Political Marketing Group Newsletter July 2015
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Political Marketing Group Newsletter July 2015 Political Marketing Group Website: https://sites.google.com/site/psapmg/home Facebook Group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/135180946622741/ Newsletter – July 2015 Contents Pg. Pg. The Political Marketing Group 2 Events and Conferences 16 Committee 2015 Campaigning and Voting in Europe: new challenges, new Country Co-ordinators 3 perspectives - Darren G. Lilleker Review: Global Political Marketing UK 2015 Election Analysis 5 Conference 2015 Lost in 2010? Making Sense of the - Rachael Crosby UK General Election - Tom James - Darren G Lilleker - Edward Elder The Application of Persuasion at the - Conference Programme 2015 UK General Election - Nigel Jackson The Coalition: Why the BBC Got It Practitioner's Perspectives 23 Right Political Survival in New Zealand's - Robert P. Ormrod Turbulent 80s and 90s - Jack Elder Interview with a Political Trends in Political Marketing 12 Marketing Expert: Stephen Mills New View of Society to the Conflict (UMR) in the Ukraine: you are not only - Elias Hallaj what you eat but where you go - Kakhaber Djakeli Call for New Items for Upcoming 30 Call for Papers 14 PMG Newsletters Journal of Customer Behaviour - Special issue on Political Marketing Note: All views in this newsletter represent the authors opinions and are not necessarily those of the Political Marketing Group or the newsletter editors. 1 Political Marketing Group Newsletter July 2015 The Political Marketing Group Committee 2015 Chair: Darren G Lilleker Bournemouth University, The Media School, Weymouth House, Fern Barrow, Poole, Dorset, BH12 5BB Tel: 01202 595622 [email protected] Secretary: Jenny Lloyd University of the West of England, Bristol Business School, Frenchay Campus, Coldharbour Lane, Bristol, BS16 1QY Tel: 0117 965 6261 Fax: 0117 344 2289 [email protected] Treasurer: Robert Busby Liverpool Hope University, Politics, Hope Park, Liverpool, L16 9JD UK [email protected] Communications Officer: Jennifer Lees-Marshment University of Auckland, Politics and International Relations [email protected] Newsletter Editor: Edward Elder University of Auckland, Politics and International Relations [email protected] 2 Political Marketing Group Newsletter July 2015 Country Co-ordinators Country Name Institution Contact Canada Thierry Giasson Université Laval [email protected] Czech Anna Matsukova MU [email protected] Republic Denmark Sigge Winther Nielsen [email protected] Egypt Dr Niveen Ezzat Cairo University [email protected] m France Vincent Rodriguez [email protected] om Georgia Kakhaber Djackeli [email protected] Ghana Kobby Mensah [email protected] Greece Iordanis [email protected] Kotzaivazoglou India ChandraSekhar Indian Institute of [email protected] Management Indonesia FirmanzahFiz University of [email protected] Indonensia Iran MitraNaeimi University of [email protected] Tehran Japan Bryce Wakefield Woodrow Wilson Bryce.Wakefield@wilsoncentr International e.org Centre for Scholars Kenya Bozo Jenje [email protected] Macedonia GordicaKaranfilovska [email protected] Malaysia Khairiah Salwa- USM [email protected] Mokhtar Mexico Omar Chavez [email protected] 3 Political Marketing Group Newsletter July 2015 New Jennifer Lees- University of j.lees- Zealand/ Marshment Auckland [email protected] Australia Pakistan Muhammad Talha National University [email protected] Salam of Computer and & Emerging Sciences [email protected] Aman Abid Poland Marek Sempach University of Lodz [email protected] Romania Iulia Huiu University in [email protected] & Romania Dan Mihalache Dimtrie Cantemir Sweden JesperStromback Mid Sweden [email protected] University Taiwan: Norman Peng [email protected] Turkey Mehmet Can [email protected] USA Ken Cosgrove Suffolk University [email protected] Notes: * = New Co-ordinator(s) If anyone would like to get involved and go on the committee, please let our Communications Officer Jennifer Lees-Marshment know ([email protected]). We are always looking for people! 4 Political Marketing Group Newsletter July 2015 UK 2015 Election Analysis Lost in 2010? Making Sense of the UK General Election only a small part of the story. Although the Darren G Lilleker PMG Chair Conservatives’ vote share was 36.9% they Bournemouth University gained over 50% of the seats, Labour’s [email protected] majority collapsed in Scotland, the Liberal Democrats’ (LibDem) vote collapsed everywhere and although the UK Independence Party (UKIP) were the third largest party in vote share the anti-EU and Only a few brave Conservatives put a bet anti-immigration party only retained one on the party gaining a majority at the 2015 of the two seats won through defections in General Election. The polls all predicted a 2014 and gained no more. It was perhaps hung parliament and in all likelihood the most dramatic election result for many there would be an anti-austerity, and so years, one with the potential to have anti-Conservative majority. The fact that profound effects on the future of the the polls were dramatically inaccurate is politics of the UK. Overall result in votes and seats 60 50 40 30 Votes Seats 20 10 0 Cons Lab LibDem UKIP Green SNP Plaid 5 Political Marketing Group Newsletter July 2015 There are a number of reasons for the but still got a Conservative government. It result, and these are my own informed is unlikely that LibDem voters contributed opinion of course. The first was the to a Conservative win, or indeed the UKIP LibDem effect. The collapse of their vote surge, rather some returned to Labour, was dramatic in itself, but the fact that the others migrated to the Greens and some Conservatives were the main benefactors stayed at home. An interesting example influenced the gain in seats significantly. can be seen in the result in St Ives, one of Historically the LibDems had squeezed the the most marginal Con-LibDem seats (of Labour vote, arguing that only they could which there were many). The collapse and keep the Conservatives out. After the 2010 fragmentation of the LibDem vote allowed coalition this argument was no longer the Conservatives to win the seat but valid, some voters probably feeling they gaining fewer votes than in 2010. had voted to keep the Conservatives out Vote share change in St Ives 8 6 4 2 0 Conservative LibDem UKIP Labour Green -2 -4 -6 -8 -10 -12 The polls showed a degree of uncertainty party to maintain the NHS in full public with the Conservatives, perhaps as their ownership. Beyond that they were spending plans (or rather planned cuts) ‘Conservatives lite’: reducing immigration, remained vague throughout the campaign. reducing national debt but in a fairer way While the party and the largely supportive than their main rivals. But for Labour, print media reinforced their credibility for Scotland became their problem. Ed economic management, there seemed Miliband stated he would never enter into discomfort among some over the means by an agreement with the SNP but most saw which economic stability would be reached. some form of Lab-SNP coalition as Nevertheless Labour suffered from having inevitable. The failure of Westminster a leader who was seen as lacking in the politicians to speak to Scottish voters, and qualities required for a prime minister and the broken promises of more powers in having little to say on the economy. return for staying in the UK led to the SNP Mistakes 2007-10 were admitted, but the taking 56 out of 59 seats in the territory. central plank of Labour policy was to try to prime the public that they were the only 6 Political Marketing Group Newsletter July 2015 It was the idea of a coalition that became supporters for propping up a Conservative central to the Conservative campaign. government. Hence the outcome relied Depicting Miliband as the puppet of SNP heavily on campaigns that built heavily leader Nicola Sturgeon or former leader upon the long term images of the major Alec Salmond featured early on posters. two parties. The potential damage a coalition divided over the future of the UK could do was The battle therefore was between the peddled around marginal seats in an Conservatives putting responsible attempt to scare floating voters into voting economic management foremost, building Conservative. While it is impossible to on a record of some achievement 2010- know whether it worked, the fact that the 2015 and Labour arguing they could offer majority of Con-Lab marginal were won by the same without punitive welfare cuts or the Conservatives suggests this argument, putting NHS services in the hands of along with Miliband’s image and indistinct private companies. The parties appeared programme, may have swung some voters. throughout to be able to gain a significant LibDem leader Nick Clegg may have lead in popular opinion, though Cameron dreamed of being an alternative coalition consistently beat Miliband on every partner, offering the Conservatives a heart measure but honesty. The campaign relied and Labour a brain, but clearly many on simple messages, for the Conservatives voted for certainty and saw the better bet ‘don’t let Labour break the economy’, for of offering that to be the Conservatives. Labour ‘don’t let the Conservatives break the NHS’. Miliband’s attempt to cast his So what of the political marketing pledges in stone, producing a £30,000 communication? The strong brands ‘Pledge Stone’ went viral as ‘Ed Stone’ and attacked from the margins. UKIP and the then ‘Head Stone’, it was mocked as much SNP attacked the Westminster consensus, for being the first clear articulation of his had leaders with strong appeal among policies, two days before voting day, as for their electorates and gained significantly its biblical metaphor. The Lab-SNP in vote share. The fact that the SNP gained question reinforced the Conservatives’ 56 seats on 4.7 of the popular vote while message of fear and insecurity; it was not a UKIP gained a single seat despite winning case of what if we win, more what if we 12.6% of the vote is telling of the issues lose.