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Industrialization 231 INDUSTRIALIZATION 231 Similarly, though with less emphasis on social activism, partic­ individual experiences of masculinity along racial, ethnic, ipants in the 1960s counterculture sought personal liberation class, and sexual-preference lines. from mainstream institutions in an effort to recover what they considered an authentic, natural masculinity. BIBLIOGRAPHY Masculinity and individualism remained closely associ­ Hayden, Tom. Port Huron Statement: The Founding Manifesto of ated during the 1970s. As a turn away from the social activism Students fo r a Democratic Society. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, of the 1960s and a growing cultural emphasis on self-exami­ 1990. nation and self-realization led the writer To m Wolfe to dub Kimmel, Michael. Manhood in America: A Cultural History. New this period the "me decade," American men sought to assert York: Free Press, 1996. their masculinity through attention to personal health and Rotundo, E. Anthony. American Manhood: Transformations in physical fitness. Bodybuilding, once deemed narcissistic, Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era. New York: enjoyed a new popularity among men seeking extreme physi­ Basic Books, 1993. cal fo rms of self-realization. Whyte, William H. The Organization Man. New Yo rk: Simon & Ronald Reagan's presidency suggested that rugged indi­ Schuster, 1956. vidualism once again became a primary element of American Wills, Gary. Reagan' s America: Innocents at Home. New Yo rk: manliness in the 1980s. Reagan sought to project an image of Doubleday, 1987. virile masculinity, an image he consistently associated with personal responsibility, individual initiative, and self-assur­ FURTHER READING ance. His probusiness and antiwelfare policies, which appealed Bellah, Robert, et al.Ha bits of the Heart: Individualism and particularly to male business leaders and other white men, Commitment in American Life. Berkeley: University of California likewise signaled a return to traditional individualism. That Press, 1985. Reagan and his conservative political supporters simultane­ Clark, Keith. Black Ma nhood in James Baldwin, Ernest J. Gaines, and ously ended feminists' hope fo r passage of the Equal Rights August Wilson. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002. Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1982 suggests that his Connell, R. W. Masculinities. Berkeley: University of California was a particularly male brand of individualism. Press, 1995. Yet the twentieth century also witnessed a gradual erosion of the traditional association between individualism and RELATED ENTRIES (white) masculinity. The growing success of movements advo­ Abolitionism; African-American Manhood; American Revolution; cating the rights of women and nonwhite men meant that Bodybuilding; Business/Corporate America; Capitalism; white males ceased to maintain their domination of the politi­ Confidence Man; Counterculture; Crockett, Davy; Darwinism; cal and economic worlds, and that others besides white males Douglass, Frederick; Great Depression; Market Revolution; Men's participated in established American patterns of individualism. Movements; Men's Studies; Organization Man, The; By the late 1980s and 1990s, the traditionally close rela­ Postmodernism; Reagan, Ronald; Reform Movements; tion between masculinity and individualism was further Republicanism; Self-Made Man; Slave Narratives challenged by new intellectual trends. Influenced by post­ -Erika Ku hlman modernism, scholars in gender studies emphasized that gen­ der definitions are socially constructed rather than innately connected to biological sex, and that masculinity thus varies INDUSTRIALIZATION across human societies. In addition, the unifiednotion of self­ hood that had informed the traditional concept of individual­ The process of industrialization, which began in the United ism in American culture gave way to a fr agmented sense of self States during the early nineteenth century, had an enormous that included multiple, and sometimes conflicting, self-identi­ impact on American constructions of masculinity. It compli­ ties. With the concepts of both masculinity and individualism cated preindustrial notions of manhood based on male patri­ called into question, the nature of the relation between archal control over family and household, while also them-or whether there was any meaningful relation at all­ generating new and often class-based definitions of gender. became unclear. The sense of a fixed, hegemonic model of For some segments of the male population, industrialization individualism associated with white men continues to be eroded two critical foundations of preindustrial male patri­ eroded by a dynamic, diverse model that recognizes differing archy: It reduced the importance of property ownership and a 232 INDUSTRIALIZATION moved productive, income-generating labor out of the home. Massachusetts, which were built later, involved no similar In doing so, it opened up opportunities for social and cultural effort to preserve preindustrial patriarchal relations. experimentation with definitions of manhood both in and outside the workplace. Men were able to shape these new artic­ The Breadwinner Ideal ulations of masculinity to some extent, but the impact of Across class lines, men counteracted the limitations that industrialization on their work and on the economic fo unda­ industrialization imposed on patriarchy by monopolizing tions of their lives also set the parameters for their redefinition income-generating productive labor. Accompanying and jus­ of themselves as men. tifying this development was a new definition of manhood, that of primary family breadwinner. This concept was Household Production, Proto-Industrialization, grounded in an increasing emphasis on gender difference, and Patriarchy and on the notion of men's unique suitability for the new Through the late eighteenth century, most American house­ forms of work generated by industrialization. The breadwin­ holds were sites of preindustrial production grounded firmly ner ideal had a mixed effect on male domestic authority and in patriarchal authority, which in turn was a fundamental masculine identity. On the one hand, it made men, their component of masculine identity. Between 1790 and 1815, manliness, and their ability to provide economic security for however, the nature of both household production and their families dependent on market fo rces beyond their con­ household patriarchy began to shift. Commodity production trol. By disrupting the link between men's work and their in the countryside and in urban households intensified as households, moreover, it reduced the time that most fathers merchants increased investment in domestic markets and the spent at home, which limited their control over their wives development of manufactures. This early commodity pro­ and children. It also rendered them less able to validate duction, or proto-industrialization, actually relied on the themselves by transmitting their skills to a son or apprentice patriarchal family unit and its social relations to organize, or by steering their sons into their own career paths. Yet at mobilize, and discipline a spatially dispersed workforce and the same time, the male breadwinner actually held a greater produce goods for expanding markets. In and around Lynn, share of domestic economic power than had the preindus­ Massachusetts, fo r instance, merchants and artisans began in trial patriarch, and breadwinning reinforced men's ability to the 1780s to create a thriving shoe industry based on a "put­ provide for their wives and children. ting out" system in which entrepreneurs supplied raw mate­ rials to widely dispersed farm families working out of their Masculinity and Class own homes. Such forms of household-based commodity Industrialization created a new social division between those production actually reinforced domestic patriarchy, since the who owned or managed business establishments (the emer­ father/husband mediated the relation between the income­ gent middle class) and those who worked under these owners generating family members and the artisan or merchant who and managers as working-class wage earners. Male experi­ supplied the raw material. ences, and the definitions of masculinity that these generated, Eventually, however, the success and profitability of this varied across this class line. In general, working-class men form of household production enabled master artisans, mer­ found that the craft-based skills in which they had tradition­ chants, and shopkeepers to relocate and concentrate work ally grounded their ideas of manly labor were undermined and processes into workshops, thus undermining traditional increasingly replaced by new technologies. Middle-class men, household patriarchy. This process was uneven in its applica­ meanwhile, were able to fo rm new definitions of masculinity tion. In the 1790s, Samuel Slater hired whole fa mily units for around their work, particularly the appropriation and adminis­ his textile mills in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and even tration of entrepreneurial and organizational prerogatives for­ purchased land fo r heads of households to support a combi­ merly under the purview of artisans and small-scale producers. nation of industrial labor and subsistence agriculture. He Both groups of men formed and expressed new class-based then sought to incorporate household patriarchy and the ideals of manhood inside and outside the workplace. family as a productive unit, and to channel the social disci­ For working-class men,
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