The Dynamics of Conflict in the Tri-Border Region of Sudan, Chad
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(SSA) Countries IDA19 Fourth Replenishment Meeting, December 12-13, 2019, Stockholm, Sweden
African Countries are Awakening Hope for a Better Tomorrow with IDA Statement by Representatives of 49 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) Countries IDA19 Fourth Replenishment Meeting, December 12-13, 2019, Stockholm, Sweden 1. IDA countries have only 10 years to achieve the globally agreed targets of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Given that it takes 9 years for pledges under any IDA cycle to be fully paid up, IDA19 is therefore, the last replenishment to help finance the SDGs in the time left to 2030. 2. Africa as a continent is making progress towards the SDGs. Growth in many economies has outpaced global benchmarks. More children are in school and health service coverage is expanding. A continent-wide free-trade agreement shows regional cooperation is alive and deepening, including in building roads and power lines that bring countries together and make markets bigger. The support of donors to the 18th replenishment of the International Development Association (IDA18) has been pivotal and has underpinned the partnership between African countries and the World Bank Group (WBG) that has never been stronger. Indeed, Africa’s absorptive capacity to carefully use concessional funds has ensured that the pace of commitment for IDA18 has been record-breaking. 3. We want to acknowledge the strong partnership between IDA and most of our countries. We commend all donors for the important role that IDA has been playing in the transformation agenda of most SSA countries. We are happy with the negotiated IDA19 package and the continuation of all the special themes of IDA18, the Private Sector Window, and the improvements to the various facilities especially under Fragility, Conflict and Violence (FCV). -
Sudan a Country Study.Pdf
A Country Study: Sudan An Nilain Mosque, at the site of the confluence of the Blue Nile and White Nile in Khartoum Federal Research Division Library of Congress Edited by Helen Chapin Metz Research Completed June 1991 Table of Contents Foreword Acknowledgements Preface Country Profile Country Geography Society Economy Transportation Government and Politics National Security Introduction Chapter 1 - Historical Setting (Thomas Ofcansky) Early History Cush Meroe Christian Nubia The Coming of Islam The Arabs The Decline of Christian Nubia The Rule of the Kashif The Funj The Fur The Turkiyah, 1821-85 The Mahdiyah, 1884-98 The Khalifa Reconquest of Sudan The Anglo-Egyptian Condominium, 1899-1955 Britain's Southern Policy Rise of Sudanese Nationalism The Road to Independence The South and the Unity of Sudan Independent Sudan The Politics of Independence The Abbud Military Government, 1958-64 Return to Civilian Rule, 1964-69 The Nimeiri Era, 1969-85 Revolutionary Command Council The Southern Problem Political Developments National Reconciliation The Transitional Military Council Sadiq Al Mahdi and Coalition Governments Chapter 2 - The Society and its Environment (Robert O. Collins) Physical Setting Geographical Regions Soils Hydrology Climate Population Ethnicity Language Ethnic Groups The Muslim Peoples Non-Muslim Peoples Migration Regionalism and Ethnicity The Social Order Northern Arabized Communities Southern Communities Urban and National Elites Women and the Family Religious -
Central African Republic Refugees in Sudan Dashboard As of 31 May 2021
SUDAN Central African Republic Refugees in Sudan as of 31 May 2021 CAR Refugees Population Persons ith The spark of inter-communal violence in September 2019 and Asylum-seekers Distribution Disabilities have led refugees from Central African Republic (CAR) to flee to safety in Sudan. 14% of population live in camps¹ 165 27,347 With more than 10,000 refugees arriving in 2020 and the 1% of CAR registered situation along the CAR-Sudan border remaining tense and Individuals population are persons with volatile, UNHCR has revised its planning figure for arrivals disabilities from CAR to 10,000 individuals by end of 2021. 9,116 Unaccompanied and Households Separated Children CAR Refugees and Asylum-seekers Per State 86% of population Average Family Size 10,691 (49%) 3 live out of camps 148 South Darfur 11,272 (51%) Um Shalaya camp in Azum/ Central Darfur Registration Status Registration Since 2015² Central Darfur 120 (2%) | 5,109 (98%) 6,223 42% 11,547 Registered Khartoum 126 (100%) Households 39% 10,691 Registered 29 (100%) 1,274 2,031 West Darfur 658 999 147 36 19% 5,109 Un-registered Registered Un-registered 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 179 have been registered prior to 2015. Age-gender Breakdown New Arrivals | 2021 3% 2% 56% Elderly Elderly 348 168 Female (60+) Male (60+) 44% Total arrivals in 2021 Total arrivals in May 2021 22% 14% 168 Adult Adult Female (18-59 yrs) AGB Male (18-59 yrs) 94 58 31% 28% 28 Child Child 0 Female Male Female (0-17 yrs) Male (0-17 yrs) Population distribution statistics are based on registered individuals only. -
Post-Revolutionary Discontent and F(R)
Post-revolutionary Discontent and F(r)action- alisation in the Maghreb Managing the Tunisia-Libya Border Dynamics Clingendael Report Grégory Chauzal Sofia Zavagli Post-revolutionary Discontent and F(r)actionalisation in the Maghreb Managing the Tunisia-Libya Border Dynamics Grégory Chauzal Sofia Zavagli Clingendael Report August 2016 August 2016 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. Cover photo: © Flickr, A young Libyan boy raises the Tunisian and Free Libya flags in Tataouine. About the authors Grégory Chauzal is a Senior Research Fellow at the Clingendael Institute, where he specializes on security and terrorism issues, with a special emphasis on Sub-Saharan Africa, the Maghreb and the Middle East. -
The Charcoal Grey Market in Kenya, Uganda and South Sudan (2021)
COMMODITY REPORT BLACK GOLD The charcoal grey market in Kenya, Uganda and South Sudan SIMONE HAYSOM I MICHAEL McLAGGAN JULIUS KAKA I LUCY MODI I KEN OPALA MARCH 2021 BLACK GOLD The charcoal grey market in Kenya, Uganda and South Sudan ww Simone Haysom I Michael McLaggan Julius Kaka I Lucy Modi I Ken Opala March 2021 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to thank everyone who gave their time to be interviewed for this study. They would like to extend particular thanks to Dr Catherine Nabukalu, at the University of Pennsylvania, and Bryan Adkins, at UNEP, for playing an invaluable role in correcting our misperceptions and deepening our analysis. We would also like to thank Nhial Tiitmamer, at the Sudd Institute, for providing us with additional interviews and information from South Sudan at short notice. Finally, we thank Alex Goodwin for excel- lent editing. Interviews were conducted in South Sudan, Uganda and Kenya between February 2020 and November 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simone Haysom is a senior analyst at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (GI-TOC), with expertise in urban development, corruption and organized crime, and over a decade of experience conducting qualitative fieldwork in challenging environments. She is currently an associate of the Oceanic Humanities for the Global South research project based at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. Ken Opala is the GI-TOC analyst for Kenya. He previously worked at Nation Media Group as deputy investigative editor and as editor-in-chief at the Nairobi Law Monthly. He has won several journalistic awards in his career. -
The Foreign Military Presence in the Horn of Africa Region
SIPRI Background Paper April 2019 THE FOREIGN MILITARY SUMMARY w The Horn of Africa is PRESENCE IN THE HORN OF undergoing far-reaching changes in its external security AFRICA REGION environment. A wide variety of international security actors— from Europe, the United States, neil melvin the Middle East, the Gulf, and Asia—are currently operating I. Introduction in the region. As a result, the Horn of Africa has experienced The Horn of Africa region has experienced a substantial increase in the a proliferation of foreign number and size of foreign military deployments since 2001, especially in the military bases and a build-up of 1 past decade (see annexes 1 and 2 for an overview). A wide range of regional naval forces. The external and international security actors are currently operating in the Horn and the militarization of the Horn poses foreign military installations include land-based facilities (e.g. bases, ports, major questions for the future airstrips, training camps, semi-permanent facilities and logistics hubs) and security and stability of the naval forces on permanent or regular deployment.2 The most visible aspect region. of this presence is the proliferation of military facilities in littoral areas along This SIPRI Background the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa.3 However, there has also been a build-up Paper is the first of three papers of naval forces, notably around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, at the entrance to devoted to the new external the Red Sea and in the Gulf of Aden. security politics of the Horn of This SIPRI Background Paper maps the foreign military presence in the Africa. -
Sudan and the Variable Impact of Natural Resources on Conflict
ECONOMIES OF WAR AND THEIR TRANSFORMATION: SUDAN AND THE VARIABLE IMPACT OF NATURAL RESOURCES ON CONFLICT William Reno Northwestern University Looting, banditry, and oil-fuelled conflict dominate media images of Sudan’s war. International attention to “conflict diamonds” in Africa, and more recently, to the role of oil in sustaining conflicts in Angola and Sudan reinforces the link between natural resources and war in the analyses of scholars, activists, and policy makers alike.1 Looting and violent enterprise are not new features of warfare. What is new about many recent conflicts, especially in Africa, is the extent to which economic interests appear to predominate, crowding out political programs and ideological agendas of combatants. This development is explained in scholarly work as a triumph of greed over grievance, that abundant natural resources are independent variables that cause conflict because they create opportunities for individuals to maximize personal economic gains through predation.2 There is a lot of utility in applying this analysis to Sudan where economic opportunity plays an important role in motivating some people to fight. I argue, however, that predation related to the exploitation of natural resources—in which category I include foreign aid along with oil—are in fact more a consequence of a particular organization of violence. Violent appropriation of resources can emerge as part of a larger set of political strategies that predate these rent-seeking opportunities, rather than a cause of conflict in the first -
Reintegration of Child Soldiers Through Peace Education in Sierra Leone: a Potential Model for South Sudan?
COMILLAS PONTIFICAL UNIVERSITY Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Degree in International Relations Final Degree Project Reintegration of Child Soldiers Through Peace Education in Sierra Leone: A Potential Model for South Sudan? Student: Pilar Roig Minguell Director: Heike Clara Pintor Pirzkall Madrid, April 2019 Acknowledgements To my director and teacher Heike, for her patience, availability, expertise and ideas that have helped me engage with this work. To my family and friends, for supporting me unconditionally throughout my degree, for their kindness and honesty when I most needed it. To Mr. Rehm, my English teacher at Kents Hill School, for recommending me pieces of literature like A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy Soldier, which opened my eyes to different realities and have motivated me to work to make a difference in the world. i Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... i Table of Contents ............................................................................................................. ii List of Abbreviations ....................................................................................................... iv 1. Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1 1.1 Aim and motivation ................................................................................................ 2 1.2 Theoretical background and literature -
Djibouti: Z Z Z Z Summary Points Z Z Z Z Renewal Ofdomesticpoliticallegitimacy
briefing paper page 1 Djibouti: Changing Influence in the Horn’s Strategic Hub David Styan Africa Programme | April 2013 | AFP BP 2013/01 Summary points zz Change in Djibouti’s economic and strategic options has been driven by four factors: the Ethiopian–Eritrean war of 1998–2000, the impact of Ethiopia’s economic transformation and growth upon trade; shifts in US strategy since 9/11, and the upsurge in piracy along the Gulf of Aden and Somali coasts. zz With the expansion of the US AFRICOM base, the reconfiguration of France’s military presence and the establishment of Japanese and other military facilities, Djibouti has become an international maritime and military laboratory where new forms of cooperation are being developed. zz Djibouti has accelerated plans for regional economic integration. Building on close ties with Ethiopia, existing port upgrades and electricity grid integration will be enhanced by the development of the northern port of Tadjourah. zz These strategic and economic shifts have yet to be matched by internal political reforms, and growth needs to be linked to strategies for job creation and a renewal of domestic political legitimacy. www.chathamhouse.org Djibouti: Changing Influence in the Horn’s Strategic Hub page 2 Djibouti 0 25 50 km 0 10 20 30 mi Red Sea National capital District capital Ras Doumeira Town, village B Airport, airstrip a b Wadis ERITREA a l- M International boundary a n d District boundary a b Main road Railway Moussa Ali ETHIOPIA OBOCK N11 N11 To Elidar Balho Obock N14 TADJOURA N11 N14 Gulf of Aden Tadjoura N9 Galafi Lac Assal Golfe de Tadjoura N1 N9 N9 Doraleh DJIBOUTI N1 Ghoubbet Arta N9 El Kharab DJIBOUTI N9 N1 DIKHIL N5 N1 N1 ALI SABIEH N5 N5 Abhe Bad N1 (Lac Abhe) Ali Sabieh DJIBOUTI Dikhil N5 To Dire Dawa SOMALIA/ ETHIOPIA SOMALILAND Source: United Nations Department of Field Support, Cartographic Section, Djibouti Map No. -
The Development of Libyan- Tunisian Bilateral Relations: a Critical Study on the Role of Ideology
THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBYAN- TUNISIAN BILATERAL RELATIONS: A CRITICAL STUDY ON THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY Submitted by Almabruk Khalifa Kirfaa to the University of Exeter As a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In December 2014 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: Almabruk Kirfaa………………………………………………………….. i Abstract Libyan-Tunisian bilateral relations take place in a context shaped by particular historical factors in the Maghreb over the past two centuries. Various elements and factors continue to define the limitations and opportunities present for regimes and governments to pursue hostile or negative policies concerning their immediate neighbours. The period between 1969 and 2010 provides a rich area for the exploration of inter-state relations between Libya and Tunisia during the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century. Ideologies such as Arabism, socialism, Third Worldism, liberalism and nationalism, dominated the Cold War era, which saw two opposing camps: the capitalist West versus the communist East. Arab states were caught in the middle, and many identified with one side over the other. generating ideological rivalries in the Middle East and North Africa. The anti-imperialist sentiments dominating Arab regimes and their citizens led many statesmen and politicians to wage ideological struggles against their former colonial masters and even neighbouring states. -
The Turkey-UAE Race to the Bottom in Libya: a Prelude to Escalation
The Turkey-UAE race to the bottom in Libya: a prelude to escalation Recherches & Documents N°8/2020 Aude Thomas Research fellow, Fondation pour la recherche stratégique July 2020 www.frstrategie.org SOMMAIRE THE TURKEY-UAE RACE TO THE BOTTOM IN LIBYA: A PRELUDE TO ESCALATION ................................. 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................. 1 1. TURKEY: EXERCISING THE FULL MILITARY CAPABILITIES SPECTRUM IN LIBYA ............................. 3 2. THE UAE’S MILITARY VENTURE IN LIBYA ................................................................................ 11 2.1. The UAE’s failed campaign against Tripoli ....................................................... 11 2.2. Russia’s support to LNA forces: from the shadow to the limelight ................ 15 CONCLUSION: LOOKING AT FUTURE NATIONAL DYNAMICS IN LIBYA ................................................... 16 FONDATION pour la RECHERCHE STRATÉ GIQUE The Turkey-UAE race to the bottom in Libya: a prelude to escalation This paper was completed on July 15, 2020 Introduction In March, the health authorities in western Libya announced the first official case of Covid- 19 in the country. While the world was enforcing a lockdown to prevent the spread of the virus, war-torn Libya renewed with heavy fighting in the capital. Despite the UNSMIL’s1 call for a lull in the fighting, the Libyan National Army (LNA) and its allies conducted shelling on Tripoli, targeting indistinctly residential neighbourhoods, hospitals and armed groups’ locations. The Government of National Accord (GNA) answered LNA’s shelling campaign by launching an offensive against several western cities. These operations could not have been executed without the support of both conflicting parties’ main backers: Turkey and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The protracted conflict results from both the competing parties’ unwillingness to agree on conditions to resume political negotiations2. -
The Back Way to Europe a Case Study About Why Young Men in Gambia Are Prepared to Risk Their Lives to Get to Europe
Department for Social Studies Peace and Development studies Bachelor’s Thesis The Back way to Europe A case study about why young men in Gambia are prepared to risk their lives to get to Europe Author: Frida Strand Jagne Supervisor: Per Dannefjord Examiner: Jonas Ewald Date: 2014-06-08 Subject: Peace and development 1 studies III Course code: 2FU31E Abstract Irregular migration is one of our times challenge and the news about migrants dying in the Mediterranean Sea seems to be more and more common these days. African migrants are risking their lives migrating by routes through the desert on trucks packed with migrants to get to Libya; this route is called the back way. From Libya they are crossing the Mediterranean Sea in small over loaded boats with the hope to reach Italy. This study focus on young Gambian men who say that they are prepared to risk their life by going the back way in order to reach Europe. Gambia is a small country in West Africa, a country that has been free from violence and war, a peaceful country. Yet the back way is something that is on everybody’s lips in Gambia today and a lot of people, especially young men, are trying to get to Europe through that way. This research is looking into why these young men are prepared to risk their lives to reach Europe; it is showing what it is that make people take their decisions to go. In order to find answers to this, interviews with young men in Gambia has been done and the material have then been analyzed with the help of the push and pull model, the rational choice theory and Charles Tilly’s ideas about durable inequality.