesn't know I want to tell him that any diplomatic appointment is to get rid of him. What were the effects of his monitoring and evaluation to the average Ghanaian and how can this wasteful man represent a country like Ghana. We need to be serious and stop putting square pegs in round holes. Name: Shiffman4real

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Date: 12-15-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: President Mahama Is An “Insensitive” Father Of The Nation This man is very vindictive and wicked to be a leader, but this is what some few Ghanians want and his gross incompetence is affecting all of us. I am sorry.

Author: Yaw Adu Date: 2013-11-02 06:14:02 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: David Annan is evil! Nana Nketsia is no more a Chief he now qualifies to be called a King in Ghana. He has spoken well for the ordinary man in Ghana. This is what is expected of our Chiefs, intellectuals (PHDs, Drs, MScs etc), professionals and so on. Unless we wake up and speak against the corrupt politician, we will all collapse this nation, Ghana. Politics has now become a game for the loud mouth, who can insult, lie, do the most propaganda and these sorts of politicians abound in the NDC. It is no longer about competence but lies and the standard in the NDC now is if you want to be a Deputy Minister then the qualification is clear, lie to defend whatever wrong the NDC does and that is how the likes of Baba Jamal, Ama Benyiwa Doe, Fiifi Kwetey, Okudzetto Ablakwa, Felix Ofosu Kwakye, etc became Ministers and Deputy Ministers. When you promote such things in politics then the consequences is corruption, everybody will steal because all you need is to lie to defend yourself. This was not the politics we saw in the 60's and 70's, this kind of politics was brought into Ghana by the NDC and therefore created a propaganda secretary position, and it is becoming unbecoming for Ghanaians, we need to wake-up.

Date: 2013-08-12 10:50:19 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: “Media assault” on me “chauvinistic", “misogynistic” – Victoria Hammah She was immature and incompetent on the occasion. She is thoroughly unqualified for the job she is holding. Her excuse was lame and her demeanor after the public embarrassment she caused indicated that she is unfit to be a runner let alone the deputy minister of communications. Her childish response to the fiasco by blaming the media and calling names even seals it as one big square peg in a round role.

Author: Oppong London Date: 2014-02-09 05:33:19 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: Our leaders think us ‘idiots’, ‘fools’ – More Arab style of demonstrations can do the work. The masses are really suffering while every idiot in politics is rich and enjoying. They are on lavish living, better education, good health care even outside the country and some Ghanaians or many are struggling to get yoko gari per day to eat. NPP gave free maternal care, National Health Insurance Scheme for all but NDC is always of propaganda ideas.

Author: SGT ANANI FIADZOE Date: 2013-11-02 05:56:38

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Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: Nana Nketiah should say it again David Stupid Annan, so are you happy to see the state of our country under corrupt and thievery NDC administration which you a the most criminal among them? Now Monkey Annan, if indeed the present condition our nation were to be under NPP Government, will you praise them? Why you NDC selfish idiots don't want yourselves to be criticized when you are stealing from the people of this donation for your own selfish interest? Monkey Annan, God will punish you and your family, parents and any of your relatives.

Author: Mr Bond Date: 2014-02-09 05:29:57 Source: Ghanaweb Comment to: Our leaders think us ‘idiots’, ‘fools’ – Compare that to the leaders today who think they are smart--too smart to think Ghanaians are fools. Ghanaians are rather cowards. The wise leader Ghana has ever had is Rawlings who killed innocent people on the pretext of corruption but became more corrupt than those he killed. He was able to educate his children abroad. None of those he killed did that. Today he boasts of that and Ghanaians still applaud for him.

Name: James Date: 07-10-2013 Source: Myjoyonline Comment to: Dishonest Bawumia has not been fair to his parents who educated him- Kwakye-Ofosu I don't think Felix has something doing that's why he is saying this. May the Good Lord forgive him for no saying the truth. Repent for the kingdom of God is coming. Find something better to do.

Name: Naa Date: 07-08-2013 Source: Myjoyonline Comment to: Dishonest Bawumia has not been fair to his parents who educated him- Kwakye-Ofosu Good people of Ghana. Please let not give this sponsored guy our good time.i believe that's what he's good at.he's not cultured.how can u say that to out Dr Bawumia, he just like his leaders. Kwakye u will one day grow and the youth will also speak ill about you.

Name: Obed Date: 01-4-2013 Source: myjoyonline Comment to: Dishonest Bawumia has not been fair to his parents who educated him- Kwakye-Ofosu December 28 2012 Who are you? Rawlings will get you. Babies with sharp teeth; by their deeds we shall see them. Go for your national service and stop fooling about.

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Name: Nana Nketia Date: 12-11-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: P.C Appiah Descends On Apraku: Any NPP Member Against Nana Addo As Flagbearer Is “Stupid” P.C Appiah Ofori is insane/mad he needs psychiatrist help indeed. Is NPP for nana addo alone? Since 2008 we has consistently lost our hold from 7 decreasing to only 2 regions and yet crazy old foxes like PC and his sycophants will not give us a break. Free education is not the issue but an appealing candidate. Please stop your unguided visionless commentary.

Name: KM B Date: 12-04-2013 Source: Peacefmonline Comment to: EXPLETIVES GALORE!!!! K.T Hammond Slams Majority Leader For Passing “Foolish, Stupid And Useless Comments” Ghana paa. People can pass stupid talk everywhere. What is Ben Kumbour doing there in parliament? No wonder we have a president similar to him. What else can we expect?

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APPENDIX C ARTICLES FROM NPP NEWSPAPERS

Figure C-1. An article on October 5, 2012: The Daily Searchlight

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Figure C-2. An article on July 19, 2012: The Chronicle

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Figure C-3. An article on October 5, 2012: The Daily Searchlight

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Figure C-4. An article on October 2, 2012: The Daily Searchlight

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Figure C-5. An article on October 2, 2012: The Daily Searchlight

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Figure C-6. An article on November 5, 2012: The Chronicle

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Figure C-7. An article on April 3, 2012: The New Statesman

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Figure C-8. An article on April 3, 2012: The New Statesman

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Figure C-9. An article on April 3, 2012: The New Statesman

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Figure C-10. An article on October 5, 2012: The Daily Searchlight

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APPENDIX D ARTICLES FROM NDC NEWSPAPERS

Figure D-1. An article on August 16, 2012: The Al-Hajj

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Figure D-2. An article on February 23, 2012: The Al-Hajj

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Figure D-3. An article on July 20, 2012: Ghana Palaver

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Figure D-4. An article on September 16, 2012: Ghana Palaver

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Figure D-5. An article on November 20, 2012: Ghana Palaver

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Figure D-6. An article on August 27-28, 2012: Ghana Palaver

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Figure D-7. An article on March 5, 2012: The Al-Hajj

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Figure D-8. An article on December 6, 2012: The National Democrat

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Figure D-9. An article on June 20-21, 2012: Ghana Palaver

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Emmanuel Amo Ofori is a lecturer in linguist at the University of Cape Coast,

Cape Coast, Ghana. Ofori holds a Master of Philosophy in Linguistics from Norwegian

University of Science and Technology, Trondhein, Norway and a bachelor’s degree in linguistics and psychology from University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana in 2008 and 2005 respectively. In 2011 he joined the Department of Linguistic at the University of Florida and earned a Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the summer 2015. His dissertation,

The Use of Insults in Ghanaian Political Discourse: A Critical Discourse Analysis, was supervised by Dr. Diana Boxer and Dr. Fiona McLaughlin. His areas of research are

Critical Discourse Analysis (Politics of Insults in Ghana), pragmatics and syntax of

Akan.

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