The Legend of Nāthasiddha Cauraṅgī As Reflected in Early Medieval Hagiography, Epigraphy and Art

The Legend of Nāthasiddha Cauraṅgī as Reflected in Early Medieval Hagiography, Epigraphy and Art

Amol N. Bankar1

1. Flat No. L‐ 603, Lake Vista, Dattanagar ‐ Jambhulwadi Road, Ambegaon, Pune – 411 037, Maharashtra, India (Email: [email protected])

Received: 30 July 2019; Revised: 04 September 2019; Accepted: 11 October 2019 Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 7 (2019): 915‐933

Abstract: The sad tale of a young prince Cauraṅgī, falsely accused of incest by his adulterous step‐ mother who proceeds to sever his hands and legs, as well as the prince’s subsequent maturation into a great yogī, is the subject of several ballads, folk‐theatre plays and folk songs of the itinerate balladeers touching the hearts of the ordinary people all over India. In this essay I have begun the process of cataloguing and documenting many iterations of this story across a wide range of Indian languages focusing especially on much neglected early medieval old Marāṭhī sources, Iconography and Inscriptions.

Keywords: Nātha Saṁpradāya, Cauraṅgīnātha, Līḷā‐caritra, Ratnamāḷā‐stotra, Jñāneśvarī, Tattvasāra, Panhāḷe Kājī

Introduction The story of a prince Cauraṅgī, falsely accused of incest by his adulterous step‐mother who proceeds to sever his hands and legs, and the prince’s subsequent maturation into a great yogī, is the subject of several ballads, folk‐theatre plays and folklore songs. The story of Cauraṅgī or Pūran Bhagat is one of the favorite episodes of the Nātha hagiographical repertoire and it is subject of countless versions recited and sung throughout the subcontinent, both among Hindu and Muslim communities. The exploits of this great Siddha and his short biography are included into a range of Tibetan hagiographical collections.1 Perhaps the most celebrated collection of these tales is called ‘Legends of the Eighty‐four Mahāsiddhas’ (Tib. Grub thob brgyad bcu tsa bzhi’i lo rgyus) translated by Robinson and Dowman (Robinson 1979: 86‐90; Dowman 1985: 54‐56). This text identifies Cauraṅgī as the son of king Devapāla. According to Abhayadatta, when he was twelve years old his mother passed away. King Devapāla was induced by his courtiers to marry another wife from a foreign country. One day the king went into the jungle to dispel a secret grief. The very next morning, the new queen caught sight of her stepson and was deeply infatuated by his beauty. She invited him to come to her side and made unchaste advances towards him. But prince Cauraṅgī calmly rejected her advances. The queen felt mortally humiliated. She ordered her attendants to murder the prince, but they refused andd sai that he was as ISSN 2347 – 5463 Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 7: 2019

innocent as a child. When the king returned, the queen had devised a scheme to accuse the young prince of sexual assault. She tore off her clothes and covered her body in blood from self‐inflicted wounds. After finding her in this condition and believing all her accusations, the king was extremely angry. He ordered two executioners to cut off the hands and feet of the prince and abandon him in the forest. The executioners loved the prince more than their own children. They volunteered to sacrifice their sons to protect the prince. But the prince rejected this plan and forced them to obey the king’s order. Accordingly, they dismembered him and left him, propped against a tree, to die. All at once, a yogī known as Aciṅtapā / Mīnapā appeared before the prince. Mīnapa gave him initiation and empowerment and instructed him in the yoga of pot‐bellied breathing. He left the boy under the tree to practice. Encountering a group of cow herders, Mīnapa informed them of the prince’s condition and one of them offered to serve Cauraṅgī.2

The prince remained in meditation for twelve years. After this severe penance, he regained his lost hands and feet. Apart from the hagiographical references, the Tibetan text of the ‘Vāyutattvabhāvanā‐nāma’ (Tib. rlung gi de nyid bsgom pa’i man ngag ces bya ba), which is a poetical description of a number of haṭhayogic phenomena, in the colophon of which the author identifies himself as Cauraṅgī. Curiously, the text that follows bears the same title (Vāyutattvabhāvanopadeśa‐nāma) as this one is attributed to Ācārya Ghorakha (Gorakṣa), that Siddha with whom Cauraṅgī’s legend becomes confused in Tibetan hagiography.3

As recorded by Briggs, the most common version of the legend existing in Punjab tells us that Rājā Sulivān (Śālivāhan, Sālwān, Sālbān) had two sons, Pūraṇ (as Cauraṅgī is known in Punjab) and Rasālu by two different queens.4 While the eldest queen became the mother of Pūraṇ, the other, much younger queen, was barren. When Pūraṇ became a man, this younger queen made improper advances towards him. He refused to yield so she subsequently implicated him under some false charges. The king ruled against hisd son an accordingly Pūraṇ was put to death. His hands and feet were cut off and his body was thrown into well in Karol, a village five miles from Siyālkoṭ (This village was later called Pūraṇwālā). After some days a yogī, who came for water, found the body in the well. (This well was later well known as Pūraṇ’s well.) Having learned, upon inquiry, the story of Pūraṇ’s temptation and death, he uttered a charm (mantra) over the body and Pūraṇ was brought back to life, and his hands and feet restored. Pūraṇ became a Kānphaṭā (Nātha) yogī (Briggs 1938: 184‐185).

In the oral traditions of North India’s Nātha Saṁpradāya, we find considerably different accounts of Cauraṅgī’s story performed by wandering minstrels, yet even here, the textual tradition reflects some continuities. Thus, the ‘Prāṇa Sāṁkalī’, which is recognized by the modern Nātha Yogīs as part of their tradition and identified as a work of Nāthasiddha Cauraṅgī, tells a similar story.5 Cauraṅgī’s contribution to the standard anthologies is, however, exceptional in its length, content, and antiquity (White 1996: 133). Cauraṅgī identifies the Nāthasiddha Matsyendra as his ‘guru’ and

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Nāthasiddha Gorakṣanāth as his ‘gurubandhu’ and ‘annadātā’.6 Another composition attributed to Cauraṅgī, ‘Śri Nāthāṣṭak’, published by Hajariprasad Dwivedi, identifies Gorakṣanāth as Cauraṅgī’s guru.7

Some versions of the story of Cauraṅgī, however, offer certain variants. We can approach this legend through Bhakta‐māla, Santa‐māla, Rajjaba‐vāṇī, Gorakha carita, Śrī Gorakhnātha caritra, Nātha‐siddha caritra which are already discussed by Munoz. Although these versions are not very extensive but they are quite close to the central motif, there are some significant variants. In all cases, Cauraṅgī is a young prince by which his stepmother comes to feel lust. Subsequent motives are: the indecorous proposition of the stepmother, rejection, lieing, dismemberment and encounter with one (or some) nāth‐siddha (Munoz 2010: 209‐229).

Tale of Cauraṅgī from Early Medieval Marathi Literature Līḷā‐caritra: The early medieval Marathi prose composed in AD 1286 offers an account of the life of Cakṛadhara, the founder of the Mahānubhāva sect presented in the form of anecdotes about wanderings and discourses with his disciples. Unlike other Old Marathi texts, the problem of securing a genuine text is less severe in the case of Līḷā‐ caritra, as most of the Mahānubhāva manuscripts are written in secret codes known as lipī. Its codiﬁcation put a check on the modernisation and corruption of the language of the Mahānubhava texts and proved extremely useful in preserving their original linguistic forms.8 Līḷā‐caritra is a vital source for studying vivid aspects of Nāthapantha. Cakṛadhara had narrated legends of several personalities associated with Nāthapantha viz. Adaṇḍīnātha, Indrāi Māhātmā, Udhaḷīnātha, Rasasiddha Kaṇerī, Kanthaḍīnātha, Haṭhayogīnī Kāmākṣā/ Kāmākhyā, Kuirāma Siddha, Gorakṣanātha, Siddha Ghoḍācūḍī/ Ghoṛācolī, Candrāi Māhātmā, Jaḷāndharī/ Jāḷāndhara, Jālandharanātha, Guru Dattātreya, Siddha Nāgārjuna, Yogīnī Bahuḍī, Bhartṛuharī, Machīndranātha/ Matyendranātha, Mīnanātha, Yogīnī Muguṭābāī/ Muktābāī, Vajrayānī Siddha Luipāi, Goviṁdacaṁdra / Gopicaṁda, Siddha Kānha(pā)/ Kanha).

The story of prince Cauraṅgī (LP.260, Kolte 1978:178‐179) is also recounted in this context which runs as follows: On their way to Āḍgāva (Also spelt Adgaon, Dist. Nasik, Coordinates: 20°0’54”N, 73°51’5”E), Cakṛadhara and his disciples had stayed for a short while near a booth where drinking water was available. While walking in a field Cakṛadhara noticed a broken trunk of the ber tree (ziziphus mauritiana) which had started blossoming. Sarvajña (Cakṛadhara) asked his disciples, ‘Have you seen this? This is a natural tendency, If this tendency comes to a man, then we can surely saye on had acquired the knowledge (vidyā) of Cauraṅgī’. Bāisā, an inquisitive female disciple of Cakṛadhara, requested him to explain Cauraṅgī’s knowledge (vidyā). In reply to this, Cakṛadhara narrated a story:

“Once a king was ruling near the foot of Saptaśruṅga Mountain, He had two queens. The Elder Queen had a son, who was very handsome. One day, when the prince was sleeping alone, the younger Queen entered his bed chamber. She was smitten by his

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beauty and unable to control herself, she made unchaste advances towards him. The Prince coldly rejected her proposal by innocently telling her, ‘You are my mother! (How can one ask something so perverted)’; this reply turned her into misery and humiliation. She went to her room and inflicted injuries and scratches all over her body. On finding her in that condition, the king asked her what had happened. The younger Queen then accused the young prince of trying to rape her. After seeing her clever performance, the king believed her accusations and was overwhelmed with rage. He went to his court and invited all his relatives, friends, learned men and asked them what punishment should be given to the Prince. Everyone unanimously agreed the sentence given should involve ‘cutting off both his hands and legs’. Accordingly the king ordered to his servants to take the Prince outside the village and sever his hands and feet. After some time, the prince was found in that condition by Matsyendranātha, who happened to pass nearby. Matsyendranātha took him into a cave and closed the cave opening. He kept the prince inside the cave and told, ‘I am going to close the cave entrance with a huge rock, and you keep an eye on it, so that it will not fall. If you move your eyes from it, it will fall on your head and you will die’. Matsyendra left after a group of cowherd boys agreed to provide food to the Prince daily. After twelve years the Prince was restored to the previous state. Thus was the story of Siddha Cauraṅgī” (Kolte 1978: 178‐179).

The old Marathi text for this narrative was adopted from Līḷā‐caritra edited by Kolte. For this anecdote (līḷā) Kolte had used manuscript dated SE 1463 (AD 1541, Plava Saṁvatsara). The manuscriptʹs colophon states that ‘the text was copied in the same way it wass written from another manuscript’ by certain Kṛṣna, son of Dāmodara at Pimpalgaon Raja (Tal. Khamgaon, Dist. Buldhana). Cauraṅgī’s knowledge (vidyā) is further discussed by Cakṛadhara in another līḷā from Uttarārdha part of the same text (LU.414, Kolte 1978:597‐598), where he demonstrated how one can master ‘Cauraṅgī’s vidyā’. With this vidyā, Cakṛadhara made miracle by sprouting new buds from the tāṁbula which he had spitted on the doorframe of a temple.

Ratnamāḷā‐stotra: The short version of same story (RMS‐P.864‐866, Deshpande 2011:165) is also recorded in Ratnamāḷā‐stotra (Deshpande 2011: 165), which is a Sanskrit adaptation of ‘Līḷā‐caritra’ composed by Keśirāja Bāsa (Vyāsa) in Śaka Era 1215‐ 16 i.e. AD. 1293‐94.

Jñāneśvarī: The Celebrated Marathi saint and poet, Jñānadeva also called Jñāneśvara (AD 1275–1296)9 names the teachers of his tradition as Śrī Tripurāri (Śiva), Macchaprasava (Matsyendra), Cauraṅgī, Gorakṣarāya, Gahinīnātha, and his elder brother Nivṛttinātha (Jñāneśvarī : 18: 1751‐1760) in his Old Marathi commentary on the Bhagavadgītā. This text, which was composed in AD 1290, is popularly known as the Jñāneśvarī (Mallinson 2014a: fn 30; Jñāneśvarī 18: 1751‐1760). Jñānadeva further adds ‘After Matsyendra met crippled Cauraṅgī on the Saptaśṛṅga Mountain, by his mere glance he made him sound in all his limbs.’ (to matsyendra saptaśr̥ṅgī| bhagnāvayavā cauraṅgī|| bheṭalākī to sarvāṅgī| sampūrṇa jālā||; Jñāneśvarī: 18:1753).10 Jñāneśvara had

918 Bankar 2019: 915‐933 started the new Maharashtrian Nātha tradition which is more refined and elaborate and traces its lineage to Nivṛttinātha. The Maharashtrian Nātha’s are diffrernt from the Northern Nāthas in terms of their religious practice and they are more diffused with Vaiṣnava worship of Viṭṭhala of Pandharpur.

Tattvasāra: Another Marathi poet‐saint Cāṁga‐Vaṭeśvara (Cakrapāṇī) was associated with Jñāneśvara and he is also known from his inscriptions at Hariścandragaḍ, Nārāyaṇpur and Loṇī Bhāpkar. In his Old Marathi work ‘Tattvasāra’, composed in Śaka Era 1234 (AD 1312) at Hariścandragaḍ, Cāṁga‐Vaṭeśvara records his tradition of teachers as Ādinātha, Macchindra, Gorakṣanātha, Muktābāī. Though Cauraṅgī is not directly related with Cāṁga‐Vaṭeśvara, he is still greatly honoured and mentioned as ‘knowledgable on pada‐ piṇḍa’, ‘kula‐dīpaka’ (one who had enlightened the glory of the clan or who is light of the clan). The term ‘kula’ in the present context denotes clan‐ lineage or a particular line of transmission through a series of masters and disciples.11 The term ʹpada‐piṇḍaʹ is identified as ʹcosmic soul and an individual soulʹ by Jñāneśvara in his principal work Jñāneśvarī (Jñāneśvarī 3.267, Also refer discussion on ‘piṇḍa’ by White 2012:83‐85).

Figure 1: Lineage of teachers recorded by Jñāneśvara and Cāṁgā Vaṭeśvara

Siddha‐pīṭha Saptaśṛṅga and Legend of Cauraṅgī The Saptaśṛṅga Mountain (Dist. Nasik, Coordinates: 20°23’28”N, 73°54’24”E) is about 40 kilometres north of Nāsik. It is part of a stretch of the Sahyādri Mountains known as the Ajantā‐Sātmāḷā range. Today, Saptaśṛṅga Mountain is well‐known because of the modern temple standing atop the hill, dedicated to the goddess Saptaśṛṅgī (a form of Mahiṣāsūra‐mardinī). We have already seen from Līḷā‐caritra and Jñāneśvarī, it appears

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that in the 13th century AD Saptaśṛṅga was well‐known as a Siddha‐pīṭha associated with the legend of Nāthsiddha Cauraṅgī.

Figure 2: Siddheśvara temple at Saptaśṛṅga Mountain, Dist. Nasik, Maharashtra

Figure 3: (a) Pilgrim inscriptions of ‘jogī jaṅgama rāūḷa’ and ‘jota rāūḷa’ on inner wall of maṇḍapa (hall), Siddheśvara temple at Saptaśṛṅga Mountain, (b and c) Pilgrim inscriptions of ‘jaṅgamarāūḷajogī’ and ‘jota rāūḷa jogī’, Sun Temple, Katarmal, Dist. Almora, Uttarakhand (Courtesy: Niraj Verma, Dehradun) and (d) Pilgrim inscriptions of ‘jaṅgamarāūḷajogī’ and ‘jota rāūḷa jogī’, Sun Temple, Katarmal, Dist. Almora, Uttarakhand (Courtesy: Niraj Verma, Dehradun)

There is an early mediaeval Śaiva temple dedicated to god Siddheśvara on the plateau at Saptaśṛṅga Mountain (Figure 2).12 Based on the constructional features of the temple i.e. architecture and iconography of the jagatī (plinth), the śikhara (which belongs to the simple Latīna prāsāda class), the ceiling (vitāna) of the maṇḍapa (hall), the pillars, the pilasters and the mūla‐prāsā da (pañca‐ratha on plan), it is likely that, this temple was constructed during 12th‐13th century AD The external façade of the temple is unusually simple for the period to which it belongs. It is accompanied by a small kuṇḍa (tank) known as Śivālayatīrtha.

The Siddheśvara temple also records important pilgrim inscriptions written by some wandering Jogī(s). The three lined inscription is recorded in 15th century Nāgarī script and reads ‘jogī / jaṅgama rāūḷa / jota rāūḷa’(Figure 3), which suggests names of Jogī

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Jaṅgama Rāūḷa and Jogī Jota Rāūḷa. Other pilgrim inscriptions of Jogī Jaṅgama Rāūḷa and Jogī Jota Rāūḷa are also known from Sun Temple, Katarmal (Dist. Almora. Uttarakhand) and Tilasma Mahādeva temple (Dist. Bhilwara, Rājāsthan).13 The pilgrim inscriptions of Jogī Jaṅgama Rāūḷa and Jogī Jota Rāūḷa are probably inscribed by two different persons as these have different palaeography for the syllable ‘ra’ and ‘u’.14 It is very interesting to note that the names of these Jogī(s) end with the suffix ‘rāūḷa’, which possibly suggests their association with ‘Rāūḷa /Rāvala pantha’, one of the prominent twelve branches or sub‐sects of Nātha Saṁpradāya (Nātha sect) or Nāthapantha (the path of Nāthas).15 According to the local tradition mentioned by Hazariprasad Dwivedi, which he knew from Gorakhpur, Cauraṅgī or Pūraṇ Bhagat was identified as an initiatorofthe Pāgala‐pantha and this sub‐sect was subsequently amalgamated with Rāvala‐pantha. As a suborder, the Rāwals (Rāvalas) are closely associated with the Dharmanāthis, Satanāthis, Pāgala‐panthis, and Pārasa‐nāthis. However, there is no firm evidence to ascertain any correlation between the pilgrim inscriptions, Siddheśvara temple and legend of Cauraṅgī (White 1996: 121).

Another legend associated with Saptaśṛṅga Mountain appears in the latter part (Uttarārdha) of Līḷā‐caritra, where Cakṛadhara recounts a variant story of the origination of Saptaśṛṅga from a chunk of Mount Droṇagiri, which fell down when Hanuman carried it through the air to Laṅkā (LU: 546). Cakṛadhara knew about a magical herb at Saptaśṛṅga Mountain which could cure severed limbs. He sent his disciple Dāyaṁba to bring the herb. Upon reaching Saptaśṛṅga Mountain Dāyaṁba went to the priest (baḍuvā), who told him that they had only heard about these medicinal plants (okhadī), and only their father knew about it as the okhadī (Sk. oṣadhi) were very hard to find. Probably these magico‐medicinal plants were associated with the story of Cauraṅgī, who regained his lost limbs on the Saptaśṛṅga Mountain (LU: 546, Kolte 1978:674).

Images of Cauraṅgī from Nātha Affiliated Maharashtrian Sites It seems that the story of Cauraṅgī was very popular in Maharashtra during Early Medieval times. The mural paintings on the exterior walls of the vimāna of the Kailāsa Temple (cave no. 16), Ellora, Dist. Aurangabad (Coordinates: 20°1’25”N, 75°10’45”E) are identified by Deshpande as of Nātha affiliation (IAR1984‐85: 149). Among the haṭha‐yogic postures painted on the wall, there is a painting of Cauraṅgīnātha on the rear wall and the extant portion of the painted inscription still retains the word ‘Cauraṅgan(āth?)’ (Figure 1) in nāgari characters of 12th ‐ 13th century AD. 16 It appears that the temple of Māṇakeśvara (as referred to in Līḷā‐caritra) or Kailāsa temple which came to be known as a ‘jyotiṛliṅga’, was visited by Nātha‐yogīs, and that the exterior walls were covered at their insistence, with murals depicting Nātha‐yogīs and their haṭhayogic practices (figure 3a to 3c).17

According to the Līḷā‐caritra, Cakṛadhara stayed for a long time at 35 different places at Ellora and detailed explanation of his deeds is available in more than 40 episodes in the same text. The town of Ellora was largely populated by Nātha‐yogīs as appears frome th latter part of same account (LP. 205‐207, Kolte 1978:148‐150). Once, Cakṛadhara and his

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disciples visited Māṇakeśvara temple, while passing through a network of tunnels (vivara) they came to a place where some Āgamikās (followers of Āgama, Nātha‐yogīs ?) seated close to each other around a ‘ghaṭa’ (sacred vase) were following certain Āgama practices. Cakṛ adhara explained these rituals (to his disciples as) as ‘sīdha‐ saṁketu’ (Sk. siddha‐saṁketa, the sign of Siddhas) which are performed at set time‐span i.e. ‘āgama‐ samo’ (Sk. āgama‐samaya, the suitable time/rule/covention for Tantric rites).

Figure 4: Paining of Cauraṅgīnātha at Western śikhara of Kailāsa temple (Cave no. 16), Ellora and Early Medieval Marathi Inscription reading Cauraṅganātha

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Figure 5a and b: Image of Cauraṅgīnātha, Panhāḷe Kājī, Maharashtra (Courtesy Deshpande 1986, James Mallinson)

Figure 6: (a) Matyendranātha (left) and Cauraṅgīnātha (centre) along with unknown nātha figure (right) and (b) Cauraṅgīnātha, Rāmeśvara Mahādeva temple, Yelumb, Maharashtra (Courtesy: Saili Palande‐Datar)

Another manuscript of the ‘Līḷā‐caritra’ replaces the term ‘sīdha‐saṁketu’ with ‘...aṣṭa‐ bhairavāṁci‐upāsti...’ which indicates worship of eight bhairavas at the caves (LP. 187, Kolte 1978:130). Cakṛadhara also notes contemporary legends or Māhātmya of Ellora caves by describing the story of Nāthasiddha Adaṇḍīnātha, who had defeated Kṣepaṇakas (Jain or Vajrayanī Buddhist monks?) in a debate and re‐established Vedic religion at Ellora caves (LP.198‐199, A.27, Kolte 1978:137‐141,759‐760). This story also records how Adaṇḍīnātha created three sacred tīrthas at Ellora by breaking the flask containing nectar (amṛuta) brought from the heaven viz. Caraṇ‐vīhīra (well near Jain caves), Uparakunḍī (Sitākunḍa, a waterfall near cave no. 29) and Sīvāḷā (Śīvālaya tīrtha in the town).

A study of the Panhāḷe Kājī caves (Dist. Ratnagiri, Coordinates: 17°38′26.6″, N,73°15′24.9″E) was undertaken by M. N. Deshpande. He revealed that the cave‐

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excavation activity at this place started in the Hinayāna phase (circa third century AD). Later, the site became a stronghold of the Vajrayāna sect in circa 10‐11th century AD. Cave 29 contains a composite panel with images of Matsyendranātha, Ādinātha and Umā alongwith sculptured representations of Gorakhnātha and goddess Tripurasundarī. Inside the cave, on the walls, are depicted 84 Siddhas in small panels. (Deshpande 1986: 63, Pl.31) In Caves 14 and 29 (the latter known as Gaura‐leṇa) there is a very clear evidence of the earlier caves being used for the worship of the deities of the Nātha Saṁpradāya. Among these, one can be identified with Cauraṅgīnātha (Figures 4 and 5) because of the additional depiction of his severed hands and feet. It is located in the second register consisting of two panels with sculptures in frontal pose. In this depiction, Cauraṅgī is seated in padmāsana and dhyāna‐mudrā. He wears a loin cloth. Above his shoulders on either side are shown two detached hands. Similarly, there is also the representation of two detached legs, one on either side of his seat, corresponding eto th hands shown above. He wears ekāvalī and upper garment, folds of which are seen across his left shoulder and the waist. According to Deshpande Cauraṅgī is also represented in the Cave 14 of the same site (IAR 1981‐82: 97; Deshpande 1986: 61, Pl. 29).

Figure 7a and 7b: Matyendranātha (left) and Cauraṅgīnātha, (right) Hira gate, Dabhoi, Gujarat (Courtesy: James Mallinson)

Recently one image of Cauraṅgīnātha along with Matyendranātha and an unknown nātha figure was discovered by Saili Palande‐Datar from Rāmeśvara Mahādeva temple

924 Bankar 2019: 915‐933 at village Yelumb in District Beed of Maharashtra (Figure 6a to 6b, pers. comm. Saili Palande‐Datar). Cauraṅginātha is depicted between Matsyendranātha and an unknown yogi. This image show affinity with iconography of Cauraṅginātha’s images available at Panhāḷe Kājī and Ellora. Apart from above, images of Cauraṅgīnātha are also recorded from Śrīśailam (Linrothe 2006b :99‐105) Dabhoi, Gujarat (Figure 7b, Shah 1957: 174‐202, Sarde 2017: 659‐660), Alchi monastery, Leh (Figure 8, Linrothe 2006a :131) and ASI Museum at Gwalior (Figure 9, pers. comm. Lallesh Kumar).

Figure 8: Cauraṅgīnātha among 84 Siddhas painted on dhotī of Mañjuśrī image at Alchi Monastery, Ladakh (Courtesy: Robert Linrothe)

Insights on Cauraṅgīnātha and 13th Century Nātha Saṁpradāya from the Kalleśvara Inscription One important piece of epigraphical evidence discussed by Saletore (Saletore 1937:16‐ 22; Mallinson 2014b: 4) and White (White 1996: 94) is from the thirteenth century,

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namely the Kalleśvara inscription (AD 1279, 21stSeptember, Thursday) from, Jagalur tāluka, Karnataka (Figure 10). This inscription records the donation of a village to a “kula‐guru śiva‐yogī yogī‐cakravartī (world‐conquerer)” named Prasādadeva on the occasion of a lunar eclipse (EC 1903: 87,154‐5, 232‐4). The great master of hillforts, Khoṇḍe‐Rāya, a general of the Yādava king Rāmacaṅdra and champion over the hill chieftains Hemāḍideva made a grant of the Koṭṭūr‐vritti in the place of his enclosure (with the usual rights) and removing the earlier tenants.18

Figure 9: Ādinātha (Śiva), Matyendranātha and Gorakṣanāth Cauraṅgīnātha among group of four Siddhas at ASI Museum, Gwalior (Courtesy: Lallesh Kumar)

Unfortunately, the Kannada text of this inscription is not completely translated by the editors and previously this inscription has not been explored to the extent it deserves. Careful examination of Kannada text available in this inscription recounts several important facts linked with 13th Century of Nātha Saṁpradāya as follows:

The 6th line in the inscription reads ‘pañca‐mudrā‐dhara‐vara‐tapo‐niṣṭha‐nikāmanuṁ’. The term ‘pañca‐mudrā’19 is very enigmatic: the concept of ‘pañca‐mudrā’ (Tibetan: phyag‐ rgya‐rigs‐inga), originally belonging to the Kāpālika tradition, is identified as ‘five bone ornaments’ worn by wrathful female deities of the highest Yoga Tantra like Mahāvidya Tārā and Kubjikā.20

In this inscription, we find what appears to be an enumeration of Prasādadeva’s lineage.21 The list of Siddhas in the inscription mentions Nāthasiddha Caturaṅginātha (Cauraṅgīnātha) along with Āḍigadedunātha/ Āḍigadeēdunātha (Ādinātha? as identified as Saletore), Gorakhanātha, Vistarādēvinātha, Kāhaḷināvi, Surppāṇanātha, Lokanātha, Naranātha, Mallinādtha an Bhūcara‐Kalinātha.

The Kalleśvara inscription also records that these Siddhas were masters of rasāyana (alchemy) i.e. rasa, rasāyana, ghuṭikāñjana, mukhāñjana. Here ‘ghuṭikā’ can be identified as ‘guṭikā’, it is well known that mercurial pills (guṭikā) were used by yogīs to catalyse the effects of their yogic practices. The identification of Caturaṅginātha as a Rasa‐siddha is very well discussed by White in his essays ‘alchemical allegories’ and ‘death/ regeneration among the Rasa‐siddhas/Nāthasiddhas’ (White 1995: 282‐290).

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Figure 10: Kalleśvara Inscription, Jagalur, Karnataka (Courtesy: Jason Schwartz)

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A further part of inscription venerates these Siddhas as ‘śaiva‐samaya‐saṃvardhana, sakaḷa‐samaya‐samuddharaṇa, sarbbāgama‐sārvbbaumanuṃa (sarva‐āgama‐sārvabhauma)’, ‘yoga‐pīṭhācārya, siddha‐simhāsana..veṣṭita’, adorned with ‘yoga‐paṭṭa’, ‘yoga‐daṁḍa’, ‘yoga‐ pādukā’ and ‘yoga‐mudrā’.They hold high rank of ‘mahā‐gaṇācāra’ on the earth (marttya‐ lokāda‐mahā‐gaṇācāra) like other illustrious Śaiva saints viz. ‘Cera, Coḷa, Nambi, Cikka, Kakka, Cenna, Honna, Binka, Basavarāja and Bhoja’. The term ‘gaṇācāra’ which represents spirit of vindication is frequently used in Vīraśaiva doctrines. It stands for the practice of not tolerating adverse remarks against God and ill‐treatment of human beings. Before the names of Mallinatha ‘maṅgala‐niḷaya‐jaṅgamāvatāra’ is mentioned, which again points to ‘jaṅgama’ concept of Vīraśaivism.

The Siddhas mentioned in this inscription had mastered ‘prapañca vidyā’ viz. Staṁbha (staṁbhana), ‘Voddāmara (Uḍḍāmara‐tantra), ‘Mahendrajāla’ (the science of magic, the art of creating illusions) and ‘Haramekhalā’ (Haramekhalā‐tantra, a work of Māhuka written in 965 AD). The Uḍḍamāra‐tantra includes staṁbhana (immobilisation or paralysing the activities of others) in the ritual of six acts (ṣaṭ‐karmāṇi) which was practiced by Siddhas at the Kalleśvara temple. Uḍḍiśa, the name of a work on tantric sorcery is listed as the name of a Siddha in 14th/16th century AD text Ānandakanda. It may also suggest this text was also familiar to Nāthasiddhas (White 1996: 87).

Conclusions The Early‐Medieval Marathi ‘Līḷā‐caritra’ is a vital source for studying various aspects of Nāthapantha, but it has not been explored to the extent it deserves. Cakṛadhara wrote that the Nāthasiddha Matsyendra was the initiator of Cauraṅgī. This fact is supported by the tradition of teachers listed by Jñānadeva (Jñāneśvarī 18: 1751‐1760, Dandekar 1953: 822‐823) and Cāṁga‐Vaṭeśvara (Tattvasāra, 866‐869, Divekar 1936: 36). The 15th century Sanskrit ‘Haṭhayogapradipikā’ of Svātmarāma, the 14th century ‘Vaṛnaratnākara’ and the ‘Ānandakanda’ include Cauraṅgī in lists of 84 Siddhas (White 1996: 84‐86).

The literary works from Maharashtra (viz. Līḷā‐caritra, Jñāneśvarī, Tattvasāra and Ratnamāḷā‐stotra) are much older as the other vernacular traditions of India and they unanimously tell the same account, which is one of the earliest known literary references to the legend associated with celebrated Nāthasiddha Cauraṅgī. The legends from Early‐Medieval Marathi literature associate Cauraṅgī’s legend with Saptaśṛṅga Mountain. The evidence of pilgrim inscriptions citing names of Rāūḷa/ Rāvala‐panthī Jogī is extremely interesting maybe their pilgrimage was connected with the early medieval legend of Cauraṅgī. This site is still visited by followers of Nātha Saṁpradāya from Maharashtra.

The iconographic depictions of Nāthasiddha Cauraṅgī at Ellora and Panhāḷe Kājī are some of the oldest representations of Cauraṅgī‘s legend and show that it was popular in Maharashtra during c.13‐14th century AD. The Kalleśvara inscription records a tradition which mentions Caturaraginātha (Cauraṅgīnātha) followed by Gorakhanātha and a very similar tradition is also evident from Jñāneśvarī and Tattvasāra. The

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Kalleśvara inscription lists the lineage of Prasādadeva and connects him with Gorakhanātha and Cauraṅgīnātha. The references two works on tantric sorcery i.e. Voddāmara (Uḍḍāmara‐tantra) and Haramekhalā and their connection with Nāthasiddhas was earlier unknown. Cauraṅgī’s story have become very popular in Maharashtra during Early Medieval times to such extent that it has crystallised into a cultural trope and been verbalised into a common expression i.e. ‘cauraṅgaṇeṁ’ in Medieval and Pre‐ colonial Marathi, for ‘to mutilate by chopping off the hands and feet’ (Molesworth 1863: 161).22 Old Marathi texts refer this yogi’s name as Cauraṅgī whereas label inscription from Ellora caves address him as Cauraṅganātha.

Acknowledgements I am indebted to Prof. Sir James Mallinson (Mahant Jagdishdas Ji), London; Prof. Robert Linrothe; Prof. Adrián Muñoz, University of Mexico; Prof. Shrinivasa Padigar, Dharwad; Jason Schwartz, Madison; Manish Verma, Dehradun; Saili Palande‐Datar, Pune; Lallesh Kumar, Gwalior and Rohit Sahasrabudhe, Pune for their constant inspiring support.

Notes 1. In the Vajrayāna tradition, Cauraṅgīnātha or Cauraṅgīpā (Cauraṅgīpāda) is known as Mahāsiddha (great adept) and this term Mahāsiddha is in fact only used in Buddhist traditions and not seen in Nātha or Śaiva texts.

2. Some researchers have noted that, in accordance with instructions he obtained from his guru Mīnapa (or Matsyendra), Cauraṅgī performed his sādhanā for twelve years, being taken care of by cow herder named Gorakhnāth. The Tibetan version of the life story of Nāthasiddha Cauraṅgī (Cauraṅg ī‐pā), comes under number 10 in the cycle of legends of eighty‐four Mahāsiddhas in the book caturaśīti‐siddha‐pravṛtti and connected with the story of Guru Gorakhnāth (story no. 9) in the same text. (White 1996: 107‐8).

3. In a late version from Taranātha’s seventeenth‐century work, it is Gorakṣa rather than Caurañgi who is the dismembered and restored yogī (White 1996: 107‐8).

4. Briggs had adopted the above Hindu version of this account read by L. Ganga Ram to Alfred M. Daula in 1925. The statement was sent to Briggs by Dr. H. D. Griswold, from Lahore (Briggs 1938: 185). The Punjabi ‘qissā’ (stories) of Pūraṇ Bhagat and Rājā Rasāelu wer popularised by Punjabi author Kadar Yar (1805‐?), who was patronised by Lahne Durbar and Sikh Sardars (Malhotra 2003: 283).

5. “sālabāhana ghare hamārā janama utapati; sati mām ̐ jhuṭa bolīlā ||1|| ī amhārā bhaīlā sāsata, pāpa kalpanā nahīṁ hamāre mane; hātha pāmva̐ kaṭāya ralāī lāyalā niraṅjana vane soṣa saṅtāpa mane parabheva samanuṣa deṣīlā śrī machandranātha gurudeva; namasakāra karīlā, namailā māthā ||2||“.

6. “ahāra prīti pālana cīti śrī gorakhnātha kusa muṣalā bārai baraṣa amhārai nimiti āni joglā ||11 || gyāṅna rā gura amhārā sidha machīṅdranātha tā prasādai bhailā paga hātha

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tribhavane kirata thākalī amhārī anadātā śrī gorakhnātha ||12 ||”(Dwivedi 2011: 68‐ 78).There is another version of ‘Prāṇa Sāṁkalī’, published by Pitambar Badthwal, which cites Gorakṣanāth, the disciple of Matyendranātha in the colophon. (Badthwal 1945:164‐ 173).

7. “om gurujī – śrī gorakhanātha yogendra yugapati nigama agama yaśa gāvate.”(Dwivedi 2011:78‐79).

8. Sakaḷa‐lipī is the most common code among Mahānubhāva scribes. This script was invented by Ravaḷobāsa, the author of Sahyādrī‐varnaṇa, in about c. 1353 AD. (Tulpule 2000: xii‐ xiii). Here I have abbreviations such as LA: Ajñāta‐līḷā, LP: Purvārdha, LU: Uttarārdha from Līḷā‐caritra. RMS‐P:Ratnamāḷā‐stotra, Purvārdha while quoting references.

9. Dates for Jñāneśvara are adopted from Mokashi’s work (Mokashi 1987: 38).

10. Several different forms are noted by Dhere, ‘to machaprasava srṅ̥ gīṁ | bhagnāvayavā cauraṅgī || bheṭalā to sarvāṅgī | sampūrṇu jālā ||’. Some manuscripts have different forms like ‘mar̥chedru śataśrṅ̥ gī’; ‘matsyeṁdra saptaśr̥ṅgī’; ‘matsyeṁdra śataśrṅ̥ gī’; ‘machaṁdru saptaśr̥ṅgī’(Dhere 2011: 26).

11. “ādināthaprasādeṁ umāsvāmisaṁvāde | machiṁdraprabodheṁ prakaṭa jāleṁ ||866|| jo padapiṅḍajñāta nigāle karacarana druṣṭanta | to jān cauraṅgī siddhānta kuḷadipaku || 867|| śri gorakṣanāthu| dehasiddhisiddhānta ||868|| paramatatva vikhyāta | ācharye jāṇa ||868|| sri muktādevī yoginī | je samastasiddhaśiromaṇi | tiye prasadeṁ cakrapānī | jñānasiddhu ||869||” (Dhere 1977: 119).

12. The term ‘siddha’is generated from the verbal Sanskrit root ‘√sadh/ sidh’, which means, ‘to realize’, ‘succeed’, or ‘attain perfection’. David White explains ‘siddha’as a common noun: ‘siddha’means ‘realized, perfected one’, a term generally applied to a practitioner (sādhaka, sādhu) who has though his practice (sādhanā) realised his dual goal of super‐human powers (siddhi) and bodily immortality (jivanmukti). The term ‘īśvara’, means ‘supreme master or lord’ or ‘Śiva’, hence we can translate the word ‘Siddheśvara’ (siddha + īśvara) as ‘supreme master or lord of the siddhas’ i.e. Śiva (White 1996: 2; Bankar 2011:). 99

13. The inscriptions were not properly deciphered by Handa and Mankodi (Handa 2002: 41; Handa 2008: 219; Jain 2009: 185; Mankodi 2013: 164).

14. However other syllables are identical in both inscriptions. The palaeography of the inscriptions is analogous with the inscriptions of Dhaja‐panthī wandering jogī (s): Magaradhaja (circa 1467‐68 AD ‐ Narwar Mosque inscription, 23rd Oct. 1503 AD – ‘Varṇaratnākara’Manuscript), Ratnadhaja (c. 21st June 1463 AD ‐ Mārkaṇḍa temple inscription), and Acyantadhaja. Hence Jogī Jaṅgama Rāūḷa and Jogī Jota Rāūḷa had probably visited Siddheśvara temple somewhere in c. 15th century AD (Bankar: In Preparation).

15. ’Rāüḷa(rāvala)paṅtha’ is also mentioned as one among the prominent twelve branches or sub‐sects of Nātha Saṁpradāya by Siddha Ghoḍācoli in his Sabadi available in Manuscript

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dated VS 1771 (1713 AD) edited and published by Hazariprasad Dwivedi (Dwivedi 1981: 165, 171‐178).

16. Texts refer the name this yogi as Cauraṅgī / Cauraṅgīnātha whereas Ellora label inscription mentions him as Cauraṅganātha.

17. There is a popular belief that these paintings were executed by Ahilyabai Holkar. But the palaeography of inscriptions dates them to 13th ‐ 14th century AD. M. N. Deshpande had dated these paintings of 14th century AD. (IAR1984‐85: 149). Recently Mallinson had discovered similar image from Dabhoi, Gujarat (Figure 2c).

18. The details of earlier tenants were possibly recorded in an unreadable part of a fragmentary inscription of the Hoysāla king Vīra Someśvaradeva at the same temple, which dates to Śaka Era 1157, Manmatha Saṁvatsara (AD 1235).

19. I am thankful to Jason Schwartz and James Mallinson discussing the term ‘pañca‐mudrā’ used in this inscription.

20. Another interpretation of pañca‐mudrā is available in the Old Marāṭhī poem ‘pañca‐mudrā’ attributed to Jñāneśvara, who identifies the pañca‐mudrā as set of five different mudrās (symbolic or ritual gestures) viz. cācarī, bhūcarī, agocarī, khecarī and ālekhī.t Bu apart from khecarī detailed descriptions of other mudrās are not available in the Jñāneśvarī or other principle works of Jñāneśvara. The five mudrās, viz. cācarī, bhūcarī, agocarī, khecarī and unmanīare associated with Modern ‘rājayoga’ taught by Jagatguru Ramananda Swami.

22. From one old Marathi official letter of Raja Shivaji, we find that Shivaji had punished a certain Babaji Gujar, the Patil (village headman), by severing his hands and legs for raping a woman.

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