Comparative Politics Reading List
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Rights and Votes
1065.DOC 3/29/2012 5:23:12 PM Daryl J. Levinson Rights and Votes abstractT .T T This Article explores the functional similarities, residual differences, and interrelationships between rights and votes, both conceived as tools for protecting minorities (or other vulnerable groups) from the tyranny of majorities (or other dominant social and political actors). The Article starts from the simple idea that the interests of vulnerable groups in collective decisionmaking processes can be protected either by disallowing certain outcomes that would threaten those interests (using rights) or by enhancing the power of these groups within the decisionmaking process to enable them to protect their own interests (using votes). Recognizing that rights and votes can be functional substitutes for one another in this way, the Article proceeds to ask why, or under what circumstances, political and constitutional actors might prefer one to the other—or some combination of both. While the primary focus is on constitutional law and design, the Article shows that similar choices between rights and votes arise in many different areas of law, politics, and economic organization, including international law and governance, corporations, criminal justice, and labor and employment law. author.T T David Boies Professor of Law, New York University School of Law. Thanks to Gabriella Blum, Ryan Bubb, John Ferejohn, Barry Friedman, Heather Gerken, Ryan Goodman, Bernard Grofman, Don Herzog, Roderick Hills, Daniel Hulsebosch, Michael Klarman, Robert Keohane, Janos Kis, Douglas Laycock, Michael Levine, Dotan Oliar, Benjamin Sachs, Adam Samaha, Peter Schuck, Matthew Stephenson, and Adrian Vermeule, and to participants in workshops at Harvard Law School, New York University School of Law, and University of Virginia School of Law, for useful comments on drafts. -
Analyzing Change in International Politics: the New Institutionalism and the Interpretative Approach
Analyzing Change in International Politics: The New Institutionalism and the Interpretative Approach - Guest Lecture - Peter J. Katzenstein* 90/10 This discussion paper was presented as a guest lecture at the MPI für Gesellschaftsforschung, Köln, on April 5, 1990 Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Lothringer Str. 78 D-5000 Köln 1 Federal Republic of Germany MPIFG Discussion Paper 90/10 Telephone 0221/ 336050 ISSN 0933-5668 Fax 0221/ 3360555 November 1990 * Prof. Peter J. Katzenstein, Cornell University, Department of Government, McGraw Hall, Ithaca, N.Y. 14853, USA 2 MPIFG Discussion Paper 90/10 Abstract This paper argues that realism misinterprets change in the international system. Realism conceives of states as actors and international regimes as variables that affect national strategies. Alternatively, we can think of states as structures and regimes as part of the overall context in which interests are defined. States conceived as structures offer rich insights into the causes and consequences of international politics. And regimes conceived as a context in which interests are defined offer a broad perspective of the interaction between norms and interests in international politics. The paper concludes by suggesting that it may be time to forego an exclusive reliance on the Euro-centric, Western state system for the derivation of analytical categories. Instead we may benefit also from studying the historical experi- ence of Asian empires while developing analytical categories which may be useful for the analysis of current international developments. ***** In diesem Aufsatz wird argumentiert, daß der "realistische" Ansatz außenpo- litischer Theorie Wandel im internationalen System fehlinterpretiere. Dieser versteht Staaten als Akteure und internationale Regime als Variablen, die nationale Strategien beeinflussen. -
Comparative Government
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Syllabi Course Syllabi Fall 9-1-2001 PSC 520.01: Comparative Government Louis Hayes University of Montana - Missoula, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Hayes, Louis, "PSC 520.01: Comparative Government" (2001). Syllabi. 7024. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi/7024 This Syllabus is brought to you for free and open access by the Course Syllabi at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syllabi by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Political Science 520 COMPARATIVE POLITICS 9/13 Comparative Government and Political Science Robert A Dahl, "Epitaph for a Monument to a Successful Protest, "AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW 1961 763-72 -------------------- ---- ----- 9/20 Systems Approach David Easton, "An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems," WORLD POLITICS (April 1957) 383-400 Gabriel Almond _and G. Bingham Powell, COMPARATIVE POLITICS: A DEVEtOPMENTAL APPROACH, Chapter II 9/27 Structural-functional Analysis William Flanigan and Edwin Fogelman, "Functionalism in Political Science," in Don Martindale, ed. , FUNCTIONALISM IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 111-126 Robert Holt, "A Proposed Structural-Functional Framework for Political Science," in Martindale, 84-110 10/4 Political Legitimacy and Authority Richard Lowenthal, "Political Legitimacy and Cultural Change in West and East" SOCIAL RESEARCH (Autumn 1979), 401-35 Young Kim, "Authority: - Some Conceptual and Empirical Notes" Western Political Quarterly (June 1966), 223-34 10/11 Political Parties and Groups Steven Reed, "Structure and Behavior: Extending Duverger's Law to the Japanese Case," British Journal of Political Science (July 1999) 335-56. -
Democracy's Value
Democracy's Value Edited by Ian Shapiro and Casiano Hacker-CordoÂn published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge, CB2 2RU, UK http://www.cup.cam.ac.uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011±4211, USA http://www.cup.org 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia # Cambridge University Press 1999 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1999 Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Typeset in 10/12pt Plantin [ce] A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 0 521 64357 0 hardback ISBN 0 521 64388 0 paperback Contents List of contributors page xi Preface xiii 1. Promises and disappointments: reconsidering democracy's value 1 ian shapiro and casiano hacker-cordOÂ n Part I: Minimal democracy 21 2. Minimalist conception of democracy: a defense 23 adam przeworski 3. Does democracy engender justice? 56 john e. roemer 4. Democracy and other goods 69 partha dasgupta and eric maskin Part II: Beyond minimalism 91 5. Democracy and development: a complex relationship 93 pranab bardhan 6. Death and taxes: extractive equality and the development of democratic institutions 112 margaret levi 7. Democracy and development? 132 john dunn 8. State, civil society, and social justice 141 iris marion young 9. Republican freedom and contestatory democratization 163 philip pettit ix x Contents 10. -
The Politics of Group Representation Quotas for Women and Minorities Worldwide Mona Lena Krook and Diana Z
The Politics of Group Representation Quotas for Women and Minorities Worldwide Mona Lena Krook and Diana Z. O’Brien In recent years a growing number of countries have established quotas to increase the representation of women and minorities in electoral politics. Policies for women exist in more than one hundred countries. Individual political parties have adopted many of these provisions, but more than half involve legal or constitutional reforms requiring that all parties select a certain proportion of female candidates.1 Policies for minorities are present in more than thirty countries.2 These measures typically set aside seats that other groups are ineligible to contest. Despite parallels in their forms and goals, empirical studies on quotas for each group have developed largely in iso- lation from one another. The absence of comparative analysis is striking, given that many normative arguments address women and minorities together. Further, scholars often generalize from the experiences of one group to make claims about the other. The intuition behind these analogies is that women and minorities have been similarly excluded based on ascriptive characteristics like sex and ethnicity. Concerned that these dynamics undermine basic democratic values of inclusion, many argue that the participation of these groups should be actively promoted as a means to reverse these historical trends. This article examines these assumptions to explore their leverage in explaining the quota policies implemented in national parliaments around the world. It begins by out- lining three normative arguments to justify such measures, which are transformed into three hypotheses for empirical investigation: (1) both women and minorities will re- ceive representational guarantees, (2) women or minorities will receive guarantees, and (3) women will receive guarantees in some countries, while minorities will receive them in others. -
Arend Lijphart and the 'New Institutionalism'
CSD Center for the Study of Democracy An Organized Research Unit University of California, Irvine www.democ.uci.edu March and Olsen (1984: 734) characterize a new institutionalist approach to politics that "emphasizes relative autonomy of political institutions, possibilities for inefficiency in history, and the importance of symbolic action to an understanding of politics." Among the other points they assert to be characteristic of this "new institutionalism" are the recognition that processes may be as important as outcomes (or even more important), and the recognition that preferences are not fixed and exogenous but may change as a function of political learning in a given institutional and historical context. However, in my view, there are three key problems with the March and Olsen synthesis. First, in looking for a common ground of belief among those who use the label "new institutionalism" for their work, March and Olsen are seeking to impose a unity of perspective on a set of figures who actually have little in common. March and Olsen (1984) lump together apples, oranges, and artichokes: neo-Marxists, symbolic interactionists, and learning theorists, all under their new institutionalist umbrella. They recognize that the ideas they ascribe to the new institutionalists are "not all mutually consistent. Indeed some of them seem mutually inconsistent" (March and Olsen, 1984: 738), but they slough over this paradox for the sake of typological neatness. Second, March and Olsen (1984) completely neglect another set of figures, those -
Theda Skocpol
NAMING THE PROBLEM What It Will Take to Counter Extremism and Engage Americans in the Fight against Global Warming Theda Skocpol Harvard University January 2013 Prepared for the Symposium on THE POLITICS OF AMERICA’S FIGHT AGAINST GLOBAL WARMING Co-sponsored by the Columbia School of Journalism and the Scholars Strategy Network February 14, 2013, 4-6 pm Tsai Auditorium, Harvard University CONTENTS Making Sense of the Cap and Trade Failure Beyond Easy Answers Did the Economic Downturn Do It? Did Obama Fail to Lead? An Anatomy of Two Reform Campaigns A Regulated Market Approach to Health Reform Harnessing Market Forces to Mitigate Global Warming New Investments in Coalition-Building and Political Capabilities HCAN on the Left Edge of the Possible Climate Reformers Invest in Insider Bargains and Media Ads Outflanked by Extremists The Roots of GOP Opposition Climate Change Denial The Pivotal Battle for Public Opinion in 2006 and 2007 The Tea Party Seals the Deal ii What Can Be Learned? Environmentalists Diagnose the Causes of Death Where Should Philanthropic Money Go? The Politics Next Time Yearning for an Easy Way New Kinds of Insider Deals? Are Market Forces Enough? What Kind of Politics? Using Policy Goals to Build a Broader Coalition The Challenge Named iii “I can’t work on a problem if I cannot name it.” The complaint was registered gently, almost as a musing after-thought at the end of a June 2012 interview I conducted by telephone with one of the nation’s prominent environmental leaders. My interlocutor had played a major role in efforts to get Congress to pass “cap and trade” legislation during 2009 and 2010. -
Why Arab States Lag in Gender Equality
MECCA OR OIL? NORRIS 2/16/2011 1:40 PM Mecca or oil? Why Arab states lag in gender equality Pippa Norris (Harvard University and the University of Sydney) McGuire Lecturer in Comparative Politics Visiting Professor of Government and IR John F. Kennedy School of Government The University of Sydney Harvard University Department of Government & IR Cambridge, MA 02138 NSW, 2006 [email protected] [email protected] www.pippanorris.com www.arts.sydney.edu.au Synopsis: Why do Arab states continue to lag behind the rest of the world in gender equality? Cultural values and structural resources offer two alternative perspectives. Drawing upon Inglehart’s modernization theory, cultural accounts emphasize that disparities are reinforced by the predominance of traditional attitudes towards the roles of women and men in developing societies, combined with the strength of religiosity in the Middle East and North Africa (Inglehart and Norris 2003, Norris and Inglehart 2004). An alternative structural view is presented by the ‘petroleum patriarchy’ thesis, developed by Michael Ross (2008), which claims that oil‐rich economies directly limit the role of women in the paid workforce and thus also (indirectly) restrict women’s representation in parliament. To consider these issues, Part I outlines these theoretical arguments. Part II discusses the most appropriate research design used to analyze the evidence. Part III presents multilevel models using the World Values Survey 1995‐2005 in 75‐83 societies demonstrating that religious traditions have a greater influence on attitudes towards gender equality and sexual liberalization than either labor force participation or oil rents. Part IV then demonstrates the impact of these cultural attitudes on the proportion of women in legislative and ministerial office. -
"The New Non-Science of Politics: on Turns to History in Polltical Sciencen
"The New Non-Science of Politics: On Turns to History in Polltical Sciencen Rogers Smith CSST Working CRSO Working Paper #59 Paper #449 October 1990 The New Non-Science of Politics : On Turns to Historv in Political Science Prepared for the CSST Conference on "The Historic Turn in the Human Sciences" Oct. 5-7, 1990 Ann Arbor, Michigan Rogers M. Smith Department of Political Science Yale University August, 1990 The New Non-Science of Po1itic.s Rogers M. Smit-h Yale University I. Introducticn. The canon of major writings on politics includes a considerable number that claim to offer a new science of politics, or a new science of man that encompasses politics. Arlc,totle, Hobbos, Hume, Publius, Con~te,Bentham, Hegel, Marx, Spencer, Burgess, Bentley, Truman, East.on, and Riker are amongst the many who have clairr,ed, more or less directly, that they arc founding or helping to found a true palitical science for the first tlme; and the rccent writcrs lean heavily on the tcrni "science. "1 Yet very recently, sorno of us assigned the title "political scien:iSt" havc been ti-il-ning returning to act.ivities that many political scientist.^, among others, regard as unscientific--to the study of instituti~ns, usually in historical perspective, and to historica! ~a'lternsand processes more broadly. Some excellent scholars belie-ve this turn is a disast.er. It has been t.ernlod a "grab bag of diverse, often conf!icting approaches" that does not offer anything iike a scientific theory (~kubband Moe, 1990, p. 565) .2 In this essay I will argue that the turn or return t.o institutions and history is a reasonable response to two linked sets of probicms. -
Review Article the MANY VOICES of POLITICAL CULTURE Assessing Different Approaches
Review Article THE MANY VOICES OF POLITICAL CULTURE Assessing Different Approaches By RICHARD W. WILSON Richard J. Ellis and Michael Thompson, eds. Culture Matters: Essays in Honor of Aaron Wildavsky. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1997, 252 pp. Michael Gross. Ethics and Activism: The Theory and Practice of Political Moral- ity. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997, 305 pp. Samuel P. Huntington. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996, 367 pp. Ronald Inglehart. Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic and Political Change in Forty-three Societies. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997, 453 pp. David I. Kertzer. Politics and Symbols:The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996, 211 pp. HE popularity of political culture has waxed and waned, yet it re- Tmains an enduring feature of political studies. In recent years the appearance of many excellent books and articles has reminded us of the timeless appeal of the subject and of the need in political analysis to ac- count for values and beliefs. To what extent, though, does the current batch of studies in political culture suffer from the difficulties that plagued those of an earlier time? The recent resurgence of interest in political culture suggests the importance of assessing the relative merits of the different approaches that theorists employ. ESTABLISHING EVALUATIVE CRITERIA The earliest definitions of political culture noted the embedding of po- litical systems in sets of meanings and purposes, specifically in symbols, myths, beliefs, and values.1 Pye later enlarged upon this theme, stating 1 Sidney Verba, “Comparative Political Culture,” in Lucian W. -
PDF – Comparative Democracies Syllabus
Comparative+Democracies+ Prof.+William+Crotty+ Northeastern+University+ ! ! Course+Introduction+ This course is divided into three parts. First, there will be a discussion of democratization and the democratization processes. Second, there will be a discussion of developing governance in difference contexts, from Third World countries in the process of evolving into a democratic state to “failed” democracies to states attempting to reinstate democratic processes. Third, we will look at alternative governing arrangements, including authoritarianism and totalitarianism. Attention will be given to both the prerequisites for democratic development and their application and relevance in different national contexts.! Each student will be required to review a book from a list supplied by the instructor. The studies analyze aspects of democratic development or institution-building in various countries (these would include constitutions; parliaments; the comparative power of the executive; changes in the culture of systems; political parties; elections and electoral systems; etc). Reports on books will be given in class and the final typed copy of report will be due at the last class meeting. In delivering the reports in class, each student will be required to include for the other class members a short (1-2 page) outline of their report. Requirements+ 1. Students should read the assigned readings prior to the class meeting to be prepared to discuss them in class. 2. There will be a midterm quiz on all materials (readings, class lectures and discussions) up to the point of the quiz. 3. A class report (see below). 4. A final exam covering all course materials will be two hours in length and will be given at the time scheduled by the university during finals’ week. -
Political Development Theory in the Sociological and Political Analyses of the New States
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT THEORY IN THE SOCIOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL ANALYSES OF THE NEW STATES by ROBERT HARRY JACKSON B.A., University of British Columbia, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Political Science We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, I966 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission.for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Polit_i_g^j;_s_gience The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date September, 2, 1966 ii ABSTRACT The emergence since World War II of many new states in Asia and Africa has stimulated a renewed interest of sociology and political science in the non-western social and political process and an enhanced concern with the problem of political development in these areas. The source of contemporary concepts of political development can be located in the ideas of the social philosophers of the nineteenth century. Maine, Toennies, Durkheim, and Weber were the first social observers to deal with the phenomena of social and political development in a rigorously analytical manner and their analyses provided contemporary political development theorists with seminal ideas that led to the identification of the major properties of the developed political condition.