9 Culinary Landscapes and Identity in Prehistoric Greece an Archaeobotanical Exploration

9 Culinary landscapes and identity in prehistoric Greece An archaeobotanical exploration

Soultana Valamoti

Plant food ingredients and identity: An introduction Cultural identity and food have been closely associated in the anthropological and archaeological literature. Stereotypical associations between specific foodways, regions and periods have been put forward and at times modern culinary “identities” have been projected to the past. Relevant to our study area, for example, is the concept of the “Mediterranean” diet and its alleged longue durée from prehistory to the present (for a recent critical overview of the concept of Mediterranean diet within a Greek context see for example Matalas 2006a, b). Within this framework, emphasis on prehistoric olive oil consumption as food has been postulated by various authorities (e.g. Ren- frew 1972; Tzedakis and Martlew 1999; Riley 2002; Zohary et al. 2012). This claim is, however, at least speculative or unlikely (Boulotis 1996; Hami- lakis 1996; Fappas 2009; Valamoti 2009b). Even in historical periods, for which oil production is well documented by both artefactual and literary sources, olive oil was a luxury, mainly for bodily and ritual use associated with wealthy households (Raftopoulou 1996; Matalas 2006a, b, 2007; Fox- hall 2007). Likewise, the emphasis on cereals and wine, two further compo- nents associated with Mediterranean diets and cultures that we encounter in the literature, has not done justice to other elements of foodways in the area, such as pulses (Renfrew 1972; Halstead 1981; Sarpaki 1992) and wild gathered plants (cf. Forbes 1996; Valamoti 2015). Ancient texts can be misleading in this respect, emphasizing only certain aspects of past diets and economy as is the case with Linear B texts from Late Bronze Age southern Greece which make no mention of pulses, contrasting their presence in the archaeobotanical record (Halstead 1994). Generalisations thus mask variability both in the present and in antiquity, offering an oversimplified, even erroneous narrative of the culinary past. Variability can operate on many levels, including the cooked meal (e.g. ingredients, equipment, recipes) and the consumers (e.g. etiquette and context of consumption). Taking modern Greece as an example, various dishes closely linked to ethnic cuisine in the minds of people, take us in fact beyond the boundaries of the present state. For example, variations in the different

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 169 12/14/2016 9:14:31 AM 170 Soultana Valamoti kinds of traditional phyllo pastry pies (pita and buğatsa, Psilakis and Psilaki 2001) are to be found throughout the Balkans, the Eastern Mediterranean as well as parts of the Black Sea coastal areas (e.g. banitsa, börek, pita: Kiziridou 2002; Krăsteva-Blagoeva 2008; Piskov 2010; Aleksic 2012). Thus, culinary affinities established on shared dishes in the wider sense, provide the big picture, i.e. a wide geographic community of shared ingredients, as is the case for example with cultures using olive oil, wheat and wine, foodstuffs that could have acted as culinary identity signifiers. Yet, if we focus on the rich, modern mosaic of the cuisines of individual regions and/or communities, we find a wealth of small differences, subtle particularities that have led to small, regional cuisines. Examples provide those of the Cyclades or individual Cycladic islands, or other islands and regions of Greece (e.g. Samothrace, Crete, Thessaly), clearly visible in a rich culinary literature available in bookshops (e.g. Delatola-Foskolou 2006; Voutsina 2009). The modern palimpsest of dishes, ingredients and recipes has been generated through the course of time, shaped through successive political entities and changing geographical and cultural boundaries, economic systems and culinary traditions; the movement of ingredients; and cooking equipment and recipes that travelled together with people who moved for different reasons from one area to the other. Shared dishes may have contributed to generating a sense of belonging within a wider regional community, enhanced or under- played, depending on historical and cultural context. Turning to prehistoric times, culinary practice of daily and special events alike would have contributed towards shaping cultural identity and its transformation through time. It is important as regards our understanding of past societies to approach issues of food cultures and food identities internally, with the tools provided by the archaeological record per se, rather than based on overgeneralised assumptions of the present projected at times upon a flimsy archaeological record. Archaeobotanical remains from prehistoric European sites have usually been discussed as elements of subsistence and agricultural practices and much more rarely in a systematic yet nuanced, emic way, within a framework of identifying “culinary” regions as highlighted by the plants that prehistoric people selected for food (for exceptions see e.g. Jacomet 2007 for the Alpine region, Kreuz et al. 2014 in relation to the neolithic Michelsberg culture, Marinova and Valamoti 2014 for south- eastern Europe, Valamoti 2003 for northern Greece). Recently, Fuller and Rowlands (2011) have attempted to explore the interplay of cultural choice and available starchy ingredients, plant food processing and cooking equipment in the shaping of a longue durée of geographically distinct culinary traditions in parts of Asia and Africa. The inspiring work of Hastorf (1998, 1999, 2003) has eloquently highlighted aspects of the cultural entanglement of plants and society in the formation of identity and status. Detecting cultural identities through plant remains is of course a compli- cated task, not only due to the various taphonomic factors influencing the formation of the archaeobotanical record (see below), but also because

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 170 12/14/2016 9:14:31 AM Culinary landscapes and identity in prehistoric Greece 171 regional cuisines operate on multiple levels and constitute palimpsests of culinary influences reflecting regional histories. Archaeobotanical approaches to past cuisines tend to consider regions and periods as uniform blocks, e.g. what were people eating in the Neolithic, or the Early Neolithic, in Thessaly or Bulgaria, etc. My intention is to move beyond these wide blocks of time and large regional entities, exploring the expression of culinary identities and their blurred boundaries as reflected by archaeobotanical remains for Greece. Can we detect, and to what extent, culinary regions of prehistory taking Greece as a case study? This paper presents a pilot exercise, attempting to explore prehistoric culinary areas, focusing on Greece and the plant ingredients used in Neolithic and Bronze Age cuisines (Fig. 9.1). The time range considered covers the Neolithic and the Bronze Age, a long time slot begin- ning in the 7th millennium BCE and ending in the end of the 2nd millennium BCE. Greece has been investigated for plant remains over the last decades, with some regions receiving more attention than others, for example Mace- donia in the north and Crete in the south (for recent reviews see Megaloudi 2006; Valamoti 2009a, 2009b; Livarda and Kotzamani 2013). Based on the selective examination of a rich archaeobotanical record from over 80 sites,

Figure 9.1 Map of study area (Greece).

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 171 12/14/2016 9:14:31 AM 172 Soultana Valamoti the paper moves beyond the detection of the range of plant ingredients used by prehistoric communities in the area, to a more subtle investigation of culinary choices and their underlying cultural and/or environmental factors. Plants involved in shaping culinary practices are examined at the site level, the micro-regional level, the wider regional level, as well as through time. Ingredient choice in prehistoric times may have been linked to specific cultural groups and/or cultural origins, while contact networks expanding to regions to the north and east may have influenced culinary traditions, inno- vations and change. Food ingredients, as attested by the archaeobotanical record, travelled in space and time, increasingly so as we move from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. In this exercise, it is only the plant record from the study area that will be used to obtain a coarse picture of culinary regions, established on plant food ingredients. Admittedly, this is only a partial approach as plants formed a main but not the sole element of prehistoric cuisines. A whole range of other ingredients (meat, dairy products, seafood), together with cooking apparatus (structures, vessels, grinding and fermentation equipment), recipes and underlying socioeconomic relations formed specific cuisines. Some of these elements are still detectable in the archaeological record; others, however, remain elusive. The approach adopted here is by no means exhaustive and detailed; rather it is selective, focusing on specific plant ingredients which unlock information potentially (or tentatively) revealing cultural affinities based on food. Three themes are explored in this paper: a) the relationship between neolithic farming lifeways and wild plant foods; b) plant foods, settlement pattern and culinary identity; and c) cereals of “ancestral homelands” and regional culinary identities. This selective approach leaves out other equally interesting domains, for example, special plants that may have been used as diet enhancers (cf. Sherratt 1999 referring to salt); oil-yielding plants; hallucinogenic, aromatic and healing plants, which have partly been dealt with in other publications in terms of their geographical distribution, timing of their appearance, circulation, ritual use and associations with elite emergence (Jones and Valamoti 2005; Valamoti et al. 2007a; Valamoti and Jones 2010; Andreou et al. 2013; Margaritis 2013; Valamoti 2013a). The archaeobotanical line of investigation adopted here compares the plant evidence from different sites in the study area, taking into consideration absolute numbers of plant remains, as well as the presence of pure, dense concentrations of crops and harvests from the wild. For extensively excavated and sampled dry sites it is assumed here that the species identified in large numbers and concentrations represent these that were beyond any doubt used and most likely consumed as food at the sites, perhaps more intensively than others. Comparisons between sites and regions attempted here take into account preservation conditions (charred or waterlogged) and crop-processing stage (clean grain deposits vs chaff-rich deposits) as well as the available contextual information. Inevitably, comparisons are

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 172 12/14/2016 9:14:31 AM Culinary landscapes and identity in prehistoric Greece 173 undermined by taphonomic factors, especially given that preservation in the study region is by charring. Plant remains from prehistoric lake dwellings reveal how detrimental to the archaeobotanical record preservation by charring can be. This is the case for example for flax (e.g. Maier 2001, 2004) and wild plant species (e.g. Jacomet 2013). The availability of ingredients is of course not identical to their actual consumption and various authorities have pointed out the difficulties in distinguishing between food and fodder plants, a distinction subject to fluid cultural and social classifications changing over time (for Greece see for example Jones 1998; Hamilakis 2000). Another cautionary note concerns the notion of culinary regions and identities, established on the basis of plant remains: these may well be different to those evidenced from other lines of material culture (e.g. pottery), as has been the case for example in the northern Alpine Foreland, where the distribution areas of cultivated plants and the areas of archaeologically defined cultures do not always co-incide (Jacomet 2007). Moreover, shared food ingredients do not necessarily imply shared recipes, shared culinary and social practices and underlying shared identities. This paper will attempt to explore such issues, highlighting the complex interplay of culinary choice, intra-communal social relationships, contact networks and change through time. The coarse-grained picture of the available plant food ingredients for prehistoric communities from Greece, as well as their change through time, is more or less well established. Yet, several gaps and ambiguities exist for certain regions (e.g. central and southern mainland Greece) and periods (e.g. the Early-Middle Neolithic). A relatively recent overview of the available plant food ingredients and possible recipes (Valamoti 2009b) shows that glume wheats (einkorn, emmer and new glume wheat type) prevail throughout the Neolithic and the Bronze Age in most parts of Greece, while free- threshing wheat becomes more prominent in the Bronze Age. Crop additions of the Bronze Age include certain cereal (spelt wheat and millet) and pulse species (Celtic bean, Spanish vetchling, Cyprus vetch) and most impressively a whole range of plants that could have acted as “diet enhancers”, for example oil plants as well as medicinal/hallucinogenic and/or aromatic plants (olive, Lallemantia, mustard, gold of pleasure, opium poppy, coriander). Certain crop introductions (e.g. spelt, millet, Lallemantia) are clear indicators for contacts with the north and the east or even of the movement of people across the landscape through time (Valamoti 2007a, 2009a, b, 2013b). Glimpses of ‘recipes’ are offered through rare finds of processed plant foods, like pre-processed cereals of the bulgur/trachanas type (cf. Vala- moti 2011a), split pulses (Valamoti et al. 2011) and pressed grapes (Valamoti et al. 2007a). Plant food ingredients and their transformation into dishes are not simply “good to eat” but “good to think” (Levi-Strauss 1962a). The ethnographic record offers a wealth of information for the role of plants in symbolic expression and in structuring symbolic systems and social rules, with certain

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Figure 9.2 Corn dolly made by Lydie Martin Banquart, purchased in Sauveterre de Rouergue, July 2010.

plants (including food plants) being subject to taboo prohibitions (e.g. Levi- Strauss 1962b) and actively involved in ritual practice (cf harvest festivals and corn dollies in present-day Europe, Sarpaki 2009) (Fig. 9.2). Our approaches to the symbolic and social aspects of archaeologically retrieved plant foods are subject to considerable “abstraction”, as contextual information is hardly ever adequately detailed to allow for insights in the realms of ritual and symbolic aspects of prehistoric human-plant interaction and culinary practice. Despite the coarse-grained picture obtained from plant remains from Greece we will attempt to approach cultural identity through the plant “remains of the day’”, remains in archaeological deposits reflecting ordinary and special days marked by daily and special foods, of which plants were most likely a basic ingredient.

Wild foods and farmer identity: A story from the plants The idea of a “domus” identity, closely linked to early farmers of the Near East and Europe, was put forward some decades ago (Hodder 1990). In this context, the realm of the wild was envisaged as excluded from farmers’ settlements as an identity signifier of a different way of life, that of hunter- gatherers. For Greece, this idea was applied to a flimsy plant record of the

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 174 12/14/2016 9:14:31 AM Culinary landscapes and identity in prehistoric Greece 175 Early and Middle Neolithic, arguing that early farmers in Thessaly in particular were excluding wild plants and animals from their settlements/diets as the wilderness where they belonged was presumably ideologically and spatially excluded from farmer identity (Perlès 2001). The role of wild plant consumption in prehistoric communities of the region has also been under- estimated by identifying them as crop weeds or dung-derived plants (cf. Jones 1987; Valamoti 2004). This downplayed their potential culinary use as greens or their role in healing practices (Valamoti 2001, 2013a for an alter- native consideration of the evidence). As regards fruits and nuts, harvested from the wild, these are frequently occurring towards the end of the Neo- lithic and have often been interpreted as indicators of an increased diversity geared towards coping with adversity in crop production (Halstead 1994). However, the taphonomic bias of an under-represented wild plant compo- nent in charred assemblages needs to be seriously taken into consideration in this discourse. An illuminating example concerns Cornelian cherries (Cor- nus mas) which occur sporadically at Neolithic sites of Greece but never in large quantities, raising questions as to the degree of their contribution to diet. If we turn to the waterlogged material, the situation is very different as in the case of the lakeshore settlement of Limnochori near Amyndaion in the region of western Macedonia (Fig. 9.3). More recently, rich finds of fruits

Figure 9.3 Waterlogged Cornelian cherry stones from the prehistoric site of Limno- chori, Amyndaion, northern Greece.

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 175 12/14/2016 9:14:31 AM Figure 9.4 Grape pressings from House 1 at Dikili Tash.

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 176 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM Culinary landscapes and identity in prehistoric Greece 177 and nuts harvested at a Late Neolithic house at Dikili Tash have underlined the contribution of wild arboreal vegetation in prehistoric diets in southeast- ern Europe (Valamoti 2015). Thus, major pitfalls in our analyses stem from taphonomic issues, rendering comparisons between sites and periods prob- lematic. As emphasized by many, the processes of the formation of the archaeobotanical record need to be scrutinised prior to generalisations (cf. Willerding 1971; Dennell 1976; Jacomet 2013). The extremely limited record for the Early-Middle Neolithic (Valamoti and Kotsakis 2007; Valamoti 2009a) undermines both assumptions, i.e. that wild plants were not used by early farmers and that only later on did they become incorporated as dietary elements. One should not forget that early cultivators were growing wild plants and continued to use wild flora as shown at various Early Neolithic sites of the Near East: there, besides the cultivation of wild cereals and pulses, farming communities gathered wild plant foods such as acorns, terebinth nuts and almonds (e.g. Willcox et al. 2008). Likewise, at Çatalhöyük and other central Anatolian sites cultivated and wild plant resources are both exploited by Neolithic communities (Asouti and Fairbairn 2002; Fairbairn et al. 2002). It is in fact difficult to perceive how cultivation would have made people disassociate themselves with the long tradition of their hunter-gatherer past and the knowledge of wild plants they most certainly possessed. Such dichotomies between the realm of the wild and cultivated may resonate with more recent perceptions of the world and a “nature versus culture” ideological dichotomy; they need not necessarily to apply to the prehistoric past (cf Ingold 1996; Valamoti and Kotsakis 2007). Recent evidence from Final Neolithic Dikili Tash, a site with excellent preservation conditions due to destruction by fire, shows a wealth of harvests from “wild plants” indicated by numerous remains of grapes, acorns, blackberries and wild pears (Valamoti 2015) (Fig. 9.4). These might have already been tended and managed, perhaps as the outcome of a long- established tradition of wild plant food use, rooted in the hunter-gatherer past of communities inhabiting the area.

Shared ingredients, diverging consumption trajectories The grape vine is a plant that in a way breaches the boundary between the realm of the cultivated and the wild. Sporadic grape consumption evidenced during the Neolithic of northern Greece culminates to intensive harvests of morphologically wild grapes (based on the pips found at Mangafa and Kot- sakis 1996), or transitional varieties (at Dimitra – Renfrew 1995 and Makri – Valamoti 1995). Moreover, there is strong evidence that by the second half of the 5th millennium BCE at least, these harvests resulted in processing for juice extraction and most likely wine fermentation (Valamoti et al. 2007a, 2015). This intoxicating liquid has been treated in the literature as a cultural and social signifier, being associated with the emergence of wine-drinking cultures and social elites in the Bronze Age Aegean and the Near East. In the

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 177 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM 178 Soultana Valamoti palaces of south mainland Greece and Crete, wine consumption in elite feast- ing seems to have played an important role, as also appears to be the case among other hierarchical societies of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East (Gilman 1981; Gorny 1995; Palmer 1995; Powel 1995). Important though wine may have been in power display, wine per se could not have made the difference. This can be illustrated by moving from the impressive palaces of the south to the more “humble” villages of the north, and also moving back in time from the Bronze Age to the end of the Neo- lithic. We encounter in the ‘barbarian’ north wine already in the 5th millennium BCE. At Dikili Tash, inside a Neolithic house, we have identified the remains of wine making, comprising grape pips and grape pressings (Fig. 9.4) and a coarse pot that probably contained them, with tartaric acid being detected on its walls (Garnier and Valamoti in preparation). In addition, small cups and jars hint to the serving and consumption of a liquid (Valamoti et al. 2007a, 2015; Garnier and Valamoti in preparation). No doubt, wine’s mind-altering properties would have attributed to this product’s very special, even magical dimensions. The context of its production and consumption at Dikili Tash, however, was of a significantly different character to that of palatial societies of the south and, on its own, wine did not possess the power to lead to elite emergence. Etiquette of consumption (e.g. styles, variability and origin of drinking cups and liquid decanters) and appropriation of such a potent liquid provide only subtle indications of possible social differentia- tions. The elites of the north, however, if extant, remain relatively incon- spicuous and discretely manifest in the archaeological record through grave goods and sporadic imports from the north and the south (Andreou 2010). The grape vine and wine provide an excellent example of a shared ingredient and foodstuff in the wider region of the Eastern Mediterranean but not in the northern parts of Southeast Europe. One could argue for the formation of a wine culture in the Aegean region, which, however, followed different trajectories in different places in terms of the organisation of wine production and circulation. The context of consumption also varied widely, thus contributing to different culinary identities within and across settlements as well as through time.

Plant foods at tells and extended settlements: Foodways, lifeways, context and taphonomy Two site types have been recognised over the last two decades as co-existing in parts of Neolithic mainland Greece and elsewhere in the Balkans, tells and flat/extended settlements. This co-existence of the two types, one expanding vertically in space as a result of house rebuilding on the same location through time (e.g. Sherratt 1983; Kotsakis 1999), and another expanding horizontally, through the translocation of habitation across space and over time (e.g. Chapman 1981; Whittle 1985; Kotsakis 1999), has led to specula- tions as regards potential differences in socioeconomic organisation. Tell

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 178 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM Culinary landscapes and identity in prehistoric Greece 179 sites in Greece have been interpreted as lineage markers in the landscape by virtue of the repeated habitation on the same location, with rebuilding of new houses on top of the foundations of older ones and the resulting vertical accumulation of habitation debris; in this way, ancestry could be emphasised on the settlement and regional level which could, potentially, have been associated with appropriation of power in this process (Kotsakis 1999). More- over, tells have been linked with intensive husbandry practices leading to surplus accumulation (Andreou and Kotsakis 1994). By contrast, communities on flat/extended sites in Greece have been perceived as practicing small- scale cultivation on small fields, or fields opened on newly cleared woodland (Andreou and Kotsakis 1994; Perlès 2001). Yet, these assumptions have been criticised for their speculative character and the lack of adequate supporting bioarchaeological evidence (Valamoti 2004). Awareness gradually emerged that this dichotomy in settlement type, between tells and flat sites, was more an artefact of archaeological classifica- tion: as more sites were recognised in the landscape and excavated, it gradually appeared that a considerable variability in intra-settlement organisation, and that debris accummulation blurred and undermined a clear-cut distinction between the two site types. Thus, it turned out that tell formation can co-exist with extended site formation, within the same settlement setting, as is the case of Sesklo in Thessaly (Kotsakis 1999), Avgi in western Mace- donia (Stratouli and Bekiaris 2011) and possibly Makri in Thrace (Efstra- tiou and Kallintzi 1994), while flat/extended sites may contain pockets of incipient vertical development of the settlement as is the case for example with Neolithic Avgi (Stratouli and Bekiaris 2011). On the other hand, some flat/extended settlements, like Arkadikos, consist of several metres of deposits. Likewise, considerable variability is observable in organisation of intra- settlement space: at some extended sites, or parts of extended sites, pits and ditches form clearly the main feature type present as is the case, for example at Late Neolithic Makriyalos (Pappa and Besios 1999) and Kremasti Koila- das (Chondrogianni 2009), while others, irrespective of settlement type, consist of square houses and pits like Kleitos (Ziota 2014) and Avgi (Stra- touli and Bekiaris 2011). This variability in site formation and types of contexts underlines the need for a detailed contextual investigation of each site and its bioarchaeological assemblages, warning us against overgenerali- sations of any kind. The archaeobotanical record also cautions against hasty and superficial comparisons and interpretations of specific types of archaeobotanical assemblages in relation to site type. If we observe some of the sites investigated archaeobotanically in terms of absolute numbers, grain in general and more so pulse seeds are underrepresented at some flat/extended sites but are highly prominent at tell sites (Valamoti 2005: 261, Fig. 2). A more detailed examination of the contexts, however, shows that the main generalisation that could tentatively be made, based on this observation, would be that negative features are likely to preserve glume wheat processing by-products rather

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 179 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM 180 Soultana Valamoti than grain of either cereals or pulses. Exceptions to such a rule do, however, exist, emphasizing even more the need to examine plant assemblages in a closely integrated way with other contextual information. Such an exception comes from parts of the Makriyalos ditch, where emmer grain and figs were found, as well as a pit where flax, lentil and terebinth nuts were associated in relatively dense concentrations (Valamoti 2004, 2011b). Another example comes from the contents of a pit at Kremasti Koiladas, where grass pea has been found in an impressive quantity of approximately 4 kilograms (Vala- moti et al. 2011) (Fig. 9.5). Thus, rather than inferring different culinary choices, e.g. more pulses consumed at tells, the observation that is valid concerns the type of plant remains preserved: at flat sites, where mainly negative features are represented, cereal chaff dominates, while structures within tell sites, mainly houses, contain grain of both cereals and pulses. Instead of implying different culinary choices by communities living at tells and flat sites, the observed pattern suggests differential use and deposi- tion of plants in relation to space over time (cf Valamoti 2005). This regional case study highlights the importance of comparing like with like in terms of anatomical parts of plant remains when regional-scale syntheses are attempted. Recent evidence from northern Greece from the sites of Kleitos, Kremasti Koiladas and Apsalos (Valamoti 2006; Karathanou and Valamoti 2011; Stylianakou and Valamoti in press) confirms the tentative suggestions put forward nearly a decade ago in an exploration of settlement types and archaeobotanical composition: no clear-cut patterning

Figure 9.5 Map showing relative proportions of glume wheat species (based on absolute glume base counts) from Apsalos, Kremasti Koilada and Kleitos, western Macedonia, northern Greece.

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 180 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM Culinary landscapes and identity in prehistoric Greece 181 could be identified, other than a limited representation of grain concentrations at flat/extended sites with negative features (Valamoti 200, 2005, 2006). It was argued that the difference observed might reflect differential use of space and organisation of agropastoral activity, at least at some of the flat/extended sites. An increased emphasis on household storage and increased chances for destruction by fire of storage contexts at tell sites was suggested while some flat/extended sites at least may have been character- ised by differential organisation of agropastoral activity with small-scale agricultural production and possible seasonal transhumance during the summer months (Valamoti 2005, 2007b). The new evidence suggests that rather than site type it is more a matter of type of features making up the site and their particular “biographies” that seem to influence composition. At some sites or areas within sites (e.g. Apsa- los, Makriyalos and Kremasti Koiladas) plant foods as grain concentrations are elusive per se and only their processing by-products witness plant foods being cooked at the sites. By-products may be found in selected parts of the site or contexts, for example, ditches and specific pits (Apsalos and Makri- yalos), or concentrations of hearths (Makriyalos). At other sites, pits may contain impressive quantities of grain, i.e. the actual fully processed, clean plant food ingredient, ready for cooking, yet fully charred, as is the case with the rich grass pea concentration at Kremasti Koilada. Charred grain is also encountered in funerary contexts, for example a lentil seed concentration in a pot containing remains of a human cremation (Stratouli et al. 2010) or of pure emmer grain associated with two inhumations (Valamoti 2011c) at Mavropigi-Phyllotsairi. Rather than showing clear-cut differences between sites, plant food remains provide crucial information as regards differential use of space between different sites and within individual sites. Differences in species and plant part composition between different pits or houses at different sites, as well as on the same site, hold the key for exploring identities based on plant food preferences and treatments in relation to settlement space (Valamoti in preparation). The distinction between flat and tell sites becomes more blurred when more sites are brought in the discussion from regions further to the north (Valamoti et al. 2007b). A closer examination of the Greek finds against the wider Balkan picture supports the suggestion that no clear-cut distinction between tells and flat sites exists in terms of archaeobotanical composition. Some flat sites do preserve charred seeds in burnt houses, as is the case of Slatina in Bulgaria (Kreuz et al. 2005; Marinova 2006), while others do not preserve charred grain concentrations, despite the presence of houses destroyed by fire, as is the case of Opovo (Borojevic 2006). Intentional house burning, ritually performed upon completion of the life cycle of a house in the Balkans (Stefanovic 1997), could on a superficial level be considered as the factor generating grain-rich charred assemblages, as suggested by van der Veen (2007). A closer, more contextual examination, however, reveals a complex interplay of human activities, use of space, plants and fire: not all burnt

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 181 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM 182 Soultana Valamoti houses (be it intentionally or unintentionally) preserve charred plant remains, nor is it certain that all Neolithic burnt houses in the Balkans yielding charred grain were intentionally burnt when a house “completed its life-cycle”. A more refined contextual approach is much needed to explore the factors underlying spatial patterns of archaeobotanical composition (Valamoti et al. 2007b; Valamoti and Marinova in preparation). If the flat site and tell site categories had indeed any relevance as identity categories for their Neolithic inhabitants, the corresponding plant remains, both from Greece and the Balkans suggest that in terms of ingredients they all shared glume wheats as their staples and probably all consumed pulses, irrespective of site type. It also suggests limited chances of grain being charred at flat sites with negative features and more chances at tells or parts of flat sites where houses were located (Valamoti 2005; Valamoti et al. 2007b). The differences that emerge, whereby some sites are dominated by chaff, while others by clean grain, is probably the outcome of differences in the use of space in relation to plant food processing, storage, consumption and discard. At some of the sites, houses were occasionally burnt, intentionally or acci- dentally, some of which contained storage installations full of grain. The distribution of plant remains could imply differential treatment of plants and preparation of food, perhaps differences in storage practices, refuse treatment, scale of production and therefore surplus production between tells and extended sites. This examination of Greek Neolithic sites and their archaeobotanical assemblages in their wider regional context strongly warns against simplistic interpretations and generalisations: the life history of each site may well have been different within each site type category and each settlement needs to be carefully considered in a highly contextual way, aimed to reveal the idiosyn- cratic element that human agency may have introduced into the particular associations between objects, food, people and space through time, ulti- mately shaping our archaeological record. What clearly emerges from the plant remains considered in relation to site type and context is a complex, variable palimpsest of actions, mainly daily events and routines (e.g. processing, cooking storing, discarding) but also special occasions underlining sig- nificant life events (births, deaths, rites of passage) that seem to have taken place at both flat/extended sites and tells, albeit in different spatial associations.

Ancestral cereals: Some thoughts on food, homelands and regional identities Cereals have formed one of the major staple food categories used in Neo- lithic and Bronze Age Greece. They therefore provide an excellent case study in an attempt to explore regional preferences and their changes through time. In older reviews of the dominant wheats for Neolithic Greece, emmer would feature as the main species, yet, the accumulation of data from the north

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 182 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM Culinary landscapes and identity in prehistoric Greece 183 suggested that at several sites einkorn dominated the assemblages (Valamoti 2004), a feature also observed in southwestern Bulgaria (Marinova and Vala- moti 2014). More recent finds from the region of western Macedonia in northern Greece point to yet another major Neolithic wheat crop. At the sites of Apsalos (Middle Neolithic), Toumba Kremasti Koiladas and Kleitos (Late Neolithic), spanning the middle and late Neolithic, the glume evidence suggests that the new glume wheat type (Jones et al. 2000) was dominant or nearly as important as einkorn (Fig. 9.5). This is the “story” told by chaff as we have difficulties in distinguishing emmer grain from new glume wheat type grain, fully cleaned and thus devoid of the diagnostic glumes. For Klei- tos, where grain caches of seeds resembling emmer, yet not typically assigned to this species, have been found (Stylianakou and Valamoti in press), the new glume wheat type may have been found among rich grain concentrations, besides its prominent representation among chaff concentrations. This could suggest that the regional trend of the new glume wheat predominance that we have observed for the MN and LN may date back to the EN and the first farmers of the region. As all three wheat species cultivated by Neolithic farmers of northern Greece are glume wheats, hardy species with insignificant differences in growth and processing requirements and all demanding extra work for cleaning the grain from chaff, the observed differences in the dominance of glume wheat species in northern Greece may be related to the cultural identity of early agrarian communities, and may in fact reflect different origins of the first inhabitants of each of these settlements (cf Valamoti 2004). It might even be the case that, within each settlement, different wheat species might have acted as cultural signifiers, identity signifiers of different groups and lineages, or even of social status. As the archaeobotanical evidence from northern Greece increases, we may be able to discuss in greater depth such issues in the future. A north-south gradient shaping different culinary traditions as regards Neolithic cereals begins to emerge, with emmer and free- threshing wheat occurring at older (Megaloudi 2006) and more recently explored sites in the south such as Kouphovouno in the Peloponnese and Knossos on the island of Crete (Bogaard et al. 2013; Vaiglova et al. 2014). This gradient, if confirmed by more data in the future, would strengthen the “identity” element attributed here to the wheat species consumed by Neo- lithic farmers. Similar regional preferences of different glume wheat species have likewise been spotted in Bulgaria by Elena Marinova, where einkorn prevails in southwestern Bulgaria, while bread wheat is regularly found in the northeast (Marinova and Valamoti 2014). Two new cereal species enter the crop repertoire of prehistoric Greece in the Bronze Age: spelt wheat and millet. Millet is an interesting cereal crop, exotic in origin, and in antiquity had specific cultural associations and acted as a cultural signifier linked to origins or status (Valamoti 2016). It was, for example, looked down upon by Athenians, and closely associated with populations of certain areas like the Black Sea and Sparta (Ammouretti 1986).

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 183 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM 184 Soultana Valamoti Millet first appears in northern Greece towards the end of the 3rd millennium BCE at Skala Sotiros and by the LBA, i.e. the 2nd millenium BCE, millet became a well-established crop established in the north. From China, where it was originally domesticated and cultivated by the 7th millennium BCE, it had considerable ground to cover before reaching Europe and northern Greece through complex networks of interaction involving nomadic populations of Central Asia (e.g. Spengler et al. 2014). One cannot rule out the possibility of people moving along with this new cereal crop. In this context, it is interesting that isotopic studies of human remains from the 2nd millennium BCE suggest variability in C4 plant intake, in all likelihood related to millet consumption, between individuals from different settlements in Greece. If millet was indeed a cultural signifier relating to origins, those probable millet consumers might have been people belonging to millet-eating groups. The introduction of new cereal species during the Bronze Age may have been accompanied by new recipes and cooking facilities, too. While spelt, a northern arrival, looks like the old familiar glume wheats, millet is a cereal with tiny, round seeds. Coming from faraway places, its processing may have been associated with the new cooking vessels that appeared shortly after the earliest millet finds, known as “pyraunoi” (Valamoti 2016).

The present past: Prehistoric plants and modern culinary identities This selective archaeobotanical exploration of identity expression through plant food selection, transformation and disposal in prehistoric Greece has provided useful insight into the potential and limitations of such approaches. More detailed levels of investigation should ideally use the full range of plants exploited and their spatial and temporal changes. Beyond the plant species as ingredients, the recipes prescribing their transformation into meals would have further contributed towards identity formation. Ground cereals could have corresponded to different types of food, as is the case with variations in bulgur and trachanas, in terms of grade, shape, texture, basic ingredients and processing steps (cf Valamoti 2011a). Different types of fermented beverages, wine for example, but why not also beer, as well as mind-altering plants, might have been ascribed to particular communities, groups or individuals within these communities, with distinct identities and status. In most cases, such perishable elements of cultural identity remain elusive in the archaeological record. Yet, oddly enough, the role of plant foods as cultural signifiers seems to transcend prehistory and reach modern consumers. Some of the culinary elements identified in the archaeobotanical record continue as ingredients of modern Greek meals, as is the case with lentils, grass pea, pea, dried figs and wine, for example. Cereals, wheat in particular, still form an important element of daily and festive dishes, yet the species used nowadays are the free-threshing wheats and not the glume wheats of

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 184 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM Culinary landscapes and identity in prehistoric Greece 185 prehistory. Barley continues to be used as human food in the form of barley rusks, a practice traditionally associated with the Aegean island communities; supermarkets, however, make these regionally produced “specialities” widely available throughout Greece. The case of the glume wheats is an interesting one. Although evidenced in prehistory and well known in antiquity, they fell out of cultivation and use in later times, probably due to their low productivity per unit area and dif- ficulty of processing. Recently, however, there appears to be a trend towards their re-introduction, in different European countries (e.g. farro and mono- cocco in Italy: http://www.tecpuntobio.it/Documenti/Lombardia%20Mono- cocco.pdf; einkorn in France: http://www.petitepeautre.com/; various glume wheat species in Germany – Stika and Heiss 2013), and more recently in Greece. The re-introduction of emmer wheat food products (pasta, bread, etc.) in Greece, under its presumed ancient Greek name “zea” (ζέα) generated a great interest among consumers as it was marketed as the superfood of ancient Greeks, occasionally accompanied by misleading nutritional information, mainly dispersed via the web, TV programs and bakeries, namely its “gluten-free” grain (!). Other cereal-based foods such as trachanas and bulgur, hinted by the archaeobotanical record, continue to be consumed on a regular basis without any claims to their antiquity and associations to ancient Greeks, probably because they do not need such claims of ancestry for their commercial promotion, being deeply embedded in modern culinary habits with roots in a tradition passed down from generation to generation. Some cereals, like millet, are still associated with different ethnic groups, e.g. immi- grants from the Ukraine, who regularly use it in their cooking and buy it from specialised “Russian” supermarkets (personal observations). Many of the prehistoric plant food ingredients have been nearly or entirely eliminated from modern diets, for example pulse species, nowadays classified as minor or endangered crops, such as bitter vetch, Spanish vetchling (Lathyrus clymenum) and Cyprus vetch (L. ochrus). Lathyrus clymenum, known as fava Santorinis, represents a case of a minor pulse crop that has been recognised as a produce of protected origin. Unlike the case of emmer wheat which, in order to gain a place in the hearts and the preferences of modern consumers, is being re-introduced and marketed as the wheat of the Greeks par excellence, fava Santorinis represents a crop with a continuous cultivation, a crop that was successfully safeguarded as an element of modern agronomic and culinary heritage. Its roots in prehistory were used to document its diachronic presence and special position in the Aegean insular culinary tradition (Valamoti 2013b). Other crops like Lal- lemantia, Camelina, and harvests from the wild such as acorns, are hardly known to modern consumers, despite their widespread use in prehistoric Greece. Olive oil, on the other hand, marketed over the last decades as an essential element of Mediterranean cultures and their cuisines, although produced in prehistoric southern Greece, is very unlikely to have held a similar culinary role in prehistory.

15032-0282-FullBook.indd 185 12/14/2016 9:14:32 AM 186 Soultana Valamoti It is clear that a large part of the prehistoric culinary past of plants still survives as the quintessence of daily meals in modern Greece and surrounding regions: bulgur, trachanas, pulses, fruit such as figs and grapes, as well as their juice in forms such as wine, syrup, vinegar and paste. Archaeobotanical finds are occasionally used to promote such traditional foodstuffs, their accuracy, however, being very variable and of course beyond the control of the specialists themselves. Our exploration of prehistoric culinary identities based on plant foods provides an eloquent case study of food and identity transformation through time and space in prehistory, with repercussions to the present. It highlights continuities and discontinuities that have contributed to a culinary landscape which, more often than not, transcends modern state boundaries.

Acknowledgements Special thanks to Maria Ivanova and Maja Gori for their kind invitation to the conference “Balkan dialogues: Negotiating identity in the prehistoric Balkans” and to the project Food Cultures for financially making my partici- pation possible. Tasos Bekiaris prepared Figures 1 and 3. I would also like to thank the funding bodies that supported archaeobotanical research in northern Greece on which this article is based: The Institute for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP), the Ecole Francaise d’ Athenes (EFA), the British School at Athens, National Geographic Society and the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Several of the topics touched on in this chapter will be explored within a wider spatiotemporal scale within the context of ERC funded project PLANTCULT: Identifying the Food Cultures of Ancient Europe, funded by the European Research Council (ERC) under the Euro- pean Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Program (Grant Agree- ment No 682529, Consolidator Grant 2016-2021).

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