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Academia Militar
ACADEMIA MILITAR Análise da Intervenção Russa na Crimeia Autor: Aspirante de Cavalaria Tiago Filipe Simões Ramos Orientador: Professor Catedrático António José Telo Mestrado Integrado em Ciências Militares, na especialidade de Cavalaria Relatório Científico Final do Trabalho de Investigação Aplicada Lisboa, setembro de 2019 ACADEMIA MILITAR Análise da Intervenção Russa na Crimeia Autor: Aspirante de Cavalaria Tiago Filipe Simões Ramos Orientador: Professor Catedrático António José Telo Mestrado Integrado em Ciências Militares, na especialidade de Cavalaria Relatório Científico Final do Trabalho de Investigação Aplicada Lisboa, setembro de 2019 EPÍGRAFE “Submeter o inimigo sem combater é a excelência suprema.” Sun Tzu i DEDICATÓRIA À minha família. ii AGRADECIMENTOS Esta dissertação representa o culminar dos anos de trabalho, cujo produto não vem só do esforço individual, mas também do apoio de muitos outros, cuja menção é necessária para lhes dar o merecido mérito. Quero começar por agradecer à Academia Militar, instituição que me acolheu, sem a qual não estaria onde estou. Ao Curso Tenente General Bernardim Freire de Andrade, o meu curso de entrada, por todos os momentos partilhados, no “conhaque” e no “trabalho”, desde o início até ao fim da viagem. Ao curso Tenente General de Artilharia e Engenheiro Mor Luís Serrão Pimentel, por me ter acolhido a meio caminho e nunca me ter desenquadrado. Em ambos tenho amigos, sem os quais os longos anos tinham sido ainda mais longos. Ao meu diretor de curso, o Tenente-Coronel de Cavalaria Baltazar, pela dedicação, empenho e paciência na transmissão dos ensinamentos e pela integração no espírito da arma. Ao meu orientador, Professor Catedrático António Telo, cujos conhecimentos e orientação permitiram o desenvolvimento deste trabalho. -
15 the Party's On
The Party’s On: The Impact of Political Organizations in Russia’s Duma Elections Henry E. Hale Harvard University October 1999 Do political parties matter in Russia? From one perspective, they clearly do. Half of the Russian parliament (the Duma) is elected on the basis of proportional representation (PR), according to which system only registered political movements can compete. Observers frequently charge, however, that political parties1 matter little outside the boundaries of the “all-federation district” in which the PR race takes place. These political organizations are said to be ephemeral, weak and rootless, shifting with the political winds and having little connection to the Russian electorate. At best, they are the political vehicles for specific individuals who have focused little energy on building strong organizations capable of surviving them, and who seek mainly to build up their own personal authority. Only the Communist Party, the argument goes, maintains a “real” political party, and this is only because of the rich institutional heritage bequeathed it by the predecessor organization that ruled the USSR for seven decades. Comparative political science, however, suggests strong reason to believe that political organizations may, in fact, be coming to play an important role in Russian elections since parties can provide candidates with an “instant reputation” and organizational support that are otherwise hard to obtain. 1 Here I use the term “party” very loosely to include all political organizations legally able to compete in elections for seats in Russia’s representative state organs of power. 1 2 The Party’s On This paper tests these hypotheses on data from Russia’s first two multiparty elections since Communist rule, seeking to determine whether Russia’s myriad and multiplying political parties significantly affect the performance of candidates in the single-mandate district (SMD) elections for the State Duma. -
The Valery Gerasimov Doctrine *S
The Valery Gerasimov Doctrine *S. M. Azharul Islam Introduction The "Valery Gerasimov Doctrine" is named after the Russian Chief of the General Staff, General Valery Gerasimov. This doctrine consists of military, technological, informational, diplomatic, economic, cultural, and other concerned tactics to accomplish strategic goals. The principle puts more emphasis on the use of nonmilitary means to achieve the desired goals. However, this theory of modern warfare mentions that military standards are also crucial even in today's context. It has often been described as a distinct form of war, also termed Russia's version of hybrid warfare. This commentary will explain the notable "Valery Gerasimov Doctrine". The Valery Gerasimov Doctrine: A Brief Overview Army General Valery Gerasimov, the Chief of Russia's General Staff and First Deputy Defense Minister, published an article that made headlines. The article was titled "The Value of Science is in the Foresight: New Challenges Demand Rethinking the Forms and Methods of Carrying out Combat Operations." This article proposed a new form of Russian warfare that blends conventional and unconventional warfare in a holistic approach to achieving strategic goals. Owing to the reaction of the Russian Federation to the crisis in Ukraine, this article gained traction in the professional and academic sphere. It is a part of the Russian Chief of the General Staff's duty to develop futuristic theories to prepare for warfare. The term 'foresight' has also been used in the title of the article to denote the process of transformation in the military sector to keep up with rapid future developments. Foresight has a direct link with the future of warfare in the Russian defence sphere. -
Getting Gerasimov Right Charles K
Getting Gerasimov Right Charles K. Bartles n 26 February 2013, chief of the Russian General Staff Gen. Valery Gerasimov published “The Value of Science Is in the OForesight: New Challenges Demand Rethinking the Forms and Methods of Carrying out Combat Operations” in Voyenno-Promyshlennyy Kurier (VPK) (Military-Industrial Courier). In this article, Gerasimov lays out his perspective—and the prevalent view in (Photo courtesy of the Press Service of the Russian Defense Ministry) Russian security circles—of the recent past, present, Chief of the Russian General Staff Gen. Valery Gerasimov and expected future of warfare. This article was pub- lished about a year before the Maidan protests that set in motion the events leading to the eventual annex- Staff has far more authority than any flag grade officer ation of Crimea and Russian-sponsored insurrection in the U.S. military. He is responsible for long-term in eastern Ukraine.1 The chain of events that followed planning duties equivalent to both the U.S. Office the Maidan protests could in no way be foreseen by of the Secretary of Defense and the unified com- Gerasimov, but his article is often cited in the West batant commanders. In addition, he has oversight as “Gerasimov’s Doctrine” for the way Russian forces of strategic transportation equivalent to that of U.S. conducted its operations. Transportation Command, force doctrinal and capa- In this vein of Western thinking, Gerasimov’s ar- bilities development, and equipment procurement for ticle is often interpreted as proposing a new Russian all branches of the Ministry of Defense. He even has way of warfare that blends conventional and uncon- an inspector-general-like function for ensuring that ventional warfare with aspects of national power, General Staff standards and regulations are adhered to. -
THE BLACK MARKET for SOCIAL MEDIA MANIPULATION NATO Stratcom COE Singularex
COUNTERING THE MALICIOUS USE OF SOCIAL MEDIA THE BLACK MARKET FOR SOCIAL MEDIA MANIPULATION NATO StratCom COE Singularex ISBN 978-9934-564-31-4 ISBN: 978-9934-564-31-4 Authors: NATO StratCom COE Research: Singularex Project manager: Sebastian Bay Text editor: Anna Reynolds Design: Kārlis Ulmanis Riga, November 2018 NATO STRATCOM COE 11b Kalciema iela Riga LV1048, Latvia www.stratcomcoe.org Facebook/stratcomcoe Twitter: @stratcomcoe Singularex is a Social Media Intelligence and Analytics company based in Kharkiv, Ukraine. Website: www.singularex.com Email: [email protected] This publication does not represent the opinions or policies of NATO. © All rights reserved by the NATO StratCom COE. Reports may not be copied, reproduced, distributed or publicly displayed without reference to the NATO StratCom COE. The views expressed here are solely those of the author in his private capacity and do not in any way represent the views of NATO StratCom COE. NATO StratCom COE does not take responsibility for the views of authors expressed in their articles. Social media manipulation is undermining democracy, but it is also slowly undermining the social media business model. Introduction Around the turn of the decade, when the popularity of social media sites was really beginning to take off, few people noticed a secretly burgeoning trend — some users were artificially inflating the number of followers they had on social media to reap financial benefits. Even fewer noticed that organisations such as the Internet Research Agency were exploiting these new techniques for political gain. Only when this innovation in information warfare was deployed against Ukraine in 2014 did the world finally become aware of a practice that has now exploded into federal indictments,1 congressional hearings,2 and a European Union Code of Practice on Disinformation.3 At the heart of this practice, weaponised by states and opportunists alike, is a flourishing black market where buyers and sellers meet to trade in clicks, likes, and shares. -
The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
Russian Conventional Armed Forces: on the Verge of Collapse?
Order Code 97-820 F CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russian Conventional Armed Forces: On the Verge of Collapse? September 4, 1997 (name redacted) Specialist in Russian Affairs Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Russian Conventional Armed Forces: On the Verge of Collapse? Summary All quantitative indicators show a sharp, and in most cases an accelerating, decline in the size of the Russian armed forces. Since 1986, Russian military manpower has decreased by over 70 percent; tanks and other armored vehicles by two-thirds; and artillery, combat aircraft, and surface warships by one-third. Weapons procurement has been plummeting for over a decade. In some key categories, such as aircraft, tanks, and surface warships, procurement has virtually stopped. This has led not only to a decline in present inventory, but implies a long-term crisis of bloc obsolescence in the future. Russian Government decisions and the budget deficit crisis have hit the Ministry of Defense very hard, cutting defense spending drastically and transforming the Defense Ministry into a residual claimant on scarce resources. Many experts believe that if these budgetary constraints continue for 2-3 more years, they must lead either to more drastic force reductions or to military collapse. Military capabilities are also in decline. Reportedly, few, if any, of Russia’s army divisions are combat-ready. Field exercises, flight training, and out-of-area naval deployments have been sharply reduced. Morale is low, partly because of non-payment of servicemen’s salaries. Draft evasion and desertion are rising. -
The Trump-Russia Collusion Case
The Trump-Russia Collusion Case Updated to August 2020 Source: http://www.scaruffi.com/politics/trumptraitor.html For those who have been following this page for a while: my main target is not Trump, my target is Putin. Putin, not Trump, is the most dangerous person in the world. Trump is just a lackey, a small-time crook and bit-time liar whom Putin is using to attack the USA. The problem is not that there is no evidence of Trump-Putin collusion, the problem is that there is too much of it. I have added some background about the motive of Russia's interference in US politics. In my opinion, it was not only a general attempt at undermining US institutions (that came later) but originally it was a determined effort to make sure that Hillary Clinton did not become president. Putin feared her more than anyone else. For those who have NOT followed this page from the beginning: this website was one of the first to talk about the Trump-Russia collusion at a time when few dared mention the Steele dossier. Just to be very clear: this is not about whether Russia's interference changed the results of the election (i personally think that the FBI investigation into Clinton's email server had a much bigger impact). It is about Putin's strategy to attack the USA, and, secondly, it is about the extent of Trump's collaboration with Putin. And, just to be fair, Putin's Russia is not the only country that ever interfered in US politics. -
Recent Trends in Online Foreign Influence Efforts
Recent Trends in Online Foreign Influence Efforts Diego A. Martin, Jacob N. Shapiro, Michelle Nedashkovskaya Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs Princeton University Princeton, New Jersey, United States E-mail: [email protected] Email: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: Foreign governments have used social media to influence politics in a range of countries by promoting propaganda, advocating controversial viewpoints, and spreading disinformation. We analyze 53 distinct foreign influence efforts (FIEs) targeting 24 different countries from 2013 through 2018. FIEs are defined as (i) coordinated campaigns by one state to impact one or more specific aspects of politics in another state (ii) through media channels, including social media, (iii) by producing content designed to appear indigenous to the target state. The objective of such campaigns can be quite broad and to date have included influencing political decisions by shaping election outcomes at various levels, shifting the political agenda on topics ranging from health to security, and encouraging political polarization. We draw on more than 460 media reports to identify FIEs, track their progress, and classify their features. Introduction Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) have changed the way people communi- cate about politics and access information on a wide range of topics (Foley 2004, Chigona et al. 2009). Social media in particular has transformed communication between leaders and voters by enabling direct politician-to-voter engagement outside traditional avenues, such as speeches and press conferences (Ott 2017). In the 2016 U.S. presidential election, for example, social media platforms were more widely viewed than traditional editorial media and were central to the campaigns of both Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton and Republican candidate Donald Trump (Enli 2017). -
Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind. -
Nota De Coyuntura Centro De Estudios Internacionales Gilberto Bosques
NOTA DE COYUNTURA CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS INTERNACIONALES GILBERTO BOSQUES Senado de la República, 7 de abril de 2016 EL CONSORCIO INTERNACIONAL DE PERIODISTAS DE INVESTIGACIÓN REVELA DOCUMENTOS SOBRE LA UTILIZACIÓN DE PARAÍSOS FISCALES POR PARTE DE LÍDERES POLÍTICOS Y EMPRESARIOS DE TODO EL MUNDO El despacho de abogados panameño Mossack Fonseca es el dueño de los documentos filtrados (BBC). Fuente: Telesur, “Panamá Papers: ¿Cómo esconden su riqueza los ricos y poderosos?”, 4 de abril de 2016. Consultado en la misma fecha en: http://www.telesurtv.net/news/Panama-Papers-Como-esconden-su-riqueza-los- ricos-y-poderosos-20160404-0027.html 1 Introducción El pasado 3 de abril, el periódico alemán Süddeutsche Zeitung reveló una investigación realizada en por el Consorcio Internacional de Periodistas de Investigación (ICIJ, por sus siglas en inglés) por medio de la cual se obtuvieron millones de documentos pertenecientes a la firma panameña de abogados Mossack Fonseca, y en los cuales se constata que diversos líderes políticos y asociados, empresarios, celebridades, y presuntos criminales contrataron los servicios de dicha empresa. El establecimiento de estos vínculos se dio con la intención de crear sociedades de ultramar (offshore) en pequeños países catalogados como “paraísos fiscales”, debido a la laxa regulación y las bajas tasas tributarias que imponen a los ingresos de las personas. Aunque el Consorcio Internacional de Periodistas de Investigación ha sido enfático en que los llamados “documentos de Panamá” (o Panama Papers, en inglés) no demuestran necesariamente que los individuos involucrados hayan incurrido en ilegalidades,1 el recurso de las sociedades de ultramar en paraísos fiscales se utiliza frecuentemente ya para evadir obligaciones impositivas, ya para procesar o esconder ganancias producto de actividades ilícitas.