in the Age of the Ecological Apocalypse A content Analysis of the Islamic Eco-Theological Discourse Marita L. Furehaug

Master’s Thesis submitted in Religion and Society Supervisor: Associate Professor Safet Bektovic

Faculty of Theology University of Oslo

Autumn 2020

© Marita L. Furehaug

2020

Islam in the age of the ecological apocalypse – A content analysis of the Islamic eco-theological discourse

Word count: 38 804

http://www.duo.uio.no/

Print: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo

ii Abstract

In this thesis, a content analysis of the Islamic eco-theological discourse is conducted, while critically engaging with three selected topics generated from this field, namely, (1) central concepts, ideas and principles and how these contribute to the human-ecological relationship, (2) in relation to environmental challenges (3) consumption and religious symbols in marketing. The thesis seeks to answer the research question: “When examining selected topics within the Islamic eco-theological discourse, how can we understand Islam’s message in light of the contemporary environmental challenges?”

The central Islamic concepts, ideas and principles presented and analysed in a discussion on their profound impact on the human-ecological relationship is (God’s oneness), ayat (signs), khalifah (steward), amana (trust/covenant), mizan (balance), adl (justice) and rahmah (mercy). Further, Islamic eschatology in connection to eco-theology is explored by drawing on discourses on the Anthropocene and by examining how eschatology informs Muslim environmentalisms. Finally, I explore how consumption is treated in the eco-theological discourse. While drawing on studies from the field of consumption that stress the social component when dealing with consumer behaviour, the thesis aims to illustrate that the eco-theological discourse lacks this social component. In addition, case-studies dealing with examples of contemporary Muslim consumer practices will be presented to point to some contradictory expressions of ‘Islamic’. Furthermore, by conceptualizing Islamic as hermeneutical engagement, the thesis seeks to emphasize the human component in the ways Islamic meaning is produced.

iii Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I must express my great appreciation and gratitude to my supervisor, Safet. Thank you so much for your patience, encouragement, enthusiasm and guidance. Thank you for believing in this project, from beginning until end, also at times when I myself didn’t. I am deeply grateful for the understanding and compassion you have shown me throughout this project. This has been of immense value.

I also wish to express a great appreciation to my parents, my sister and my friends for always supporting me, believing in my abilities to complete this project and always cheering me on. I feel truly blessed to have you all in my life.

Finally, my dear husband Tarek and our beautiful daughter Farida. Tarek, I cannot express in words the gratitude I feel towards you. Thank you for keeping me sane, for holding down the fort at home and for your unfailing support, understanding, love and encouragement. I could not have done this without you.

To Farida, thank you for always reminding me what is important and for making me laugh and smile every day. This thesis is dedicated to you.

Any errors, omissions or shortcoming in this thesis, are mine alone.

Marita Lindberg Furehaug

Oslo, Fall 2020

iv Content

1 Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Thematic presentation and research question ...... 2 1.2 Previous research: The Field of eco-Islam ...... 3 1.3 The structure of the thesis ...... 7 1.4 The understanding of being Islamic ...... 8 2 Theoretical frameworks ...... 10 2.1. The book of the Universe ...... 10 2.2 Nature as the “proximate other” in the process of “othering” ...... 12 2.3 Examples of Islamic eco-theologies ...... 14 2.4 Habitus in Islamic context ...... 17 2.5 Conceptualizing Islamic Eschatology ...... 20 2.6 The Holocene vs. the Anthropocene...... 23 3 Methodology ...... 26 3.1 Content analysis ...... 26 3.2 Chosen units for analysis ...... 27 3.2.1 Central Islamic principles and the human-ecological relationship ...... 27 3.2.2 Islamic Eschatology ...... 28 3.2.3 Consumption and religious symbols in marketing ...... 28 4 Contextualizing the ’s environmental conditions ...... 30 4.1 Quranic portrayals of the natural world ...... 30 4.2 The Quranic Fauna and Flora ...... 31 4.3 The ‘apocalyptic’ Quran ...... 33 4.4 Anthropocentric vs. biocentric readings of the Quran ...... 35 5 Central Islamic concepts and the human-ecological relationship ...... 38 5.1 Tawhid ...... 38 5.1.1 Tawhid conceptualized by al-Faruqi ...... 38 5.1.2 Tawhid conceptualized in environmental thought ...... 41 5.2 Ayat in Creation ...... 44 5.3 Khalifah – Humanity as Stewards of Earth ...... 47 5.4 Amana – Humanity’s covenant with God ...... 50 5.5 Mizan – Humanity as disrupters of balance ...... 51 4.6 Adl – Formulations of Justice in Islamic Eco-theology ...... 54 5.7 Rahmah – A Reflexive Relationship based on Mercy ...... 56

v 5.8 Reflecting on the implications for the human-ecological relationship ...... 57 6 Islamic Environmental Eschatology ...... 59 6.1 The Islamic Eschatological World View ...... 59 6.2 Paradise and hell as apocalyptic motifs ...... 61 6.2 Eschatology in connection to environmental discourses ...... 64 6.3 Secular Discourses of the Anthropocene ...... 66 6.4 Islamic eschatology in the eco-theological discourse ...... 68 6.4 The Anthropocene in Islamic eco-theology ...... 71 6.5 Expressions of Eschatology in Muslim Environmentalism...... 75 7 Consumption and Islam in Marketing ...... 80 7.1 The rational autonomous consumer and social practice theory ...... 80 7.2 Islamic ideals regarding consumption – Between askesis and moderation ...... 82 7.3 Consumption in the Islamic eco-theological discourse ...... 85 7.4 The Muslim market: religious branding and symbolism ...... 89 7.5 Inclusion and representation: ‘Mipster’, Generation M and Pop-Islam ...... 92 7.6 Concluding remarks on contradictive Islamic expressions ...... 97 8 Conclusion ...... 99 Bibliography ...... 102 Internet sources: ...... 107

vi 1 Introduction

The global environmental challenges, caused by contemporary human ways of living, are historically unprecedented. Climate change and global warming, pollution and extreme weather conditions, the loss of wild habitat and biodiversity, along with large amounts of plastic and toxic waste endangering marine and earthly life across the globe, are but a few examples of the pressing environmental challenges constituting huge threats for all living creatures on earth. Scientific discussions on the human impact on earth has resulted in arguments to recognize a new geological epoch, namely, the Anthropocene (Jenkins 2003, 236). This geological epoch is thus referring to the commencement of significant human impact on Earth’s geology and its ecosystems, including, but not limited to anthropogenic climate change. The vast knowledge accumulation, dealing with the multitude of ways human activities are negatively affecting the natural world has caused many theorists and religious scholars to formulate new philosophies and religious interpretations dealing with man’s relationship and responsibility towards the natural world. With this regard, scholars from religious studies, history of religions, philosophy and theology have for the past decades created the field of Religion and Ecology (Grim and Tucker 2014). These scholars argue that the religious traditions of the world have a key role in facing modern times environmental challenges, and that they can be active participants in finding solutions along with scientists, economists and policymakers. The potential and possibility of religions to infuse a spiritual and ethical dimension into the environmental movement are now emerging across the world, as religious communities are participating in transformative social change based on principles of environmental justice (Grim and Tucker 2014, 17). The environmental issue is equally pressing for all societies and is therefore a collaboration among all faith communities, making it an inter-religious and secular question as well. Considering the complexity and multitude of challenges, with widespread and serious consequences, the environmental crises needs to be dealt with at multiple levels: global, national, local, institutional and personal. In addition, it will be important to tackle the issues from the perspective of multiple disciplines. In other words, these matters concern us all. Many Muslim scholars, within the field, argue that profound environmental teachings are spiritually, ethically, theologically and theoretically embedded in the Qur’an, -literature and the Islamic tradition. These scholars draw on a variety of methods and points of departure,

1 and a number of Muslims across the world are taking environmental action, engaging in what is called Muslim environmentalism, transforming these teachings into practice and action. However, it should be noted that there are a considerable number of Muslims that are not taking part in this discourse or in explicit environmentalism. In fact, it has been argued that the Islamic eco-theological discourse is still in its information state, in which the primary focus is spreading knowledge and increasing awareness on the environmental perspectives in Islam and placing this in the context of today’s environmental challenges (Mohamed 2013, 325). Further, while there might be textual passages in scripture celebrating nature, this does not automatically lead to protection of nature, creating a gap between theory and practice. In addition, the environmental crises is a modern phenomenon, and thus scholars have recognized a disjunction of religious traditions and modern environmental issues, noting the historical and cultural divide between texts written in a different time, for different ends. The myriad of contributions of what constitutes the eco-Islamic discourse, and the ways in which these contributions have attempted to address these issues, attest to the rich number of interpretative methods, approaches, and material to draw from.

1.1 Thematic presentation and research question

In this thesis, I wish to examine the field of Islamic eco-theology, and through a content analysis, critically engage with the discourse on some chosen themes. Broadly formulated my research question is;

How can we understand Islam’s message in light of the environmental challenges?

More precisely, it is an attempt to formulate a thematic overview on central arguments and interpretative focus in the field of Islamic eco-theology, and hence articulate or convey how these (selected) elements form a distinctive Islamic take on ecological concerns and the human responsibility in dealing with the contemporary environmental challenges. One might argue, that by examining the Islamic eco-theological discourse, which precisely sets out to tackle the issues of the environmental challenges, the answer is rather clear-cut. Of course, it can be assumed, that all of these different actors within the literature I examine, will argue that Islam is a positive

2 contribution to the environmental discourse. This is a statement that I personally agree with, however, I am interested in critically exploring and engaging with the ways different interpretations are utilized in forming the environmental message of Islam by identifying trends, principles, key concepts and methodologies within this discourse. In addition, my intention is also to present some aspects that in my opinion is lacking from the discourse. However, it should be stressed that I do not assert to be exhaustive in my analysis of the eco-theological discourse. Rather, this thesis is made up of critical engagement and, what I believe to be, relevant remarks on a few chosen areas of research. Perhaps then a more precise formulation of the research question would be;

When examining selected topics within the Islamic eco-theological discourse, how can we understand Islam’s message in light of the environmental challenges?

While it is the second formulation of the research question I will primarily address, I hope to demonstrate during the course of the thesis that in the space between the two formulations could potentially leave room for contradicting Islamic messages.

1.2 Previous research: The Field of eco-Islam

While man’s relationship to the rest of creation has been addressed throughout the Islamic tradition, the academic field known as Islam and Ecology, Islam and the environment, eco-Islam or Islamic eco-theology is a fairly modern construct, as it has arisen as a response to contemporary environmental concerns. Sayyed Hossein Nasr has been a key actor and is viewed to be the first Muslim scholar to address a pressing environmental concern since the late 60’s and the potential role religions may play in facing these challenges. Other voices apparent in the 70’s and 80’s are Ziauddin Sardar and S.Parves Manzoor, all of which approached the environmental crisis from an ‘Islamic science’ perspective (Schwencke 2012, 12). There has been a slow but steady increase in publications since then, and the theoretical field of Islamic eco-theology has also seen manifestations of real-life Muslim environmentalism, through publications and program documents focusing on Muslim environmental activists who all claim their activism is grounded in religious teachings and conviction (Gade 2019; Härmälä 2014; Schwenche 2012).

3 Today, there exists a growing number of publications dealing with Islam’s message on the environment, and the notion of anchoring an environmental ethics in something spiritually deeper in order to deal with the environmental challenges, is well documented in the writings of many Muslim scholars (Abdul-Matin 2010, Gade 2019, Fagan 2016, Khalid 2019, Ouis 1998, Ozdemir 2003, Nasr 1997, 2007). However, their scope, focus and methodology differ. When examining this discourse, it’s views and ideas, it becomes apparent that a variety of approaches have emerged, some are theological-juridical and ethical, some social and political, others mystical, each interpreting the Islamic sources in a distinct way (Schwenche 2012, 5). Most of this material do attempt to form a specific Islamic message in connection to the current environmental crises, however, to my knowledge, there has not been conducted a content analysis that critically engage with the ways in which this message is communicated. However, Anna Gade’s book Muslim Environmentalism (2019) presents a fresh exception in this regard, as she critically evaluates some common elements from the field of Islam and the environment, which she argues, carry the legacy of post-colonialism and follows a global recipe for how environmental discourse are essentially being Islamized. Gade claims that Islam and the environment usually casts the environment in a decontextualized and generalized form and, just like mainstream environmentalism overall, loosely as a European nature concept (Gade 2019, 37). As she presents perspectives from her fieldwork in Indonesia, she argues that the Muslim environmentalisms illustrate that when environmentalism is integral to religious piety, it draws on religious discourse differently than when religion is enrolled secondarily for environmental projects (Gade 2019, 199).

Another study conducted in 2012 by A.M. Schwenche with the title “Globalized Eco-Islam - A Survey of Global Islamic Environmentalism” explores the landscape of Islamic environmentalism with a bird’s eye view. In this study, Islamic environmentalism refers to environmental action or theoretical formulations referring to both Islam and environmental issues, thus, the environmentalism substantiate its views and actions through engaging with Islamic discourse. This is a rather broad survey that aims to uncover, identify and describe the ideas, activities and practices that have developed within the since the 1970’s. In keeping with the survey’s aim and scope it presents the terrain of Islamic environmentalism rather broadly and scratches the surface on a number of issues, such as Islamic eco-philosophies,

4 Islamic environmental law, green jihadi activism, halal eco-certified foods, Islamic eco-villages, Islamic local currencies, ‘green’ sheikhs and scholars, ‘ethical’ sustainable ‘shariah’, and finance, trade and business practices. In addition, the survey addresses a number of declarations issued, such as the Islamic Declaration on Sustainable Development (2002) of the Organization of Islamic Conferences (OIC) and a Muslim Declaration on Nature (1986) of the Muslim World League1 (Schwencke 2012, 5). However, the survey does not present any in-depth research nor does it critically engage with the presented examples of Islamic environmentalism.

Rather than dividing the field into different approaches, identifying subcategories, or subfields within the discourse of Islamic eco-theology could also be a fruitful way to gain an overview of the eco-theological discourse. This is because many approaches are interconnected and utilized in different inquires. The same could be argued about these subcategories, however, this is the approach utilized in the content analysis and how I finally came to choose the topics I wanted to examine in my analysis. One subcategory could deal with writings dealing with the role of Shariah and Islamic jurisprudence.

A number of publications have argued for the role of shariah and traditional (Islamic jurisprudence) as part of the solution to the environmental challenges. This discourse, however, reveals an inherent fuzziness in its use of the term shariah, and thus, is utilized in a number of ways in promoting earth- friendly practices and lobby for government regulations that protect the environment (Johnston 2012, 218). Some of these efforts have resulted in the formulations of fatwas (nonbinding legal opinion), dealing with ecological concerns and thus, concrete ways Islamic legislation has manifested in environmental protection. Examples of such fatwas is when the MUI – the Indonesian Council of Religious Scholars announced a widely publicized fatwa on wildlife trafficking in 2014 (Gade 2019, 71) and another fatwa from MUI entitled “Waste Management to Counteract Environmental Degradation” (Gade 2019, 150). Others highlight Islamic legal perspectives on the environment with regards to for

1 The study identifies an array of approaches within this field, listing 7 different approaches, namely, 1) Theological and Islamic law based (classical normative), 2) Mystical philosophical nature or eco-philosophy (ethical), 3) Reform of science and technology (Islamic science), 4) Social political reform (Eco-Islamist), 5) Land- water resource management, nature conservation (conservationist), 6) Green lifestyles and the economy (Green Deen), 7) Sustainable Islamic Finance and economics, commerce and trade (Schwencke 2012, 70).

5 example water conservation, protected land zones/reserves known as hima or harim and animal rights to name some (Izzi Dien 2000, 42, 45, 97).

Another subcategory deals with the issue of animal rights, animal welfare, the status of animals or the relationship between humanity and animals. One unique contribution here, is Sarra Tlili’s book Animals in the Quran (2014) that examines the status and nature of animals as they are portrayed in the Quran and in selected classical exegetical works, in which animals are viewed as spiritual, moral, intelligent and accountable beings. In this way, the study presents a challenge to the prevalent view of man's superiority over animals and suggests new ways of interpreting the Qur'an. Other contributions focus more on ethical considerations regarding the treatment of animals in general drawn from the Quran, hadith-literature and the Islamic tradition (Islam 2015; Rahman 2017) and more specifically ethical regulations pertaining to ritual slaughter and animal welfare as formulated in the juridical arena in connection to modern production methods (Farouk et al 2016). Tariq Ramadan scrutinize contemporary religious jurists and argues that there is a general dissonance between juridical formulations regarding technical prescriptions regarding ritual slaughter and the classification of halal meat and Islamic ethical considerations on animal welfare. This point is highly connected to a critique of the nature of the industry focusing on capital and profit and overconsumption and overproduction of halal meat, while disregarding the higher ethical objectives (Ramadan 2009, 236). Islam and Islam (2015) have formulated an Islamic Ecological Paradigm (IEP) focusing on the human-animal relationship and animal welfare. This subfield is thus highly connected to the juridical-ethical aspect pertaining to shariah, reflections on the relationship between humans and the rest of creation, and social, political and economic critiques.

A third subcategory could include the perspectives for ecofeminism. While these cannot be said to be widespread within the Islamic eco-theological discourse, a few actors have written texts exploring ecofeminism from an Islamic perspective. Nawal H. Ammar and Allison Gray as an example, examines whether Islamic environmental teachings are compatible with ecofeminism and point to commonalities. To these authors, the Islamic environmental ethics perspective sees a direct relationship between the mistreatment of woman and the degradation of the environment. This relationship, they argue, is apparent in ideas respecting all God’s creatures (Ammar and

6 Gray 2017, 307). While this subfield is underdeveloped in the Islamic eco-theologies, gender perspectives in Islamic eco-theologies could become more prevalent in future research.

Highlighted here are some suggested subcategories within the field of Islamic eco-theology. While it cannot claim to be comprehensive, it is an attempt to illustrate some perspectives from previous research within this field that is not included in my analysis. It should also be stressed that my content analysis is based on sources accessible in English. A wide range of languages is spoken in the Muslim world and it must be assumed that a significant part of environmental discourses will be carried out in languages, such as , Urdu, Bahasa Indonesia, Malay or Turkish among others.

1.3 The structure of the thesis

This thesis is divided into 8 chapters. Following this section, I will clarify my understanding of employing the term “Islamic”. In chapter 2 the theoretical framework informing this thesis will be presented. Further, chapter 3 will elaborate on the chosen method, content analysis, and introduce the chosen topics from the field of Islamic eco-theology, included in the analysis. Chapter 4 will situate some environmental perspectives pertaining to the Quran and reflect upon the holy text as “apocalyptic”. Further, I will deliberate briefly on the Quran displaying anthropocentric, theocentric or biocentric attitudes. Thereafter, the chosen topics selected for the analysis will be dealt with in the next three chapters. Though these topics are connected by an Islamic ecological perspective, each chapter presents separate perspectives, analysis and discussions pertaining to the selected topic. Thus, in chapter 5, central concepts, ideas and principles from the eco-theological discourse are presented and discussed. Additionally, I will reflect on the implications these have regarding the human-ecological relationship. Chapter 6 deals with Islamic eschatology in relation to Islamic eco-theology. Here I will analyse how the Anthropocene is addressed in the discourse and discuss its possible implications for Islamic theology. Further, I examine how Islamic eschatology is expressed through Muslim environmentalism. The issue of consumption is the topic for chapter 7. The way consumption is presented through the eco-theological discourse, drawing on ideas from the Islamic tradition, will be discussed alongside perspectives from consumption studies and selected case studies dealing

7 with Muslim consumer habits. A conclusion elaborating on the central findings of the analysis and how they inform my initial research questions will appear in the final chapter.

1.4 The understanding of being Islamic

At the core of this analysis is the articulation and implementation of the Islamic message within the fields of ecology and the environment. However, I also wish to draw attention to some ways that the term ‘Islamic’ operate in different realms that are seen as contradictive. This is why Ahmed’s conceptualization of Islam as a hermeneutical engagement, is particularly useful as is sheds light on the dynamic and sometimes contradictory expressions of Islamic thought. In Ahmed’s book What is Islam? The importance of being Islamic, hermeneutical engagement refers to engagement by an actor or agent with a source or object of (potential) meaning in a way that ultimately produces meaning for the actor by way of the source (Ahmed 2016, 345). Being Islamic in that sense means producing a meaning that rests on a hermeneutical interpretation of the sources of Islam and which is relevant and meaningful in the given context. Ahmed’s main analytical project is to conceptualize Islam as a historical and human phenomenon dealing with the interpretation of God’s revelation. This contributes to shed light on a number of complex, diverse and contradicting aspects embedded within the formation of theological, ethical and practical expressions of Islamic meaning-making, as hermeneutical draws the attention to truth and meaning, and to the processes of interactions, interpretation and understanding, to the identity of the sources of meaning and to the methods employed in the formation of truth and meaning. Engagement draws our attention to the role of the human actor in the process of truth- and meaning-making and to the articulation and implementation of the Islamic (meanings) in the real life of Muslims (Ahmed 2016, 345).

The obvious source-object of meaning in which the hermeneutical engagement is made, consists of the Quran and the Hadith, the context in which the sacred text is situated, and what Ahmed calls the Pre-Text of Revelation (that is, ideas and opinions that have existed before and outside of revelation). Ahmed elaborates further on using the term ‘Islamic’ and stress the importance of having an accurate and meaningful conceptualization of Islam because it matters how and when we use the word ‘Islamic’, to identify, designate, characterize and constitute given phenomena, concept or idea according to a norm that is believed or known to be Islam. Thus, it is a

8 meaningful act as a result of hermeneutic engagement, however, it leaves room for the contradiction between ideas, values and practices that claim normative affiliation with Islam. Ahmed points out that in any given phenomenon, the most glaring expression of ‘diversity’ or ‘difference’ is outright contradiction (Ahmed 2016, 109).

In my thesis, I think it is important to stress these diverse and contradicting aspects when it comes to interpreting the body of Islam and the Muslim expressions of Islamic thought, when regarding both theory and practice. This is present when considering the different positions presented throughout the thesis; however, it is most apparent in chapter 7, where I examine the Islamic eco-theological discourse dealing with consumption on one hand and the use of Islamic ideas and concepts informing what may be referred to as the ‘marketization of Islam’ or the ‘ industry’ on the other. Thus, from a research perspective it provides the opportunity to look at multiple phenomenon that are glaringly contradictive, without taking a normative position and declaring them Islamic or ‘un-Islamic’.

It might also be important to stress that Islam/Islamic is not always defined in the works of the various contributions to the eco-theological field, in which this thesis draws on, it is clear that most of the authors/actors’ view Islam in the manner of expressing a Divine Command, ultimately leading to existential , and without necessarily being aware of the different and perhaps contradictory interpretive possibilities. This distinction is important both in how I attempt to explain some aspects of contradictions I find during the course of this thesis, and for how the eco-theological discourse weave ecological concerns into the web of accountability, for the ultimate goal - a place in paradise. To see these splaying expressions of Islamic as hermeneutical engagement with Islamic sources and in relation to a specific challenge (environment), allow me to include them in my analysis and argue that these expressions of Islamic exist in the same realm and affect how Muslims engage with and within creation.

9 2 Theoretical frameworks

In this chapter, I will elaborate on the theoretical tools informing this thesis. These allow me to connect aspects of the various categories identified from the Islamic eco-theological discourse to the overall discussion of their link to both the Islamic tradition and to their relevance in formulating a meaningful ecological message founded in Islam. In 2.1 I will employ Tariq Ramadan’s theory of ‘The book of the Universe’ to elaborate on reflections pertaining to an expansion of sources informing an eco-theology. Lamptey’s theory on the “proximate other” will in 2.2 explain how the eco-theological discourse are challenging approaches to ‘nature’ as a fixed, bounded category. Section 2.3 is included to demonstrate that there are various levels and actual outcomes of eco-theologies. In 2.4 I explore Bourdieu’s theory of habitus, and how it is expressed in the Islamic context. It is thus utilized to reflect upon the possibility of training a religious environmental through the elaborations of classical Muslim thinkers such as Miskaway and al-Ghazali. Further, in 2.5 a conceptualization of Islamic Eschatology is provided. Finally, point 2.6 deals with the relationship of ‘the Holocene vs. the Anthropocene’ that will inform the discussion in chapter 6 on eschatology.

2.1. The book of the Universe

The famous Persian philosopher and theologian Abu Hamid al-Ghazali called the Universe an “outspread book” (al-kitāb al-manshūr), as a parallel to holy books/ collections of God’s revelations. In a similar way, Tariq Ramadan considers the Book of the Universe, a theological and physical mirror of the Qur’an, the “written book” (al-kitāb al-mastūr) (Ramadan 2009, 88). Ramadan elaborates on a framework of applied and seeks to incorporate ‘the interpretations of the universe’ including the human historical and social context, as important sources when dealing with juridical matters. As this thesis seek to explore the eco-theological discourse, I believe it is relevant to draw on similar reflections pertaining to sources that can potentially inform this discourse. Further, the theorization of ‘the book of the universe’ as a source for Islamic eco-theologies points to the importance of drawing on sources ‘outside’ of the religious discourse. In fact, some authors within this field stress the importance of drawing on scientific knowledge regarding the environment or draw historical lines related to ideas to establish root causes to the environmental crises, while other eco-theologies simply seek to

10 establish the relevance of religious texts in dealing with environmental matters. The range and complexity of environmental issues as social and human phenomenon attest to a need to draw on a variety of sources from different disciplines. In other words, when considering the human agency related to contemporary environmental challenges, it becomes apparent that the human historical and social context, along with its sciences should form an important part of Islamic eco-theologies as well. Tariq Ramadan argues that one of the major problems with modern Muslim thought today is the narrow use of sources in the formulation of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) informing Muslim ethics and practice (Ramadan 2009, 82). While earlier scholars were more intimately familiar with their environments, in which and for which they formulated laws and ethics, resulting in a more pragmatic, creative and confident approach. Local practices today are connected to the global order, all the spheres of human action are interdependent and interconnected, and it is impossible for scholars today to grasp this complexity with the same confidence as early scholars. In order to tackle the challenges of contemporary life, there is a need to gain a deeper understanding, and thus an expansion of sources to draw knowledge from in religious matters. These reflections could easily be applied to the environmental perspective in religious discourse as well, and when it comes to establishing what may be thought of as useful sources for the discourse. Ramadan deals with revelation in two categories, two revelations or two “books”. One important aspect of how the sources all tie together is the Arabic word ayat (aya in singular) or ‘signs. Ramadan points to the fact that the Qur’an constantly refer to the created universe, to the elements in nature, and to the ‘signs’ that pervade it. There are clear notions to reflect, contemplate and experience these ‘signs of God’s creation2 (Ramadan 2009, 87). However, while many eco-theologies stress ayat as a need to spend time in nature, contemplating nature as a spiritual foundation to connect to God, Ramadan differs as ayat (as signs) here forms a key

2 The notion of ‘signs’ in this regard is essential as it establishes a correspondence between the revealed text and the ‘revealed’ universe, a correspondence of orders. This word is traditionally translated to verses (in the Qur’an) in European languages, in the bases of “verses” in Biblical versification but holds quite a different meaning in the Arabic language. The referral of ayat as both signs in the natural world/universe and the verses in the Qur’an as signs of and from God, is the reason why this concept is utilized in almost all the Islamic eco-theologies informing this thesis, and this will therefore be addressed more in detail later in the analysis.

11 concept in incorporating the Universe as a source of revelation along with scriptural sources that traditionally form the ultimate source of Islamic legislation3.

In my understanding, this is not just an inclusion of natural science in the traditional academic sense, however, it is an invitation to draw on creation and the knowledge we have related to God’s creation in a spiritual and rational manner, in order to have a more holistic and ethical framework. It entails incorporating sources in order to develop a more comprehensive and integral approach to Muslim environmental thought and practice. Further, including the Universe or creation as a source in this way opens up considerations for creation as a whole, the well- being of animals, plants and their habitats, and draws the attention to the biological diversity in general, not just the interest of humankind. In addition, it seeks to draw attention to the social sciences, viewing the human being as embedded in a social and historical context.

2.2 Nature as the “proximate other” in the process of “othering”

In this section, I would like to draw on theory formulated and utilized by Jerusha Tanner Lamptey. Her theory involves thinking differently about difference with regards to the “religious other” in the Quran4. While her theory involves other religious groups or communities (i.e. human beings), I would like to extend this theory to reflect upon nature as the “proximate other”. It should be stated that it is not my intention to define what nature is and to place it within fixed boundaries, rather, it is to blur these lines in attempting to view the ‘other’ (i.e. nature) as a proximate other, and draw this in connection with elaborations on nature and humans as interconnected in the unity of creation. An excessive focus on the boundaries themselves and on the process of identifying that which demarcates a boundary with regards to religious difference,

3 Ramadan writes: “(…) the surrounding Creation is a Universe of signs that must be grasped, understood, and interpreted. Signs tell of meaning…and the signs in the Universe therefore reveal that the latter is fraught with meaning” (Ramadan 2009, 88).

4 This theory is employed to examine Quranic discourse depicting religious diversity, something Lamptey stresses theologically is linked to the understanding of God and God’s action in the world, thus, also intertwined with the understanding of humankind and the purpose of human creation (Lamptey 2014, 34). While Lamptey’s theory involves more elements, I was intrigued by her concept of ‘othering’ and applying this to nature to illustrate the implications eco-theology have on the human-ecological relationship. Lamptey writes: “With this rethinking of difference, the new and primary option is to focus on the dynamic intersections themselves without collapsing the two genres, without depicting them in a static or exclusive relationship, and without returning to a reliance upon oversimplified or singular threshold criteria” (Lamptey 2014, 41)

12 Lamptey argues leads to a reduction or simplification of the complexity of the Quranic discourse, as well as the nature of religious identity and interaction (Lamptey 2014, 36). This would naturally suppose a certain genre of the “religious other”, one that is clearly identified, bounded and discrete. It is an ‘other’ who is unmistakably distinct from the religious ‘self’. Reflecting upon these formulations in relation to nature and the conceptualizations of Islamic ideas such as tawhid (God’s oneness and the interconnectedness of creation), amana (relating to the pact between God and humanity) and ayat (signs), as they are formulated within the eco-theological discourse, challenge established ideas of how the human is situated in creation and dichotomies like human-nature.

Drawing upon Smith who discusses the binary opposition of WE/THEY, or IN/OUT and the boundary-focused view of the ‘other’, Lamptey demonstrates how this stark dualism both is characterized by a preoccupation with clearly defined, impenetrable boundaries and limits, whereby the primary mode of interaction is a double process of containment, that is, keeping in and keeping out. However, Smith contends that ‘othering’, which is the process whereby we make sense of the ‘other’ is much more complex than the basic opposition of us and them. In this sense, ‘othering’ involves multiple possible relations with the ‘other’. It is interesting to note that Lamptey emphasize that the deepest intellectual issues arise when the other is “too much like us”, when the other is the proximate other in distinction from the distant other. While the distant other is clearly distinguished, insignificant and voiceless; since they are easily defined and contained, they require minimal exegetical effort, the proximate other is more complex and amorphous. Lamptey thus argues that the proximate other presents a direct and perpetual challenge to the worldview and identity of the ‘self’, thereby forcing continuous modification, reconsideration, and re-drawing boundaries. Seen in this way, proximate difference does not demarcate discrete and static boundaries, rather, it points to dynamic and multiple relations between the self and the ‘other’ (Lamptey 2014, 37). In effect, this is, in my understanding, what (some) eco-theologies attempt to do by elaborating on the intricate relationship between the human being and the natural world. It challenges nature as a ‘distant other’ that are insignificant and voiceless, easily defined and detained, and instead point to the complexities of the human- nature relationship, highlighting the interconnectedness of human beings, animals and nature as

13 inter-relational creation and giving it a voice through studying its signs and reflecting upon their position and function in creation.

In other words, this theory is utilized by extending the binary opposition of the ‘religious self’ and the ‘religious other’ to illuminate the relationship between humans and the natural world and the way eco-theology might challenge this. The common demarcation of man and nature and the deconstruction of the dichotomies like man/nature and nature/culture has been addressed in many writings. My thesis will not delve into these dichotomies. What I am interested in, within the confines of this thesis, is to utilize this theory to argue that the way these Islamic conceptions is formulated within the eco-theological discourse, actually challenges the dominant perception of the natural world. Further, it shed light on how we might view nature as the ‘proximate other’ through the elaborations of the concept of tawhid. The conceptualization of tawhid, as formulated in the Islamic eco-theological discourse emphasizing the interconnectedness of creation explains why the ‘other’ or nature is too much like us, while in reality it is treated as a distant other. Thus, to know creation through ‘signs’ and tawhid can be viewed as a process of ‘othering’.

2.3 Examples of Islamic eco-theologies

This section is meant to serve as a tool to express different levels of eco-theologies, based on their content or overall aim. While I emphasized variety in methodology, thematic subfields and the overall diversity within the field in the section pertaining to previous research, I wish here to formulate theoretical considerations expressing different levels by elaborating on terms such as an Islamic ‘greening’ of religion and transformative Islamic ecology. What does it entail to make a religion ‘green’ versus formulating a religious framework in relation to ecology and the environment that are seen as transformative? Is eco-theology about adapting religion into a specific environmental-friendly framework, or can the environmental perspective bring new light to religious discourse and challenge orthodoxy, or both?

Härmälä is among the few that have formulated a theoretical framework for Muslim environmentalism. This framework can be fruitful when examining the content of different eco- theologies as she gives examples of theological approaches and activism. Härmälä differentiates

14 between what she calls ‘weak Islamic environmentalism’ and ‘transformative Islamic ecology’. Her main critique is that many Islamic eco-theologies are generally lacking up-to-date contextual interpretations, especially sources of modern scientific ecology. Theological approaches within ‘weak Islamic environmentalism’ includes traditional and literalist theology of the environment without including knowledge of modern scientific ecology, while examples of activism provided is ‘green’ consumerism and a general focus on individual consumption patterns, such as switching for biofuel for the cars, stopping bottled water purchases, using renewable energy in the , or marketing ecologically produced fair-trade Muslim fashion. Other examples of activism are picking up trash, not wasting water and avoiding pollution (Härmälä 2014, 26). ‘Transformative Islamic Ecology’, however, address the need to change the global socioeconomic systems, which are the main cause for environmental degradation. Theological approaches under this heading involve eclectic, contextual, and contemporary theological approaches where modern scientific ecology is included. In the examples of activism, Härmälä, lists staging change, creating ethical systems, eco-villages and permaculture under ‘transformative Islamic ecology’ (Härmälä 2014, 26).

Gade argues that when resources of environmental inspiration are sought from world religions, a popular way to recognize and to promote Islamic environmental management is to ‘green’ actions that are already normatively Muslim (Gade 2019, 45). She provides two examples of global initiatives promoted by various organizations, namely, ‘Green ’ and ‘Green Ramadan’. These initiatives focus on changing patterns of consumer behaviour through the conduit of required religious action. The first example, ‘Green Ramadan’, a typical pledge that is promoted by the Islamic Society of North America in 2015 (and later by other groups and organisations), emphasizes recycling in communal iftar (the breaking of the fast at sunset), conserving food and to avoid being wasteful by giving excess food to people in need; using biodegradable products for iftars and not Styrofoam cups and plates; replacing light bulbs with energy serving lightbulbs to conserve electricity and giving khutbah (Friday sermon) on the Islamic imperative to conserve and protect the environment (Gade 2019, 45). The second example, the ‘Green Hajj’ program, comes in the form of a guide booklet, which is available on the ARC website (Alliance of Religions and Conservation). While this booklet asks the reader to consider their carbon footprint and provides a practical guide and considerations for

15 a ‘greener’ hajj and a ‘greener’ lifestyle upon return, Gade points out that the stipulations of ‘green hajj’ does not address critical issues that can be connected to norms within Islamic ritual law nor does its strategies attempt to change the character of the Hajj as an act of worship, undertaken for the sake of religious obligation. Despite the widespread questioning of the requirement of sacrifice at the end of the Hajj for all Muslim communities, there is no mention of any alternative to animal slaughter, whether for pilgrims or for Muslims worldwide who also celebrate the ‘holiday of sacrifice’, Eid al-Adha (Gade 2019, 46). The requirement of animal ritual slaughter, in fact poses many challenging questions pertaining to concerns to the environment and to animal welfare. One aspect of this is that the high number of pilgrims to Saudi-Arabia alone, requires millions of cattle, many of which are transported overseas for days and sometimes weeks in terrible living conditions. Gade argues that just as in the case of Green Ramadan, the primary objective of Green Hajj is to rectify environmentally unfriendly patterns of product consumption by encouraging the pilgrims to reduce waste, consider more environmentally friendly products and services and reflect on their lifestyle by invoking Islamic notions commonly found in treatments of Islam in relation to the environment5. She emphasizes that this approach reenforce ‘responsible’ environmental action through structures of neoliberal capital such as by buying ‘green’ products within a system of commodity circulation and consumption, making it the consumers individual responsibility to perpetuate environmental action through ‘green living’. ‘Greening’ religion is thus seen as global initiatives (Muslim and non-Muslim) to ‘Islamize’ environmental efforts of interest to global sustainable initiatives (Gade 2019, 47-48).

On the other hand, Gade argues that within Muslim environmentalisms, as expressed through her field work in Indonesia, environmentalism is cast as a means to achieve religious ends. And that for committed Muslims, environmental practice is a religious practice. This is not to say that environmentalism would be radicalized to the point of religious zeal, but as Gade points out, that “religious lifeworlds dictate environmental engagement so naturally that they blend into the ethical and pious practices of the everyday” (Gade 2019, 35). One central figure in Gade’s research, the Indonesian religious scholar K.H. Thonthawi, reversed the question from “what can

5 These common notion within the eco-Islamic discourse, such as the relation of Creator and created (tawhid); stewardship (khalifah) and balance (mizan) that Gade mentions here will be adressed more in detail in chapter 5.

16 religion do for an environmentalist cause?” to “what does environmental care do for religious reality?” (Gade 2019, 232). This indicates that eco-theologies can and should seek to challenge Islamic theology and practice, as environmental challenges force humanity to seriously address underlying epistemologies, lifestyles and systems of power. Perspectives of environmental care and ethics could then provide profound contributions to religious reality.

While the boundaries might not always be so clear-cut, or you may find eco-theologies that contain multiple levels or aspects of what is presented here. This section is meant to function as a reflection of the ways eco-theologies can express different aims, sentiments and levels of environmental action and the role Islam (or other actors) may play in connection to this.

2.4 Habitus in Islamic context

The concept of habitus is relevant precisely for the variety of ways it has been used to explain different processes pertaining to the human agent. The term habitus in Latin refers to various dimensions of self-representation: demeanour, bearing, expression, and posture, as well as manner of dress (Glancy 2010, 146). Here I will present some different perspectives on habitus in order to present some reflections pertaining to the conscious and unconscious relation between inner inclinations and outer displays of character and actions.

In Sabah Mahmoud’s study of a pious women’s movement in Cairo, the term habitus is referring to a practice where the body, mind and emotions simultaneously perform an achieved competence. In this sense it refers to a specific pedagogical process where moral virtues are achieved through coordination of outer actions and inner dispositions. Thus, it is a conscious effort of reorienting one’s desires, by bringing their inner motifs, actual practice, inclinations and emotional state in agreement through a continued practice of virtuous deeds (Mahmoud 2001, 215). In Mahmoud’s study, habitus is utilized to emphasize the case of the hijab in an interesting way. The veil serves as an example of how an outer practice can be used to achieve a desired inner virtue over time. According to these women, it might feel awkward or embarrassing in the beginning to wear the veil, while eventually you begin to feel shy or exposed without it and even a sense of pride when wearing it. Seen in this way, the veil not only becomes a way of training oneself in achieving desired virtues like modesty and piety, but it is at the same time embedded

17 within the very practice of those virtues (Mahmoud 2001, 214). Mahmoud point to similar concepts found among traditional Islamic scholars such as al-Ghazali, al-Miskawayh and Ibn Khaldun that could be explained by the concept of habitus. She particularly refers to Ira Lapidus’s study of Ibn Khaldun where he argues that the Arabic word malaka, which is often translated to habit, is better understood in light of the Latin term habitus, which he describes as an inner quality developed through outer practice until the quality of that practice regulates one’s behaviour without conscious efforts. In similar ways, Miskawayh establishes in the preamble of his book Refinement of Character6 (in Arabic: Tahdhib al-Akhlaq) that the object of the book is “to acquire for ourselves such a character that all our actions issuing therefrom may be good, and the same time, may be performed by us easily, without any constraint or difficulty” (Miskawayh 2002, 1). Further, in a journal of Marketing Management, Rauf, Prasad and Ahmed explore how religion (theoretically) can discipline the consumer subject. Drawing on al-Ghazali, they emphasize how he stresses a relinquishing of worldly desires to enable a better life in the Hereafter, by focusing on concepts of simplicity and minimalism. Al-Ghazali elaborates a framework to discipline the soul and resist two detrimental vices, namely, desire for food and sex (Rauf, Prasad and Ahmed 2019, 494). In addition, Anna Gade connects the term habitus to the Islamic concept of adab, which she describes as proper and conditioned behaviour that comprises both classical aspects of ‘ilm (knowledge) and ‘amal (actions). Gade points out that Sufis often deploy the term, and for them it enhances the dual aspects of the cultivation of virtue ethics as well as the regulation of behaviour in specific settings. Gade stresses that an adab, like Bourdieu’s habitus, is replicable, propagated through practice (Gade 2019, 125).

To view habitus as expressed through ideas from the Islamic tradition can perhaps in an eco- theological discourse emphasize how our intentional actions can contribute to the formation of an environmental conscience, and again how our environmental actions can contribute to a spiritual awakening of our human-nature- relationship, and ultimately our relationship to God. Thus, habitus is quite useful in explaining some central arguments within the eco-theological

6 Abu Ali Ahmad ibn-Muhammad ibn Yaqub Miskawayh was an active scholar in many fields of knowledge in 10th century A.D. Iran. In the area of ethics, the Tahdhib is his most important and influential work.

18 discourse, where for example the development of a spiritual connection to nature and creation is done by studying and contemplating the signs of Allah.

However, habitus is best known through the works of French sociologist Bourdieu as a theoretical tool to explain how different class positions of individual subjects in society gets embodied and internalized through a number of unconscious processes. These structures of differences, according to Bourdieu also explains practices, tastes and lifestyles systematically distinct from the practices constituting another lifestyle. This entails that the subject is somehow disciplined to carry out social roles within different social fields, however, unconsciously. Seen in this way, habitus is created through a social, rather than individual process leading to patterns that are enduring and transferrable from one context to another, but that also shift in relation to specific contexts and over time and not necessarily a result of free will (Bourdieu 1984, 170). Similarly, Jenifer Glancy, employ this term to uncover how slavery conditioned bodies and perceptions of bodies of individuals either as slaves or as free persons. Glancy argues that slavery at the time of early Christian thinking where so common that the habitus of slavery imbues the thinking of early Christian thinkers. This concept, she argues, helps understand why it was difficult for the first Christian generations to recognize slavery as a moral wrong (Glancy 2010, 147). Habitus in this sense is “embodied history, internalized as a second nature and forgotten as history” (Glancy 2010, 146). Habitus is, according to these examples, not something one is necessarily aware or conscience of and is dependent on both social, historical, cultural and socio-economic factors.

As illustrated, habitus is used to describe a highly conscious cultivation of desired virtues on the one hand, which can be useful to describe certain arguments in the eco-theological discourse. However, on the other hand, I simultaneously find the way Glancy and Bourdieu emphasis of habitus as something hidden, embodied and habitual, and as a product of structural, historical and socio-economical realties useful in highlighting other aspects of this field. Like that of consumption habits and the ways religious symbols and branding can inform those consumption habits. Similarly, dealing with the environmental crises requires challenging concepts and epistemologies that are so deeply embedded within the structures of our societies, and following Glancy’s use of habitus, these structures are perhaps deeply embedded within our habitus as

19 well, through forms of consumption. These can be ideas linked to perpetual growth, anthropocentrism and consumption in our contemporary way of life that we have come to depend on so much. The dynamic between unknown actions and inclinations, and the conscience and aware subject or agent cultivating a practice of virtues and ethics are, in my opinion, interesting and useful as a theoretical tool in shedding light over the dynamic and complex ways human practices and habits consists of structures of both the conscience and the unconscious.

2.5 Conceptualizing Islamic Eschatology

The topic of Islamic eschatology many would argue is somehow woven into most religious discourse due to the centrality of eschatological elements in the Qur’an, hadith-literature and Islamic tradition. In addition, it is particularly interesting when viewed in light of the environmental challenges in contemporary time, and in light of the proposed geological age of the Anthropocene, which will be addressed in the following section. As Islamic eschatology in connection to the Anthropocene will be discussed in chapter 6, it will be beneficial to outline a theoretical framework that will inform the discussion pertaining to eschatology. While eschatological content varies tremendously, the belief that in the fullness of time there will occur a fundamental change of transformation in the world, often described as the dawning of a new era, in which conditions are radically different than the present era, are usually shared. Thus, the purpose of eschatological schemes, for Donner, is to situate the subject (individual, community or the cosmos) in the context of the new era (Donner 2017, 758). Donner presents eschatological schemes in conceptual categories, however, for the purpose of the theoretical framework relevant to the discussion, I will only present those befitting the Islamic eschatological scheme. In addition, this will be seen in connection to some similarities and distinctions presented as secular eschatology7.

7 The word, eschatology, is derived from Greek te eschata and means “the last things”. It developed within Western scholarship to designate those traditions that claim to know how things will ‘end up’ at the end of normal life (Donner 2017, 758). The term is also sometimes applied to phenomena that are not linked to a time after the end of the world, but rather anticipated in the future time of the present world.

20 Islamic eschatology is conceptualized as linear (as opposed to a circular). This means the individual has a single birth and proceeds through life to a single death, while the world as we know it proceeds from a single point in creation to a single definite end-time, a ‘Last Day’. In linear systems, each individual has one life, and the ultimate fate after death depends on what is done in the present life (Donner 2017, 759). This entail a kind of urgency as the individual’s life entails a definite and inescapable ‘deadline’, namely our own ever-approaching death. Donner differentiates between religious and secular eschatologies. While the Islamic eschatology is an obviously religious one, as God in the Qur’an has decreed the end of time; within secular eschatologies, “the end is brought about by the workings of the blind forces of nature, which is not intentional and does not know or care about human existence; or it is brought about by human agency, which is intentional and ought to know better, but is heedless or ignorant and so fails to stave off the dire consequences” (Donner 2017, 760). Donners description of secular eschatology can be applied to certain elements of the current mainstream environmental discourse, especially with regards to the effects of climate change and global warming. This discourse highlights severe consequences of impending disaster, lest humankind manage to curb the development before the point of no return.

The Islamic eschatology also classifies as an ‘other-worldly’ one, as scenarios are played out in a heavenly or other-worldly realm, such as the garden/ paradise (al-janna) or hell (). These represent the destination of individuals depending on how they behaved and are not portrayed as being part of the natural world; rather, they are depicted as perfect utopias or dystopias, in which the subject will experience either endless pleasure and bliss, or endless torment. Due to the element of a final (moral) judgement, in which the basis of one’s destination in the afterlife is determined, the Islamic eschatology can also be conceptualized as a moral eschatology. Interestingly, Donner briefly categorizes predictions of global environmental disaster, which will destroy everyone, as amoral in character (though much of their proponents may moralize against those who fail to act to thwart the impending doom) (Donner 2017, 766).

Further, Donner distinguishes between positive and negative eschatologies, in which positive ones are a form of soteriology – where the predictions are meant to help realize the salvation of the subject individual or group. Those eschatologies that anticipate a positive fate for the

21 followers (and is a further element of Islamic eschatology) can be called positive eschatologies. Donner further differentiates between individual, communal and cosmic eschatologies, however, in my view, the Islamic eschatology contains elements of all these categories as it focuses on the fate of individuals and emphasize that your actions alone will be judged. In addition, there are Quranic instances where all the dead are described as being raised on judgement day and judged by God as communities, and each community goes to his destined fate apparently as a community (Donner 2017, 767). This also raises the question of whether mere membership in the community outweighs the role of individual belief and behaviour (virtue vs. sin) in deciding one’s ultimate fate in the afterlife, a theological question, Donner points out, that often generates heated debate. However, while it is impossible to settle the dispute regarding the focus on the individual as opposed to the community with regards to judgement there seems to be emphasis on both individual and collective actions8.

Further, Islamic eschatology is cosmic as it presages the ultimate fate of the entire world. Scenarios of environmental disasters (or plans for environmental salvation), according to Donner, are also conceptualized as cosmic, as their subject of salvation or destruction take no particular human community, but rather the whole of humanity, or even all life on earth (Donner 2017, 768). The Islamic eschatology can also be categorized as catastrophic, as it anticipates a situation in which all souls are consigned at the same time for their final judgement on the Day of Judgement at the end of time. Because this single last judgement marks the end of the normal continuum of time, it is also described as taking place immediately following a cosmic cataclysm or series of catastrophes that end the world as we know it and inaugurate the last judgement. Finally, Islamic eschatology is future-oriented as it anticipates events that are destined to take place sometime in the future. However, the Qur’an contains references to the fate of past communities who have already suffered severe consequences, as in the stories of Sodom and Gomorrah and the Prophet Lot, Prophet Nuh (Noah) and the flood, the community of Thamud to name some. Donner argues that these stories can be called eschatological as they are framed as

8 The emphasis on individual and collective responsibilities have been formulated in juridical doctrine as well where individual duties (Fard Ayn) refers to for example prayer, fasting, paying alms etc. and collective duties (Fard Kifaya), in legal doctrine is defined as a communal obligation discharged by the Muslim community as a whole. This terminology is often used to discuss social responsibility, such as feeding the hungry, commanding good, and forbidding evil. (Fadl 2014, 140)

22 lessons meant to inform those who are still living, i.e., warning them to avoid the errors of these communities already “judged”. He classifies these as realized eschatologies because the fate of the community in question has been realized. Finally, the most pertinent classification, in my opinion, are instances of partly-realized eschatology that refers to schemes in which the events of the present are portrayed as the beginnings of the end-time or cataclysmic events associated with the last judgement. Such eschatologies combine an other-worldly orientation with the notion that the other-worldly fate of the subject group is not only imminent but already heralded by this-worldly events taking place in the present time. ‘Signs’ of the impending end time is particularly interesting with regards to current environmental challenges and discourse, and how these may be perceived within Muslim environmentalisms. A perspective that will be dealt with later in the chapter on Islamic eschatology.

2.6 The Holocene vs. the Anthropocene

As briefly mentioned in the introduction of this thesis, the notion of the Anthropocene refers to the naming of a new geological epoch, that includes the scale and impact of human activity on earth. This proposed geological epoch has a number of implications for theological and ethical considerations as it sends a powerful message pertaining to the destructive role humans play in the history of the earth. Further, it challenges theological notions of an all-powerful God, while at the same time evokes eschatological images of an irreversible destruction of the earth. Due to the fact that the Anthropocene is often utilized in a variety of contexts by researchers, poets, philosophers, politicians and activists, it might be useful to briefly clarify what it means scientifically to be able to better comprehend what it could mean for theological considerations pertaining to ecology and eschatology. The earth is about 4,5 billion years and the earth’s history has through the GST (geological time scale) been divided into various time periods. Each of these time periods contains characteristic events that has had geological impact, as well as changes to the life on earth. To be clear, the current official epoch is the Holocene, which began approximately 11,650 years ago marked by the glacial retreats thus ending the last major ice age (O’Hare 2019). This means that the primary question that needs to be answered before declaring the Anthropocene an actual official epoch is if humans have changed the Earth system to the point that it is reflected in the rock strata (National Geographic 2019).

23 Another question that scientists are grappling with is establishing the beginning of the Anthropocene, and thus the border demarcating the Holocene. While there is a general consensus that Carbon dioxide emissions, global warming, ocean acidification, habitat destruction, extinction and widescale natural resource extraction are all signs that we have significantly modified our planet, there is no consensus to the presence of these changes in the geological and fossil records (Pavid 2020). The ‘golden spike’, in this context, refers to a marker in the fossil records which could demarcate the Holocene from the Anthropocene. The marker would have to be so significant that it would be detectable in rock layers thousands and even millions of years into the future (Pavid 2020). Some scientists have suggested that a possible boundary could be defined by the presence of radioactive particles in the soil around the world, an ubiquitous phenomenon observed after major events involving nuclear activity such as the second world war and the Chernobyl nuclear disaster (O’Hare 2019). Others contend that the marker should be linked to the start of the industrial revolution in the 1800’s, when human activity started to have a great impact on carbon and methane levels in the earth’s atmosphere (National Geographic 2019). Scientists are also studying to find out whether plastic could be a key marker of the Anthropocene as earth is awash with plastic, and millions of tons are still produced every day. Because plastic doesn’t biodegrade, some evidence suggest that plastic is being deposited into the fossil records (Pavid 2020).

I bring these examples to light in order to indicate three things. First, there is no scientific consensus to officially declare the Anthropocene or to establish the boundary between the Holocene and the Anthropocene. However, these examples of suggested markers do attest to some grave evidences that human activities in a variety of ways will be visible for a long time to come, though geologists disagree on whether this will have a lasting and meaningful impact on the chemical composition of the rocks and fossils in the earth thousands or even millions of years to come. Second, the marking of the Anthropocene would send a powerful message that the human race is now a geological force of nature, to the extent that the planet is being altered, not as a result of natural causes but as a result of human activity. Because the Anthropocene is closely linked to discourse on how the planetary condition will pose challenges to human life on earth, it is in effect a kind of secular eschatology that brings with it questions of finitude, irreversibility and an absolute temporal ending (Rothe 2020, 147).

24 Third, while the proposed Anthropocene is a highly scientific discussion pertaining to the geologic time scale (GTS), it is commonly invoked in various disciplines with a wide range of meanings, and often cultural. The word is utilized by researchers, poets, philosophers, politicians and activist, thus making this a highly ethical concept invoked to criticize the contemporary human way of life. Often the Anthropocene is simply used to describe the time during which humans have had substantial impact on our planet. Whether or not we are in a new geological age, we are part of a complex, global system in which our impact has become evident. In this sense, the Anthropocene as a cultural and ethical concept is read as a critique and forces an awareness of both the current state of the planet and the effects of our actions in it. Though there are splaying expressions of the Anthropocene, it is still a construct that raises theological concerns. In what ways are the Anthropocene challenging theology? How is this expressed in Islamic eco-theology? Can the Anthropocene be compatible with Islamic eschatology? Though my thesis does not allow me to provide definitive answers to these questions, I will discuss them further in chapter 6. In addition, these questions are raised to indicate the challenges the Anthropocene poses, and point to issues pertaining to philosophical, theological and ethico- religious aspects that may demand more elaborate answers in future eco-theologies.

25 3 Methodology

In this chapter, I will introduce and elaborate on my methodological approach. Further, the categories chosen for analysis will be introduced along with explanations for why those particular topics, from an array of possible (and perhaps equally important) issues and approaches within the eco-theological discourse, has been chosen for this thesis.

3.1 Content analysis

The chosen method for this thesis is content analysis. Content analysis is a form of textual analysis used to describe and explain characteristics of messages embedded in texts. One of the advantages by using content analysis is that it allows me to systematically manage and summarize large quantities of relatively unstructured information (Nelson and Woods 2014, 111). This method is therefore suitable for my (broad) research question and point of departure, due to its flexibility in methodology. It has allowed me to approach the field beforehand, and thereafter generate content categories by identifying, unitizing and selecting message units chosen for my analysis of the respective content categories (Nelson and Woods 2014, 109). In this way, the method will allow me to identify patterns or commonalities within a particular ‘message’ and can also be used to relate certain message characteristics to other variables. However, it must be noted that this method as a textual analysis is reader-dependent in nature, thus, it is appropriate to say that meanings in texts are not discovered but constructed through the act of interpretation. Texts do not have single meanings; however, they are dependent on researcher’s perspective and choice of operational definitions (Nelson and Woods 2014, 112). As Nelson and Woods point out, in their chapter on content analysis, meanings are brought to texts by researchers who carefully design the analysis by using particular theoretical frameworks, describe particular characteristics, and carefully interpret the results. This means that the categories chosen for this analysis, though based on repeating tendencies of key concepts, methods and arguments, is also a result of personal interest and my perceived view of what constitutes important elements within the field of texts and on the opposite end – what I view to be important elements lacking from the discourse. It should also be noted that my categories or chosen units for analysis are constructed out of many possible constructions. Consequently, the

26 same texts may yield different results as other researchers may emphasize different contexts or aspects.

3.2 Chosen units for analysis

As already noted, the units for analysis that forms the structure for this thesis is a result of what I understand as relevant concepts, arguments and methods for formulating the ecological message of Islam. Three thematic units has been chosen: 1) Central Islamic principles and their implication for the human-ecological relationship, 2) Eschatology, and finally, 3) Consumption and the use of religious symbolism in market capitalization. The first unit is generated due to its widespread use within the discourse and thus forms the core of a wide selection of eco- theologies. The latter two, however, contain aspect that have not been addressed explicitly or deeply within the discourse. In the following sections, I will attend to why I believe these particular units of messaging is of particular importance, before addressing them more in depth in individual chapters.

3.2.1 Central Islamic principles and the human-ecological relationship

These central ideas, concepts and principles drawn from the Quran and the Islamic tradition are framed to fit our present-day ecological context. Some of these concepts occur in almost all of the material in my analysis. The most widespread are tawhid (referring to God’s unique Oneness), Ayat (signs in nature of God’s existence) and Khalifa (the notion of human stewardship on earth). In addition, there are a number of other concepts that often recur, such as, mizan (referring to an ecological balance), adl (the principle of justice), amana (referring to the pact God has with the human species and which is also related to notion of stewardship - khalifa). Further, I would like to add the principle of rahma (mercy), as Gade highlight this as a central term within Muslim environmentalism in Indonesia.

These ideas, concepts and principles inform my overall reflection on how they implicate the human-ecological relationship, as they all, in one way or another, attempt to inform how man’s relationship to the natural world ought to be. The human-ecological relationship is at the core of most eco-philosophies and eco-theologies, and is perhaps, in my view, the aspect that really sets

27 these thought-processes (that deal with a spiritual aspect) apart from the mainstream discourse on climate and environmental degradation. By reflecting on the human relationship to the rest of creation, these reflections are seeking to infuse a spiritual, and thus ethical interaction with earth and the creatures inhabiting it. While examining these principles, and how they fit into an ‘Islamic’ notion of man’s relation to his natural surroundings, I will also focus on how these principles are traditionally perceived, and in what ways they have been re-framed to partake in an Islamic environmental ethics. Or said differently, how the environmental perspective may shed new light on these Islamic concepts.

3.2.2 Islamic Eschatology

Despite its undoubted significance, the topic of eschatology is highly ignored in most of the material in my analysis, with a few exceptions, which is perhaps why I find it particularly intriguing. The reason why I include this aspect, is due to the centrality of eschatology and apocalyptic texts in the Qur’an and overall Islamic tradition. It is interesting to reflect upon why the field has been rather silent on this issue, and it is particularly interesting to examine how eschatology inform the works of those few who have included it, such as in Gade’s Muslim Environmentalisms - Religious and Social Foundations (2019) and Härmälä’s master thesis Transformative Islamic Ecology - Beliefs and Practices of Muslims for Sustainable Agriculture and Permaculture (2014). These two studies have both conducted qualitative research on Muslim environmentalists and the ways in which their religious beliefs inform their environmental activism. Both of these works refer to an apocalyptic thinking within Muslim environmental activism. This points to the relevance of eschatology being included within the Islamic eco-theological discourse as a whole. Another interesting layer to this debate is the critique within the field Religion and ecology, in which the eschatological aspects of some faith systems points to a ‘transcendent reality’. Salvation is individual, and if a belief system is preoccupied by ‘other-worldly’ affairs such as the afterlife, some might argue that how we treat this earth is insignificant. These are some of the aspects I wish to address in the chapter on eschatology.

3.2.3 Consumption and religious symbols in marketing

28 Similarly, to the aspect of eschatology, the perspective of consumption is rarely delved deeply into. One might argue that an inclusion of consumption and religious symbols within marketing in a content analysis of the eco-theological discourse is reaching above and beyond the methodology I have set for this project. What I mean by this point, is that though consumption and consumerism are recognized by many of the authors within the discourse as a key component of the ecological crises, it is rather superficial and framed normatively. Some of the authors do critique capitalism, perpetual growth and materialism (all driven in one way or another by the need of increased consumption), and present Islamic concepts as part of the solution to tackle these issues (Abdul-Matin 2010, Khalid 2019, Fagan 2016). Others try to offer concrete advice on how one may change unsustainable habits. However, to my knowledge, none address the issue of how religious symbolism plays a role in perpetuating Muslim consumer practices. Further, none attempts to problematize the complex and intricate ways consumption habits are influenced and shaped socially.

It has already been noted that textual analysis will always be informed by the interests, perspectives and inclinations of the researcher. Thus, with the awareness that I am stepping outside the original bounds set by my methodology, I include this category to point to a ‘flaw’, that in my opinion exists within the eco-theological discourse. Alongside ecological discourses, there are numerous products and brands within the market that use religious language, principles and symbols to sell their products, and thus promoting mass consumption. This points to a major contradiction in conveying the ‘Islamic’ message, and it is in my opinion vital that the eco- theological discourse attend to the growing marketing of ‘Islamic’ or ‘Muslim’ commodities, such as halal branding of a wide variety of products and ‘Islamic’ merchandise circulating the market.

29 4 Contextualizing the Quran’s environmental conditions

The Arabian Peninsula in the seventh century was basically an uplifted plateau comprising of vast sand, rock and gravel deserts as well as scarcely or sporadically vegetated steppes. Pre- Quranic poetry, according to Hoffman, portray a number of extreme and harsh natural conditions such as heavy rain and thunderstorms, the noon-day heat and its deceptive mirages, the terrible chilliness of the winter night, the wild beasts and barren wastes. Referring to the imminent threat of thirst, exhaustion, hunger and enduring the harsh climatic conditions is commonly showcased within this literature. However, there are also descriptions of beauty and the first signs of fecundity, such as descriptions of spring and flowers, the first sprouts, fragrance and colourfulness (Hoffmann 2012, 162-163). Mecca was mostly sustained by caravan trading and pilgrimage economy, as Mecca represented the pilgrimage centre, more than agrarian produce. Medina, however, is considered a desert oasis surrounded by the Hejaz Mountains and volcanic hills with some green areas, thus making it possible to depend on agriculture. However, the soil surrounding Medina is mostly basalt, while the hills contain of volcanic ash. One point that is relevant to highlight is that societies with scarce natural resources as for example water, has generally developed more conservational traditions than where resources have been abundant (Härmälä 2014, 19). This can serve as one plausible explanation for the rich material on water conservation within the Islamic tradition, and especially within the juridical realm. Mawil Izzi Dien point out that there are categories of water in Islamic law, each category having rules concerning it. The rules guide usage, accessibility and conservation regarding sea water, water from large rivers, water from irrigation and water contained in vessels (Dien 2000, 31). In the Quran water is a symbol of divine generosity and blessing and is also considered a cleansing and purifying agent for ritual purposes used in the preparation for prayer, wudu’, as well as for other religious actions (Dien 2000, 13). The overall scarcity of water and the importance this vital substance have for survival is thus expressed in the Islamic tradition in a number of ways.

4.1 Quranic portrayals of the natural world

By merely browsing through the Quran, it becomes apparent that nature plays an important role. Hoffmann points out that out of 114 suras (chapters), 21 hold titles referring to animals, insects, a plant, landscapes and geological phenomena, astronomical phenomena and phenomena relating

30 to the passing of day and night. Although it should be stressed that the themes and motifs of the suras cannot be reduced to the semantics of the titles (Hoffmann 2012, 166). These titles as listed by Hoffman, are the following: “the Cow” (number 2), “Cattle” (6), “Thunder” (13), “the Bee” (16), “Light” (24), “the Ant” (27), “the Spider” (29), the Sand-Dunes” (46), “the Mount” (52), “the Star” (53), “the Moon” (54), “ the (star) Constellations” (85), “the Night-Star” (86), “the Dawn” (89), “the Land” (90), “the Sun” (91), “the Fig” (95), “the Blood-Clot” (96), “the Earthquake” (99), “the Elephant” (105), “Daybreak” (113). This points to a textual universe portraying a rich number of images referring to the natural world, some on a macro-cosmological scale (the firmament, the earth, the mountain, the ocean), others on a micro-cosmological scale (specks of dust, the sperm-drop, the foetal blob, the ant and the louse, the date-thread etc.) and in between descriptions of a world of more human- and animal-sized scale (Hoffmann 2012, 167).

It is quite challenging to pinpoint the number of verses in the Qur’an that can be interpreted through an environmental perspective. Aboul-Enein claims there are 88 verses in the Quran dealing with environmental issues, with a considerable emphasis on water resource management and conservation, environmental justice, plant conservation, biodiversity, sustainability, and environmental stewardship as overall themes (Aboul-Enein 2017, 22). However, Fagan claims that there are approximately 500 verses in the Quran that give guidance on environmental matters (Fagan 2016, 67). These claims differ quite significantly, however, the choice of methodology utilized for the different studies conducted along with what the researcher consider ‘environmental’ might be an explanation for the splaying results. While it might prove difficult to quantitatively affirm an exact number of verses these examples give grounds to conclude that the Quran does in fact deal with environmental issues. A recurring theme in the Quran is the semiotic role the natural phenomena and references to creation plays in the Quran as ‘signs’, ayat, for humankind to reflect on God’s existence and omnipotence. Interestingly, the Quran consisting of ayat (verses) is meant to also denote God’s existence and omnipotence. The concept of ayat as a divine sign in nature/cosmos is a central element in my analysis and the eco- theological discourse. It will be further dealt with in the next chapter.

4.2 The Quranic Fauna and Flora

31 The animals represented in the ‘Quranic fauna’, are mammals like the herd animals of camels, cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and donkeys, but also carnivorous animals like lion, wolf, and dog (Hoffmann 2012, 177). The Quran discusses hunting and contains a few general references to birds, wild animals and sea creatures, whereas insects are well represented in the text. Tlili notes that out of thirty earthly species that are mentioned in the scripture, nine belongs to various insects. Namely, ants, flies, spiders, locusts, bees, and gnats (Tlili 2012, 69). The animal species represented, with the one exception of the elephant, all of its land animals belong to the Arabian habitat and are well known to humans from daily life in Arabia. Some scholars have noted that the role of the animal in the Quran can be interpreted along the lines of passive, utilitarian objects for human use, however, Tlili contends this and state that the Quranic depictions of some nonhuman animals represent them as moral and social beings, and recipients of divine blessings and attention (Tlili 2012, 72). Additionally, those verses that seemingly emphasize instrumental use for human beings, also carry insightful reminders for humanity. In the verses that deal with cattle for example, the Quran invites people to give special thought to aspects of their creation (like the production of milk in their bellies and the use of wool for clothing) as a sign and a lesson for humanity. Further, many exegetes emphasize the level of blessing, while others point to a complexity of creation that is inconceivable to the human mind (Tlili 2012, 159-160). The bee has been highlighted in the Quran as receivers of divine inspiration or revelation (wahy), whereby Quran commentators such as Al-Razi (d.1209) and Al-Qurtubi (d.1273) emphasize the construction of beehives and the hexagonal shapes found in honeycombs as a divine sign of perfection – the sides of which are exactly the same size – something a rational human being would not be able to do without rulers and compasses. Other commentators, such as al-Tabari (d.923) finds honey with its healing characteristic a sign worthy of reflection (Tlili 2012, 161- 162). Gade stresses that the depiction of bees implies that they are sentient, with ontological significance, even to the extent that as a community they receive revelation (Gade 2019, 178).

As for the Quranic flora, Hoffmann notes there are a few references to wild flora, but cultivated vegetation is most frequently mentioned such as corn, vegetables, fruits, date palms, olive trees, herbs et cetera. In addition, the Quran references domains of climate, seasonal change and its effects on flora (Hoffmann 2012, 177). Further, there are abundant references to Paradise as a hyperbolic garden with flowing rivers which stands as a stark contrast to the barren landscape of

32 the Arabian desert. While many of these examples of produce are mentioned as blessings and as a utility for mankind, inanimate objects, like trees and plants are also illustrated as spiritual creatures. Gade expresses this point regarding trees, stating that in the Quran, trees, like all creation, are beings who worship Allah (Gade 2019, 98). Similar point is emphasized by Dien, who state that all plants are creatures that praise God and are worthy of respect (Dien 2000, 13). Though I have only touched upon a few examples, these illustrate there that the Quran is open to multiple readings and perspectives regarding the fauna and flora that indicate value beyond an instrumental value for humans.

4.3 The ‘apocalyptic’ Quran

In an article written by Todd Lawson on the apocalyptic substrate of the Quran, he contends that the Quran in its entirety can be viewed as belonging to the apocalyptic genre (Lawson 2008). The Quran is argued to be completely unique in style. The difficulty of identifying genre or a specific literary style in the Quran has resulted in formulations classifying the Quran as a repository of a number of genres and literary forms. However, Lawson argues that the pursuit of the Quranic apocalypse may prove meaningful and helpful in connecting these ‘subgenres’ in a satisfactory and illuminating way and show how the Quran may be viewed as an example of a more widely recognized genre of religious literature (Lawson 2008, 24). Indicating that the Quran belongs to the apocalyptic genre attests to the centrality of apocalyptic motifs and ongoing role of eschatology within the Islamic tradition.

In its original Greek, the word apocalypse means ‘revelation’ as in ‘uncovering’ and most literally ‘lifting the veil’. The current understanding of apocalypse, in more contemporary research, is that of a genre of revelatory literature with a narrative framework, “in which a revelation is mediated by an otherworldly being to a human recipient, disclosing a transcendent reality which is both temporal, insofar as it envisages eschatological salvation, and spatial, insofar as it involves another, supernatural world” (Lawson 2008, 24). Such a definition does in fact describe the Quran quite accurately. Lawson contends that there is scholarly consensus that the genre apocalypse should not be taken to simply mean destruction. It should be understood as

33 “a supernatural revelation, which reveals secrets of the heavenly world, on the one hand, and of eschatological judgement on the other” (Lawson 2017, 99).

By including these arguments, I am not trying to establish the Qur’an as an apocalyptic genre in its entirety, though Lawson stresses that such an act would not rule out other genres or literary styles, however I wish to stress the centrality of apocalyptic components and stress the role of eschatology in the Qur’an and thus, overall Islamic tradition. The Quran warns mankind repeatedly of an impending apocalyptic future, a recurring theme inciting images of cataclysmic and almost inconceivable events, turning the natural order upside down. Images of warning, disaster, catastrophe and pain take on a crucial role in the Quranic discourse.

The last judgement (yawm al-din), or the (yawm al-qiyāma) is God’s final assessment of all creatures, including jinn and animals. It is one of the most important and recurring themes in the Qur’an (Hasson, “Last Judgment”). Belief in this day, with the concomitant belief in paradise (al-janna) and hell (Jahannam), and the ‘weighing’ of good and bad deeds has become one of the pillars of faith. Yawm al-qiyama is mentioned 70 times and yawm al-din 13 times, however many terms or locutions have been identified by a majority of exegetes as synonymous with yawm al-din. As an example, Al-Ghazali (d.505/1111), gives more than 100 names or epithets designating this day. Some of the synonyms listed give associations of the imminent horror to come, such as ‘dreadful day’ (yawm ‘azim, Q 6:15; 10:15); ‘the day of anguish’ (yawm al-hasra, Q 19:39); ‘the terror’ (al-wāqi’a, Q 56:1; 69:15); ‘the great catastrophe’ (al-tāmma al-kubrā, Q 79:34) and ‘the blast’ (al-sākhkha, Q 80:33) to name a few. Further, a number of the synonyms also indicate the judging and the individual’s part in their own destination (i.e. paradise or hell), such as ‘the day of decision’ (yawm al-fasl, Q 37:21; 44:40; 77:13, 14, 38; 78:17), ‘the day of reckoning’ (yawm al-hisāb, Q 38:16, 26, 53; 40:27), ‘the day of coming forth’ (yawm al-khurūj, Q 50:52), ‘the day when some faces are whitened, and some faces are blackened’ (yawma tabyaddu wujūhu wa-taswaddu wujūhu, Q 3:106) or ‘a day when no soul shall avail another’ (yawman lā tajzi nafsun ‘an nafsin shay’an, Q 2:123). It should be stressed that this list is far from exhaustive, though it may give some indication to the frequent occurrence in the Qur’an. There are numerous signs of the coming of this day, most occurring as natural catastrophes for example as illustrated in Q 81:1-14 where the sun will be

34 darkened, the stars will be thrown down, the mountains will be set moving and, the seas will be set boiling (or will overflow), heaven will be stripped away, hell will be blazing and paradise will be brought near (Hasson, “Last Judgement”). These violent natural occurrences as signs of the day of judgement presents some interesting aspects when viewed in connection to the environmental crises and will be further delved into in chapter 6 dealing with Islamic eschatology in relation to the eco-theological discourse.

4.4 Anthropocentric vs. biocentric readings of the Quran

Ouis briefly and simplistic sums up these competing perspectives stating that; a biocentric view of nature implies that nature has an intrinsic value, whether the human are present in it or not, while the anthropocentric view of nature gives nature a value because it is beneficial for man. Quis further states that the Islamic view offers a third alternative, the theocentric view, that gives an independent value to nature on the ground that it is the creation of God (Ouis 1998, 162). However, there have been a number of conflicting claims as to whether the Quran displays anthropocentric, biocentric or theocentric attitudes. Therefore, it might prove more fruitful to discuss these concepts in terms of anthropocentric, biocentric or theocentric readings of the text. In this sense it is not a matter of conflict but of different interpretive perspectives. Further, it is expressions of hermeneutic engagement with the Quran and Islamic tradition in light of the contemporary environmental challenges, in which these attitudes are read into the text in the process of Islamic meaning-making.

Within the ecological debate, anthropocentric readings are often deemed problematic to the environmental cause. Sarra Tlili argues that it is mostly the reader that brings these sentiments to the text, and that anthropocentric readings are perhaps to be anticipated even more than other readings (Tlili 2012, 9). One reason for this is that the term anthropocentrism designates the seemingly inescapable fact that humans can see the world only thtough human lenses. This entails that we can probably never free ourselves entirely from anthropocentrism. Further, it designates a characteristic of the human mind, rather than being a value-laden concept (Tlili 2012, 51). However, awareness of anthropocentric presuppositions can lead to fresh perspectives (Tlili 2012, 48). Tlili believes anthropocentrism has many parallels with other ‘centric’

35 worldviews where humans tend to understand better, value more, and prioritize the interests of the circles that they consider closer to them. While this attitude is not necessarily objectionable, it may become so if it is dismissive of other groups, or if in the process of attending to its own interest, the concerned group violates the rights of others (Tlili 2012, 54). Anthropocentrism can thus be seen as a set of cultural and ideological attitudes that are generationally transmitted and reinforced, however, like other centric outlooks, such attitudes may gradually be changed if one is willing to acknowledge such sentiments and work towards transforming them.

While Tlili points out that anthropocentric attitudes can be a possible reading of the Qur’an, she contends that it can only be read in this way, and that a non-anthropocentric reading seems even more plausible, which she illustrates in her book by doing a non-anthropocentric reading focusing on animals in the Quran. Many Muslims agree that the Quranic worldview is theocentric, a position that Tlili also holds. This is because careful analysis of the text indicates that privileged status is contingent on moral and religious uprightness, not species membership. Because the Quran emphasizes to live and act in obedience and submission to God and to live with God-consciousness (taqwa), the scripture is in essence theocentric. Because the Quran seems to attribute actions and features that are not perceivable to the human senses and mind, such as a spiritual dimension implied in all creatures’ practice of tasbih (glorification of God) (Tlili 2012, 44). However, the Quran is also anthropocentric in the sense that it is addressed to humans where its goal is to guide humans to follow God’s path. Further, it is situated within the realm of what is known, imaginable, and thinkable by humans in a specific time and location. In addition, while humans indeed are the most discussed creature in the text, however, they are also the most controversial figure and one needs to listen carefully to what the Quran says about humans. Tlili points out that the great interest in humans, clearly displayed throughout the text, should not necessarily be taken as an indication either of privileged status or of a particular divine preference for humans. That interpretations along these lines drastically conflicts with the criticisms the scripture directs towards most humans. The Quran, she underscores, should not be read as a denunciation of the human being either. While the Quran challenges human’s self- perceptions by pointing to moral, intellectual and spiritual flaws, this is done for the sake of addressing and guiding them (Tlili 2012, 255).

36 As Tlili explores the text by engaging in a non-anthropocentric reading, she notes that it is remarkable that first sura of the Quran presents God as Rabb al- ‘alamin, a phrase that many exegetes understand as the “(sustaining) Lord of all created beings”. The Quran, furthermore, emphasize that ‘each and every animal, no matter how small or large, and irrespective of its location, enjoys God’s attention and is fully provided for’ (Tlili 2012, 254). In addition, by ascribing qualities, such as submission to and glorification of God, to the nonhuman creation, Tlili asks whether the Quran intends to present elements in creation, including nonhuman animals, as models and sources of inspiration (Tlili 2012, 256).

37 5 Central Islamic concepts and the human-ecological relationship

In this chapter I will present the principles, concept and ideas that emerged as most common and relevant from the eco-theological discourse. The first I will address is tawhid (God’s oneness). In 5.2 ayat (signs), followed by khalifah (stewards/caretakers) in 5.3. Section 5.4 deals with amana (the trust/covenant with God) before moving on to mizan (balance) in 5.5. Thereafter, the principle of adl (justice) is addressed in 5.6 before briefly introducing rahma (mercy). Finally, I will reflect on the implications the formulations of these concepts within the eco-theological discourse has on the human-ecological relationship.

5.1 Tawhid The concept of tawhid is undisputedly the most central concept within the Islamic tradition. It deals with the notion of God being the single Creator (God’s Oneness), and thus deals with the Creator’s relationship to creation as a whole. This concept is therefore essential when dealing with the relationship between man and nature from an Islamic perspective. What is interesting is the way the current environmental discourse place emphasis on the unity and connectivity of creation as a whole in a dual relation with God. When examining different conceptualisations of tawhid, it reveals that when contemporary environmental challenges serve as an interpretative lens, it provides new perspectives and understandings of tawhid. In my attempt to illustrate this, I will focus primarily on how the concept relates ethical teachings to the natural world and its creatures, and especially notions pertaining to the sacredness of nature. In order to point to a shift in how this concept is conceptualized when viewed in connection to ecological concerns, I will provide an example from a contemporary Muslim thinker, al-Faruqi, who is not positioned within the field of eco-theological thought. Further, his views also presents as an example of how man has a special position in creation.

5.1.1 Tawhid conceptualized by al-Faruqi

Isma’il al-Faruqi have written an entire book on the concept alone, in which he discusses tawhid in relation to a number of areas, such as ethics, social order, politics, economy, worldview and

38 religious life (Faruqi 1992).9 This entails that tawhid as a guiding principle is meant to affect all aspects of life. It holds that God is a unique and transcendent Being, automatically then drawing a sharp line between the Creator and the creation. Faruqi writes:

“Islam held as a matter of principle that no man or being is one iota nearer to God than any other. That all creation is creaturely, that it stands on one side of the lune dividing the transcendent from the natural, is the necessary presupposition of God’s axiological ultimacy” (Faruqi 1992, 3).

The transcendence of God, being outside of creation has been noted within the field of religion and ecology as somewhat problematic. It has been argued that a transcendent belief system, as opposed to an immanent belief system, might result in different ways of acting towards the natural world. That members of a transcendent belief system find value and meaning outside of this world as opposed to finding meaning and value within it (Bauman, Bohannon and O’Brien 2017, 14). However, though tawhid professes, according to Faruqi, God to be outside of the natural world, it may not be so simple as to proclaim that the Muslim believer is only meant to find meaning and value outside of this world, when examining the concept more closely. According to Faruqi, man is supposed to look to the transcendent for the values by which to govern the flow of this world (Faruqi 1992, 15). Tawhid then is an ethical and normative concept. While both ethics and normativity are included when regarding the human relationship to nature, this sharp divide might still have implications for how one view the natural world, or what purpose nature have for human beings. To emphasize God’s transcendence, Faruqi points to a duality to explain that reality is consistent of two generic kinds, God and non-God, Creator and creation. God is singular, unique, eternal and transcendent. Creation is everything that came into being in the order of space-time, thus including all creatures, the world of things, plants and animals, humans, jinn and the angels, heaven and earth, paradise and hell. Faruqi stresses the importance of upholding this duality, and

9 His book, Al Tawhid – Its Implications for Thought and Life was first published in 1982, with a second edition in 1992. As a Palestinian-American philosopher he was widely recognized by his peers as an authority in Islam and comparative religion.

39 not confusing or infusing one with the other (Faruqi 1992, 10). In this sense one might say that one of the major important implications of tawhid is to distinguish God from the rest of creation. Thus, nature is not sacred, but it is serving a purpose of its Creator and is doing so out of design (Faruqi 1992, 11). As the Creator of a creation that has purpose, God is the core of normativeness. Normativeness however, is a relational concept, because this conception would not be possible without beings for whom this normativeness is normative (1992, 4). Al-Faruqi writes:

“His patterns are fulfilled with the necessity of natural law, for they are innate in the way other than what the Creator has ordained it. This is true of all creatures – except man” (Faruqi 1992, 12).

In this sense, man’s spiritual function - his understanding and moral action, fall outside the realm of determined nature. In this regard, Faruqi emphasizes the Quranic account of Adam’s creation, and thus man’s special position as a creature endowed with free will, and ability as an agent to either deviate from or carry out God’s will. Responsibility and moral action are in this sense also central when dealing with tawhid. According to Faruqi, revelation is one way of knowing what God wants man to realize on earth, but equally, man is endowed with senses, reason, understanding and intuition to enable him to discover the divine will (Faruqi 1992, 6). In his book, Faruqi goes to a great length in explaining how tawhid entails an ethical framework for Muslims in social, religious and political life, however, the ecological perspective is more or less absent, and Faruqi’s readings of the holy text could easily be identified as what Tlili would describe as holding anthropocentric presuppositions, especially when considering the emphasis on man’s special position due to free will.

However, it should be noted that there are other Muslims that emphasize the nature of God as both transcendent and immanent. Nasr stress that at the heart of Islam stands tawhid as the reality of God, the One as the Absolute and the Infinite, the One Who is at once transcendent and immanent, greater than all we can conceive or imagine, yet closer to us than our jugular vein, which is stated in the Quran (50:16) (Nasr 2004, 3). In this view, God is beyond all dualities. Transcendence and immanence are both considered attributes of God, where He is both outside

40 but not limited to the physical world. Nasr stresses that this view should not be mistaken for pantheism. This brief example merely points to a flexibility in how Muslim thinkers conceive God’s Oneness as something unique and different from creation. What I will attempt to illustrate in the following section is some of the ways tawhid are conceptualized in Islamic eco-theologies to shed new light on the qualities of creation as well.

5.1.2 Tawhid conceptualized in environmental thought

Drawing on Faruqi, Nawal Ammar underscores that in Islam it would be in direct opposition to tawhid to consider nature or other creatures as sacred. Only God can be sacred and worthy of worship (Ammar 2001, 195). This is because Ammar compares attributing sacredness to nature, to associating other beings with God, known as (2001, 196). This is known to be a grave sin within the Islamic tradition and is tantamount to Faruqi’s warning of not confusing creation with the Creator. Ammar employ Faruqi’s duality of the Creator and the created in her line of reasoning. However, since Ammar examines the concept of tawhid from a ‘deep ecology’10 perspective, she stresses the importance of understanding tawhid in its totality and complexity, in order to understand how Islam respects the universe and nature (2001, 194). While drawing on the perspective of duality, emphasis is thus placed on the created (e.g., nature, animals, humans and other creatures) forming a unified compartment as God’s creation. Quranic verses describing how all elements in nature, like for example trees, mountains, animals and the sun, all bow down in the worshipping of God are used to further her argument of creation as unified. That every living thing is created from water and are living in communities, like humans. By pointing to God’s creation as having common characteristics and reflections of the divine, she argues, it echoes the views of ‘deep ecology’ (Ammar 2001, 197)11. In Ammar’s perspective humans and other creatures have a relationship with each other and the universe, reflecting kinship, admiration, respect, contemplation, adoration, and consideration, but not sacredness. Man is supposed to protect nature and respect nature not because it is sacred, but

10 Deep ecology refers to Arne Næss’s ecophilosophy of ecological harmony and equilibrium. A central thought is the rejection of the man-in-environment image in favor of the relational total field image, which stresses human beings as part of an environment of intrinsic relations with all organisms, thus, challenging perceptions that present man in opposition to nature or outside of the natural realm (Næss 1999, 3). 11 It is similar to deep ecology in that it challenges notions of the man-in-environment image and seeks to point to intrinsic relations, meant to foster a veneration and respect for all lifeforms.

41 because it is a reflection of God’s will, glory, power and might (Ammar 2001, 194). In other words, nature is not given an inherent value in itself, but nature is to be respected as an outcome of mutual respect among the elements in nature because of its link to God.

The idea of creation as unified and interconnected is apparent with many other authors in the eco-theological discourse as well. However, the issue of nature as sacred differs. In the book Green Deen – What Islam Teaches About Protecting the Planet Abdul Matin writes that by focusing on One Creator, Islam allows humankind the opportunity to be one and to have a common purpose – to worship God. He stresses that tawhid affirms that everything is connected to God, that we and everything on earth is part of the same fabric of creation (Abdul-Matin 2010, xviii). The very first sentence in Abdul-Matin’s introduction chapter reads: “The Earth is a mosque, and everything in it is sacred” (Abdul-Matin 2010, 1). In stark contrast to Faruqi and Ammar, he calls this a basic tenet in Islam. Referring to a hadith where Prophet Muhammad stated: that you may pray wherever you find yourself at the time of prayer because the Earth is a mosque. Because the mosque is a sacred space, Abdul-Matin further concludes that the earth must be considered sacred as well. He claims that this conviction is rooted in six core ethical principles, including tawhid. In order to live a Green Deen (religion, creed, faith, path or way) man needs to understand that everything comes from God. Abdul-Matin emphasizes the unity of creation by referring to scientific reflections, pointing out that everything in creation consists of the same building blocks of atoms: protons, neutrons, and electrons (Abdul-Matin 2010, 6).

Fazlun Khalid also refers to the Earth as sacred, employing the same prophetic tradition, emphasizing the connection between prayer and the natural world, while arguing that a place of prayer is a sacred space where one might contemplate the divine (Khalid 2019, 151). Khalid believes contemporary man has desacralized the natural world to such an extent that we have lost all connection with it, and as a consequence we have also lost a sense of the Divine. In addition, the way we deal with nature not only has caused alienation from ourselves as creatures, but that it alienates the creature from its Creator. Similar arguments are forwarded by Nasr when he links the ecological crises to a spiritual crisis in the contemporary world as the modern man seeks to offer a challenge to nature rather than to co-operate with it, creating nearly a total disequilibrium between man and nature (Nasr 1997, 20). This disequilibrium is due to the destruction of

42 harmony between man and God. In other words, it might seem that while Khalid seems to suggest that desacralizing the natural world has consequences for our spiritual state and the connection to God, Nasr professes that modern man has lost his connection to the metaphysical, finally resulting in the destruction of the natural world.

Nasr’s main objective is that the metaphysical knowledge pertaining to nature must be revived, and the sacred quality of nature given back to it once again (Nasr 1997, 14). In this sense it is the presence of a metaphysical doctrine that is meant to guide men’s actions, also when it comes to scientific endeavours. He defines tawhid as the principle of unity which runs as an axis through every mode of knowledge and also of being (Nasr 1997, 94). For Nasr, man seeks the transcendent, but not against the backdrop of a profane nature that is opposed to the supernatural: “(…) nature herself can be an aid in this process provided man can learn to contemplate it, not as an independent domain of reality but as a mirror reflecting a higher reality (…)” (Nasr 1997, 95). This point is highly connected to the notion of ayat, the signs of Allah, for whom man is meant to reflect and contemplate.

Similar reflections are to be found in Ozdemir statements, as he claims that the Qur’an provides a comprehensive, integrated, and holistic worldview based on the unity of reality, namely tawhid. Ozdemir writes: “God, according to the Qur’an, is the real Creator, Owner, and Sustainer of all reality. Hence, all reality should be seen and read with this point of view in mind” (Ozdemir 2003, 7). He argues that it is the modern worldview that rendered all metaphysical propositions and speculation meaningless, which caused the modern man to lose his awareness of the sacred dimension of nature and thus alienated himself from it. Nature is strictly seen as having an instrumental value for humans, thereby justifying exploitative use of nature, animals and natural resources. In light of the ecological crises, he states, the modern man has begun perceiving religion from a new standpoint, an ecological standpoint in which everything is connected to everything else and nature is seen as an organic unity (Ozdemir 2003, 4).

With the exception of Ammar (and Faruqi), none of these thinkers discuss any negative implications by calling the earth sacred and do certainly not address it as problematic in connection to tawhid by referring to it as shirk (associating other things to God). The principle of

43 tawhid is both explicitly and implicitly used throughout their writings, while at the same time they all argue that nature is to be viewed as sacred. Laurel Kearns argues that within some religious circles where God is proclaimed to be separate or outside of the natural world, recognitions of the sacred in nature can be denounced as “new age” or “pagan”, but that scholars and practitioners have mined their traditions to counter such claims. Since most religious traditions, she points out, were not formed grasping the potential for the scope of human caused disruption of the Earth, each tradition is formulating something new (Kearns 2017, 149). The above-mentioned writers seem to imply that nature within the Islamic tradition has always has a sacred element, but it is with the modern age that man is in need of revising this relationship to nature. That religion is in need of an ecological perspective to regain what is in fact lost.

For the purpose of order, I have mostly referred to the arguments pertaining to tawhid in the section above, however, it should be stressed that all the authors present these arguments in connection to the next concept, namely ayat.

5.2 Ayat in Creation

As mentioned previously, Ayat refers in the Quran to signs both as natural phenomenon and verses in the Qur’an for humankind to reflect and contemplate. The discussions involving this term is often linked to how nature is tied to our spirituality, inhabiting intrinsic value as opposed to instrumental value, and committing to knowledge and scientific endeavours to further a more environment-friendly living. As illustrated with reflections regarding the ‘book of the universe’, the connection between the universe or the natural world and the Quran as two books of revelation indicate the depth and complexity of this concept by utilizing the natural realm in its entirety. Lawson quote the verse 41:53 stating: “We shall show them Our signs in every region of the earth and in themselves (fi l-āfāq wa-fi anfusihim) until it becomes clear to them that this is the Truth (hattā yatabayyana lahum annahu al-haqq). Is it not enough that your Lord witnesses everything?” (Lawson 2017, 109). Lawson claims that this verse emphasize that the Quranic theory of ‘signs’ is also a theory of glory and its transmission by and from its glorious source.

44 It explains why the natural world is a reflection of this glory, and the visible natural phenomena such as the the sun, moon, stars, the water, the change of seasons are to be perceived as a meaningful, “musical” symphony of glory (Lawson 2017, 109).

Khalid stresses the connection between signs (ayat) in the natural world and verses (ayat) in the Qur’an both as signs of the Creator, and states that all phenomena in nature are to be viewed as if they were from the book of the Creator (Khalid 2019, 153). Similar statements are found in Ibrahim Ozdemir’s writings, who argues that nature, consisting of signs of God, then possesses intrinsic value beyond what human beings attribute to it instrumentally, and that Muslim thinkers in the history of Islamic thought viewed nature as a sacred book, full of signs and symbols (Ozdemir 2003, 21). Ozdemir argues that there can be no demarcation between what the Qur’an reveals and what nature manifests, due to the Qur’an’s insistence of order, beauty and harmony of nature (Ozdemir 2003, 9). As already stated, ayat is normally connected to tawhid in most eco-theologies and these two terms are often presented together. With an emphasis on the unity of creation, Abdul-Matin stresses that the universe is aglow with continuity. A Green Deen understands and seeks to follow the signs (ayat) that speak to this connectivity (Abdul-Matin 2010, 6). In this sense, treating the natural world poorly means to deny the signs of the Creator. He further argues that by experiencing nature and reflecting on these signs, we can learn about ourselves and about the reality of the connectivity, that is at the core of Islam. He refers to numerous verses in the Qur’an that speak of different kinds of natural phenomena, and how they are referred to as ‘signs for those who reflect’ (Abdul-Matin 2010, 12). What is interesting in this regard, is that Abdul-Matin argues that it is crucial for the contemporary man to also reflect on the various ways human beings are affecting the natural world negatively. In this way, signs of negative human behaviour as seen by pollution, plastic waste impacting marine life, deforestation and mass extinction can also function as important signs of our destructive patterns and the obligation to address them from a religious perspective.

According to Ozdemir, the Qur’an reveals an invitation throughout the text to examine and investigate all natural phenomena, big and small, in order to deduce from it the existence of God, who reveals and manifests His power and mercy through the universe and for humans to have a moral feeling of obligation towards God (Ozdemir 2003, 10). In this way, one might conclude

45 that every individual creature or being has their own ontological existence as a sign of God: “Therefore every creature deserves attention and consideration for its relation to the Divine” (Ozdemir 2013, 11). Ozdemir demonstrates by using various verses to emphasize that the natural world has not been created just for human use, but it is for ‘all living beings. This would entail that other creatures have rights to live in and of the earth, and human activities are encroaching on these rights. In this regard, Ozdemir also stresses that the Qur’an refers to animals as constituting communities (ummah) and having their own languages and the ability to communicate (Ozdemir 2003, 23 - 24). Humans are meant to share the natural world with other creatures, and there is an interconnectedness with other beings, as professed through an eco- theological conceptualization of tawhid. Though the moral feeling of obligation is towards God, these arguments stress a deep attitude of respect and veneration for all forms of life.

It is interesting to note that this term is also identified as a practical tool in studies on Muslim environmentalism. For example, in Härmälä’s study where she interviews Muslims engaged in permaculture and sustainable agriculture. Most of Härmälä’s informants stressed the importance of developing a personal relation to nature and creation through studying the signs God has put forth for humanity to contemplate over. For them, working the soil and studying how different plants and ecosystems function, helps them in understanding the diversity and interdependence of everything in nature. Through this contemplation in addition to personally engaging in nature it also helped them see creation as an abundant gift from God set out in a fragile balance, which humanity should try to understand, maintain and facilitate (Härmälä 2014, 35). Considering the perspectives elaborated on in the section on habitus, these spending time in nature and studying the sign are for Härmälä’s informants crucial for developing a spiritual connection to nature, and thus, an environmental awareness. Similar to Abdul-Matin, her informants also expressed the opinion that studying the signs of environmental degradation, like soil erosion, destruction of food systems, climate change and lack of animal welfare should be seen as signs of human corruption and reflecting upon them could be a way to find the path back to a spiritual awakening (Härmälä 2014, 43).

According to Gade, the Quranic notion of signs indicate the power of Allah to create, a power that humans do not possess, as indicated by the parable in Q. 22:73, where God indicate that

46 even if all the people where to come together in an attempt to create a fly, this would be impossible (Gade 2019, 107). Further, it indicates the multiple dimensions that exhaust what the human mind is capable to grasp both with regards to the sheer magnitude and diversity and when it comes to counting blessings in the phenomenal world. Signs, ayat, even those as small as insects, invite a kind of “natural contemplation” in the Quran that are typically accompanied with directives for how to think, feel, act, such as notions to think, reflect, ponder and understand, to feel grateful, inspired and in awe. Thus, making ayat a key to guidance and action (Gade 2019, 108). The notion of ayat in this sense is elementary in cultivating the condition of taqwa, which can be translated as a state of God-consciousness.

The different authors, though expressed in a variety of ways, seem to have a mutual understanding of ayat as expressing God’s power as the Creator and the natural realm as consisting of signs to contemplate this glory and the vastness of His blessings. When considering the section pertaining to expressions of eco-theologies it is interesting to note the ways some of the authors stress human degradation as signs and the role science should play in detecting these signs and to act upon them by utilizing scientific knowledge.

5.3 Khalifah – Humanity as Stewards of Earth

The notion of stewardship is one of the most commonly discussed topics when it comes to eco- theology and interreligious efforts. The Qur’an presents humanity’s ‘stewardship’ as an ambivalent role and responsibility as caretakers of the earth. There is, however, not a clear consensus on how to understand this responsibility or even how to understand the meaning of khalifah. Some authors understand it as God’s vicegerent, while others use terms like steward, guardian or successor. This is a term that by some Muslim scholars also have been understood as referring to the political title of caliph, and in this sense has the connotation of following or being a designated successor (Faruqi 1992, 144). Within the eco-theological discourse, however, the concept of khalifah is viewed in a more holistic and universalized manner when the ecological perspective is the primary focus, as man is regarded as the protectors and stewards of the Earth (Abdul-Matin 2010, 7), and are meant to take action towards bettering it (Ammar 2001, 200).

47 Drawing on these perspectives, the responsibility for environmental care is both individual and collective. Khalid refers to khalifah as the ‘responsibility principle’ and states that it is the name given to someone who deputizes for or stands in for someone else. He further claims that this role is a sacred duty handed down to the human race, as no other sentient being in creation can perform this role (Khalid 2019, 164-165). One argument to counter this idea, however, is that no other sentient being in creation can exert the amount of destruction on the natural world as humans, which makes one wonder if the role of khalifa in reality is to protect creation from ourselves? The role of the khalifah is in many instances put in connection with the trust (amana) between God and the human race, which imposes a moral responsibility on humankind (Abdul- Matin 2010, Khalid 2019, Härmälä 2014). The ambiguous nature of this role is thus further emphasized when put in connection with the trust, something I will address further in the section on amana. In line with the perspective of khalifah as an ambiguous role, it should be stressed that all the authors address the role as a burden which should not be seen as a right for humanity to do as we please. The role should be carried out with great humility and it is also seen by many as a commitment to learning and studying nature to better exercise that role (Härmälä 2014, 39- 40).

According to Gade, there are nine verses in the Qur’an on the designation of humanity as being God’s vicegerent, or khalifah. Five out of these nine verses specifically mention being khalifah al-ard (the earth), as in the repeated expression translated as: “(God) appointed you successors of the earth” (Gade 2019, 87). Gade frames the ambiguous aspect of khalifah as a test claiming that in the rhetorical universe of the Quran human beings are tested as individuals and community, something that is also implied in the Quranic imperative to ‘compete in good works’ (Q. 2:148 and Q. 5:48). Gade stresses that the notion of being ‘inheritors of the earth’ is also presented by the Qur’an as being just a test, as indicated by this verse:

“It is He Who has made you inheritors of the Earth, and He has raised you in ranks, some above the others that He may test you what he has given you: For your lord is quick in retribution (al- ‘iqab, lit. “consequences”: yet He is indeed Oft-forgiving, Most Merciful” (Q. 6:165, Gade 2019, 113).

48 In this sense, the framing of khalifah as a ‘test’ implies consequence for how the human beings are engaging in this role, thus putting more emphasis on eschatological aspects of the text. According to Gade, ‘testing’ represents a more Quranically aligned register for environmental responsibility. Eschatology also weaves in the element of accountability and the weighing (mizan) of one’s deeds in a way that connects many of these key conceptions within the discourse, something that will be further elaborated on in the chapter pertaining to eschatology.

It should be noted, however, that not everyone within the discourse believe khalifah is a useful concept. Tlili believes the notion of stewardship is a highly anthropocentric notion as the human being continues to remain above the natural world. When drawing upon the concept of tawhid Tlili argues that viewing khalifah through the notion of stewardship may run the risk of leading to human deification. This is also put in connection with other common translations of khalifah as God’s vicegerent – as “a temporary God”, which in the last century and a half is a common way of understanding khalifah (Tlili 2014, xi). In addition, the assignment of status on the sole basis of species membership, Tlili argues, goes against both the notion of God’s oneness and justice. Tlili explores the rich and varied semantic development in Arabic and suggests that ideas of authority and representation has crept into the concept mainly because of the fact that this word became the title of the head of the Muslim state after the Prophets death (Tlili 2014, 116). She emphasizes that early exegetes understood the word khalifah as denoting the succession of Adam and his progeny to the former inhabitant of the earth (jinn); and at a later stage was interpreted as vicegerent but perceived in a purely human context. The idea that humankind at large was entrusted with a representational role vis-à-vis the natural world, she notes, was occasionally encountered in come medieval works, however, the idea became prevalent only in the modern era where man, in many works, ‘has reached a mighty position in the order of being as a whole’(Tlili 2014, 120, 123) .

When viewed through Tlili’s interpretive lens the concept of tawhid is inconsistent with the notion of khalifah, as khalifah places the human being in a vertical hierarchy, while tawhid seeks to place creation on a vertical line of interconnectedness. This is interesting perspectives that should be noted, as it also challenges the most widespread and accepted understandings of the Quranic verses outside of the eco-theological discourse as well. In most current Islamic eco-

49 theologies, however, the notion of humankind as khalifah puts an emphasis on an ethical-moral responsibility for nature, and that this environmental responsibility is in fact a major aspect of the contemporary way of understanding khalifah. In addition, if it is framed as Gade suggests, as a test, then the Quranic system of environmental justice is necessarily anthropocentric, insofar as it is humans who are tested, whereas compared to the rest of creation, which worships Allah as its essential character.

5.4 Amana – Humanity’s covenant with God

Gade argues that the idea of amana (the trust) in a highly productive concept within contemporary Muslim theology, as it is used for many contemporary issues. This is because its meaning is openly multivalent in the Arabic Qur’an. The scriptural notion of this trust reveals some sort of responsibility that the Quran claim humanity has taken on voluntarily (Gade 2019, 88). Ouis writes that the trust is usually understood as the free will of man, however in the eco- theological discourse, it implies that man has a huge responsibility to care for creation, which includes to protect it from our own deeds (Ouis 1998, 158-159). The amana is therefore referencing the role of khalifah. Abdul-Matin state that humanity have a trust (amana) on this earth, a sacred covenant with our Creator where we are entrusted by God to act as stewards of the earth. This entails that humanity is given the ability to make decisions over the land and the animals, and He trusts mankind to be responsible with this gift. He then continues by emphasising that we either choose to be burdened or inspired by this trust – either way, our actions are held accountable (Abdul-Matin 2010, 9). While Abdul-Matin sees the trust as a gift and a duty, Gade sees it as a criterion of “being tested”, and as indicated by the Quranic verse it is a condition, humans took upon themselves somewhat rashly (Gade 2019, 113). The central passage of “the trust” that is utilized within the eco-theological discourse is quite interesting:

“We did indeed offer the trust (al-amanah) to the heavens and the earth and the mountains. But they refused to undertake it, being afraid thereof, but humanity undertook it. They were indeed unjust and foolish” (Q 33:72, Gade 2019, 88).

This verse indicates a number of interesting points, such as the heavens, the earth and the mountains exercising some sort of agency by refusing the trust. The verse seems to imply that

50 these ‘beings’ managed to grasp the severe nature of the task at hand, while human beings failed to comprehend what they signed up for. The duty of trusteeship is so onerous and burdensome that no creation would accept it but man. It seems to imply a question of whether humanity is able to care for God’s creation – that humans are foolish even to think that they ever could (Gade 2019, 88). This verse also adds another layer when considering biocentric readings, as it presents mountains and the oceans as active participants, and moreover, seem to present them in a better light then mankind. While one might argue that this verse should be read metaphorically, there are other instances in the Quran that attest to different qualities pertaining to creation, as in Q 22:18 which states:

Sees thou not that to Allah bow down in worship all things that are in the heavens and earth, the sun, the moon, the start; the hills, the trees, the animals; and a great number among humankind” (Ammar 2001, 197).

These verses might be read metaphorically in many Muslim communities but reflecting on them still holds profound environmental teachings, considering human beings vis-à-vis the rest of creation. Regardless of how the trusteeship in relation to the stewardship is approached, the readings of these Quranic verses, when becoming aware of anthropocentric versus biocentric readings of the text, brings interesting perspectives to the environmental discourse.

5.5 Mizan – Humanity as disrupters of balance

Mizan literally means a device used for weighing, a scale. The idea of measured value in Muslim religious systems also refers morally to the ultimate justice represented in the Quran in terms of ‘weighing’ and accounting of measurable moral quantities (Gade 2019, 72). In this sense, it is a concept that has a strong connotation with eschatological thinking in the Quran. However, there are also verses where the Quran refer to creation as created in perfect balance (mizan), and these verses are utilized in the eco-theological discourse, making mizan a powerful reminder of the delicate balance of the environment we are embedded within and that God addresses this in the Quran. More interestingly, it has also been utilized as a tool to point to how human beings are disrupting this balance, with regards to various eco-systems and climate change. Further, this

51 puts an emphasis on the commitment to studying how human lifestyles and actions are intertwined and relational to the natural world.

Abdul-Matin employs mizan to point to how God has ordered everything in perfect balance (mizan). God asserts His balance in the Quran and asks human beings to reflect upon this. In this regard Abdul-Matin draws a connection between natural phenomena described in the Qur’an and scientific observations and discoveries such as gravity that keeps everything in place and how the sun and moon, stars and planets are set into fixed orbits. As everything in creation is created in balance, he points to a number of ways human beings are creating imbalance due to overconsumption and asks the reader to reflect upon our management of waste, trash and toxicity (Abdul-Matin 2010, 23).

Similarly, Khalid stresses the centrality of mizan in connection to human conduct in the natural world. Accelerated human activity in recent times, he writes, is disrupting the balance of the earths ecosystems, “and the brunt of the consequences of our profligacy will be inherited by future generations” (Khalid 2019, 39). By quoting the following verse from the Quran, Khalid connects environmental thought with the idea of balance on earth, human beings transgressing that balance and how it connects to justice and equality: He (Allah) set up the balance. So that you may not exceed the balance, Weigh with justice and do not fall short in the balance. He (Allah) has spread out the earth for living creatures. With its fruits and date-palms with sheathed clusters, Also grain on leafy stems and fragrant herbs. Then which of your favours of your Lord will you deny? (Q 55:7-13, Khalid 2019, 201). When considering mizan from this perspective, as the balance of natural forces ordained by God, it is interesting to examine the ways in which scientific findings relating to anthropogenic impact on the environment, whereby this balance is being disrupted in a number of different ways. Put together with the commitment to study and seek understanding of how human beings are affecting the rest of creation, how humanity impacts the cosmic balance and the balance pertaining to multiple eco-systems, mizan connects to signs to contemplate and reflect upon.

The informants in Härmäla’s study are all involved in sustainable agriculture and permaculture, a practice that is linked to mizan and the importance of maintaining biodiversity and ecosystems.

52 Permaculture can be described as “consciously designed landscapes which mimic the patterns and relationships found in nature, while yielding an abundance of food, fibre and energy provision of local needs” (Härmäla 2014, 27). This practice, she stresses, is an example of the type of activism pertaining to ‘transformative Islamic ecology’ as including permaculture into their religious worldview exemplifies the eclectic, contextual and contemporary theological approach, which also includes modern scientific ecology. All her informants argue that there is a strong link between the ethics and principles of permaculture and Islamic teachings12. While permaculture seek to maintain biodiversity and a healthy soil, there is today increasing challenges with the practice of monoculture, which is the dominant practice for farming today.

Monoculture is the practice of growing the same crop on the same plot of land, year after year. This practice depletes the soil of nutrients and adversely affects and alters the natural ecosystems (Watts 2018). This practice is also linked to growing use of herbicides and pesticides which cause pollution of land and groundwater and is linked to bee colony collapse (Hays 2018). Härmäla’s informants specified that cultivating just monoculture and without biodiversity affects the natural balance. Soil erosion, as previously mentioned, is a sign that human beings have transgressed that balance by not respecting that all elements in an ecosystem serve their important purpose. Other issues where this transgression is evident is climate change, melting ice caps and more extreme weather conditions (Härmäla 2014, 38).

Khalid has added the Islamic Declaration on Global Climate Change from 2015 in the end of his book. It affirms that ‘God created the earth in perfect equilibrium (mizan)’ and that it is from God’s mercy that human beings have been given fertile land, fresh air, clean water and all the good things on earth that make our lives here viable and delightful. It goes on to state that the earth functions in natural seasonal rhythms and cycles: a climate in which living beings – including humans – thrive. Further, it clearly states that: “The present climate change catastrophe is a result of the human disruption of this balance” (Khalid 2019, 210). In fact, Khalid uses the term ‘climatic balance’ and write that this is equivalent to mizan in the parlance of the Quran.

12 The three over-arching ethics of permaculture that is meant to guide the design process are 1) Care for the Earth (soil, forests and water), 2) Care for people (look after self, kin and community) and 3) Fair share (set limits for consumption and reproduction, and redistribute surplus) (Härmäla 2014, 27).

53 Climatic balance, Khalid writes, is maintained by the carbon cycle that regulates the flow of carbon dioxide between the terrestrial, oceanic and atmospheric domains and is crucial to life on earth. He states that while there were natural changes to the carbon cycle in the past that induces climate change, human-generated CO2 levels has disrupted the carbon equation once again (Khalid 2019, 41-42).

The perspective of balance when related to ecology, ecosystems, climate and biodiversity illustrate its ability to encompass a range of issues within environmental discourse. However, as Gade point out it appear more frequently in the Quran in terms of the scales of good and bad deeds weighed at judgement and not as a principle of cosmic harmony. It can therefor also be tied to eschatological perspectives within an eco-theological discourse. It is a concept strongly connected to notions of justice as well.

4.6 Adl – Formulations of Justice in Islamic Eco-theology

Justice as a guiding principle and theme appearing in the Quran is apparent in many Islamic discourses and due to the many aspects connected to justice and injustice that can be viewed in light of environmental issues, adl is a principle that belongs within the eco-theological discourse as well. Gade affirms there are hundreds of verses that are explicitly about justice and responsibility, which are also environmental themes from a humanistic perspective (Gade 2019, 86). Within the eco-Islamic discourse this perspective is expressed as the unjust acts’ humanity inflict on the environment, perhaps best exemplified through attempts at formulating environmental law. Further, it aims to focus in on unjust political and economic systems that tend to affect communities without political and economic power. These communities often suffer the negative effects of environmental degradation disproportionately (Abdul-Matin 2010, 9). Thus, justice is often connected to the critique of capitalism and inequality and thus, the treatment of the natural world as an opportunity for resource extraction and earning capital. Many therefore connect justice to and finance and the overall objectives of Islamic law. In addition, justice connects to the overall theme of divine justice, carrying eschatological dimensions and implications for human environmental action.

54 Mawil Izzi Dien writes that the objective of Islamic economics is the achievement of balance between body and spirit, spending and saving, wealth and poverty, and most of all the balance between life and death, as life and death in Islam represents key phenomena in the human experience on earth (Dien 2000, 117). Dien, thus highlights the Divine test of human behavior during their journey on earth. According to Dien, the notion of justice (adl) and beneficence, (ihsan), two central themes in the Quran that often appear together, brings the interest of various generations into focus, because justice is an objective that pervades the entire structure of Islamic economics and ihsan enjoins respect and compassion for all aspects of creation by appreciating their value and by maintaining their existence (Dien 2000, 120). Both ecology and economics in Islam can be improved by ihsan and adl and can provide an economic framework to resolve many environmental problems in the Muslim world, such as the destruction of tropical rainforests and the habitats of diverse forms of life (Dien 2000, 121).

Abdul-Matin claims humanity assault the planet and view people as an afterthought in the collective pursuit of expansive markets and the search for natural resources to create more goods (Abdul-Matin 2010, 10). His book contains a number of case-studies exemplifying how transnational corporations are detrimental for local communities due to pollution. One example is how the production of plastic bottles creates toxic waste that seep out into the groundwater. Coca-cola is one of the companies that has been accused of polluting both land and water in India while also creating a water shortage for the communities that exist around their factories (Abdul-Matin 2010, 129). The principle of adl refers then to recognizing how different factors and structures at play affect vulnerable communities for generations, how communities and humanity at large are dependent on the wellbeing of the natural environment. Khalid writes that adl (justice) is the basis with which we are required to execute the ‘trust’ as the role of khalifah (Khalid 2019, 165). He describes it as the ‘responsibility principle’ where humanity is meant to “weigh with justice and skimp not in balance. He set the earth down for all beings. With its fruit, its palm trees with clustered sheaths’ (Q 55: 9-11, Khalid 2019, 165). Creation thus, can be used for our benefit, however, without causing damage to the other inhabitant of planet earth who the Quran maintains are communities like ourselves: “There is no creature…who are not communities like yourselves” (Q 6:28, Khalid 2019, 165). These verses indicate that all of creation have rights on earth and are included in the schema of divine justice.

55

Central for Gade is the divine judgement and how the Quran presents interactive moral frames where the ultimate horizon is set on the final accounting (hisab) in the world to come, a fundamental Quranic teaching that occurs across legal, ethical, philosophical, empirical and practical dimensions (Gade 2019, 82). This final accounting also connects to mizan, as mentioned previously, though here as a balance scale, weighing the good and bad deeds in several verses in the Quran.

This principle highlights the ways environmental issues and justice are intrinsically tied together in profound ways. Further, it is a principle common to all communities, regardless of faith. Reflecting on justice in relation to ecology will not only make visible how pollution and environmental degradation can be unjust towards human beings, it can bring about reflections on the unjust acts executed against creation. When considering some of the other perspectives presented in this and the previous chapter regarding animate and inanimate creatures that praise God and worship him, and the importance of biodiversity and maintaining that balance, the principle of justice extends to all creatures of the divine system.

5.7 Rahmah – A Reflexive Relationship based on Mercy

In this section I will briefly highlight rahmah as a term that Gade identifies as the basis for much environmental teaching in Southeast Asia that emphasize compassion for God’s creation (Gade 2019, 101). This was also linked to following Prophet Mohammad’s practice through describing merciful acts and reflections towards humans, animals, trees (i.e. creation) in order to receive the mercy of God in this life and the next. Rahmah contain the same semantic root for the two most common names of God, namely al-Rahman (the most Merciful) and al-rahim (the most Beneficent). A narration widely circulated among the environmental discourse in Indonesia, which is found in Al-Tirmidhi’s collection Sunan is:

“(…) The messenger of Allah, peace and blessings be upon him, said, “Those who are merciful will be shown mercy by the Most Merciful (Al-Rahman). Be merciful to those on the earth (man

56 fi’l-ard) and the One in the heavens will have mercy (yarhamkum ‘verbal form of rahmah) upon you” (Gade 2019, 218).

While rahmah is a central teaching in the Quran and the Islamic tradition, and perhaps used to formulate certain arguments in the eco-theological discourse, it does not emerge as a key conception or guiding principle. I briefly introduce rahmah here, as I draw on how Muslim environmentalism in Indonesia express notions of mercy in the light of eschatological perspectives later. I will thus continue the discussion on this concept in the section on ‘Expressions of Eschatology in Muslim Environmentalism’ in the following chapter.

5.8 Reflecting on the implications for the human-ecological relationship

As I reflect on the implication these concepts, as expressed in eco-Islamic discourse, I will turn to Lamptey’s theory of the ‘proximate other’ described in the theoretical framework. The formulations of these concepts, I would argue, challenges dominant images as nature as the ‘distant other’ and has implications for categorizing nature within fixed boundaries that positions man in opposition or above the natural world. As this can lead to a reduction or a simplification of the complexity found within the realm of creation. Tawhid, in this sense, especially seek to erase the disconnect humanity have towards the nature and formulate views that can be compatible with viewing nature as the ‘proximate other’ then what contemporary man perceives it to be. By emphasizing the unity of creation and interconnectedness it focuses on the relational element of human beings vis-à-vis nature. The formulations of these principles can thus be viewed as a process of ‘othering’ in which the actors attempt to make sense of the natural world in a more complex ways by pointing to multiple dynamic relations between the self and the other. In this process, the natural world is no longer voiceless. This presents a direct and perpetual challenge to the worldview and identity of the self, thereby forcing continuous modification, reconsiderations of humanity’s relation, role, purpose and position in creation. If one were to reflect on verses in the Quran that portrays both animate and inanimate beings as spiritual beings, in constant worship of God, it provides ethical challenges beyond the scope of current dominant views in Muslim communities, where man’s special role and ability in creation often is highlighted. While ayat attests to God’s glory, it also invites a reflection on the

57 interdependence of creation. Considering the perspective of soil as an example, a perspective that one of Härmälä’s informants highlighted. The Quran states that the human is created from soil and considering how everything we eat is dependent on the soil and the nutrients in it, the unity of creation is apparent though soil (Härmälä 2014, 37). Dien emphasizes how soil can be used as purification before ritual prayer instead of water, a practice called tayammum, thus emphasizing the purifying quality soil contains (Dien 2000, 13). The professor of Christion theology, Norman Wirzba also highlights the implications of considering humans from the perspective of soil to better understand the interdependence between humanity and the earth. As soil is not dead matter but a complex body containing billions of organisms that daily enable the processes of life and death to continue, Wirzba argues it would be a more honest estimation of ourselves as embodied and embedded beings (Wirzba 2003, 9). These perspectives highlight how our wellbeing is inextricably linked to the wellbeing of whole ecosystems that support and sustains us and that human beings cannot stay balanced and maintain a healthy wellbeing without the natural world. Similarly, while Härmälä’s informants draws on the Quran to further the perspective of soil, Wirzba draws on biblical verses that state human beings are fashioned from the earth and shall return to the earth. Even if this is not understood literally, Wirzba argues it exposes the pretentious thought that we live above or apart from our biological roots (Wirzba 2003, 10). This points to an interreligious potential when reflecting on soil in connection to the human.

Considering Lamptey’s statement, that ‘the deepest intellectual issues arise when the other is too much like us’ (Lamptey 2014, 36). As tawhid also traditionally seek to distinguish God from creation, by emphasizing nothing in creation can be associated with God. Reflecting upon this while stressing humans as embedded in creation with an inextricable link to soil and ecosystems, one could argue that humankind shares more qualities and are more similar or alike the rest of creation, than God Himself.

58 6 Islamic Environmental Eschatology

Eschatology comprises a large portion of the Qur’an’s content, as well as the Islamic tradition. However, Gade states, this fundamental idea is missing from just about every treatment of Islam and the environment. While I agree that eschatology is a highly relevant and interesting aspect due to its centrality in Islamic theology and with regards to its vivid and symbolic expression of natural disasters, an aspect apparent in the mainstream secular environmental discourse as well. The use of eschatological and apocalyptic motifs, however, is not without some difficulties. Therefore, in this chapter I wish to shed light on some perspectives pertaining to eschatology in connection with the contemporary environmental discourse. At this point, hopefully, the centrality of eschatology within the Islamic tradition should already have been established. However, some main aspects in the Quran pertaining to the afterlife and reflections on heaven and hell will be illustrated. How does eschatology fit into the environmental discourse? Emphasis is glaringly put on accountability in the Divine schema but also on the powerful symbolic images invoked in connection to the environmental future. However, there are also challenges. For example, how is eschatology translated into environmental action? Especially considering an other-worldly focus, can it also generate an indifference to this world? This chapter will also deal with the Anthropocene and in what ways it challenges theology. How do the eco-theological discourse deal with the Anthropocene? Can the Anthropocene play a role in eco-theologies? Finally, I wish to explore how expressions of Islamic eschatology can be evident in Muslim environmentalisms, thus hoping to illustrate how Islamic eschatology can serve (or are already serving) a powerful theme that actually mobilizes environmental thought and activism.

6.1 The Islamic Eschatological World View

The afterlife is an inevitable reality in Islam, writes Abdel Haleem, the crucial point of which judgement, followed by requital, whether it be bliss in paradise or torment in hell (Abdel Haleem 2017, 49). He points out that the resurrection and judgement are fundamental in Islamic theology, and without them, the creation of humans would be in vain. This is stated clearly in the Qur’an in Q 23:115-6: “Did you think We had created you in vain, and that you would not be brought back to Us? Exalted be God!” (Abdel Haleem 2017, 49). Further, Abdel Haleem argues

59 that without it, notions of belief, and good and bad deeds in the Qur’an, followed by divine justice would be compromised. Thus, justice entails final recompense: “Would we treat those who believe and do good deeds and those who spread corruption on earth as equal? (Q 38:28). What makes you, then, deny the judgement? Is God not the most just of all judges?” (Q 95:7-8, Abdel Haleem 2017, 50). Linguistically the Qur’an does refer to two worlds, al-ūlā (the first) and al-ākhira (the last), in which each is mentioned 115 times. Abdel Haleem also states that a good prayer for Muslims is to ask God to grant them happiness in al-dārayn (the two homes). The author emphasizes the Qur’an’s insistence on this scheme as unalterable. There is no escape from the day of resurrection nor from the judgement as exemplified by these verses: “Say (Prophet), ‘God gives you life, then He causes you to die, and then He gathers you all to the day of resurrection about which there is no doubt” (Q 45:26), “a day that cannot be averted” (Q 42:47), “People will come forward after resurrection in separate groups to be shown their deeds” (Q 99:6). “Every soul will be repaid in full for what it has done. God knows best what they do” (Q 39:70, Abdel Haleem 2017, 50).

These verses indicate the centrality of deeds and recompense throughout the text. There is a great emphasis on good deeds and the Qur’an frequently repeats the collocation alladhina āmanu wa- ‘amilū l-sālihāt (those who believe and do good deeds) ‘Amal, in its various forms, occurs over 380 times in the Qur’an, and is strongly connected with entry into paradise (Abdel Haleem 2017, 53). So fundamental is ‘amal’ that “God has created death and life to test you and reveal which of you is better in actions” (Q 67:2, Abdel Haleem 2017, 51). It is however important to note that the Qur’an does not speak of any single deed that will lead to janna (paradise) but provides a whole set of deeds, seemingly scattered throughout the holy text.

In the article “The Path to Paradise from an Islamic Viewpoint” authored by Mahmoud Zakzouk, he argues that the tenets of Islam with regard to eschatological concepts such as paradise, hell, the day of judgement, and eternity are best explained in view of its understanding of humankind and especially their duties on Earth. He emphasizes man’s excellent role as viceregents, although this role is limited in scope and power. Thus, man is obliged to take responsibility of himself and for the Earth, by obeying the instructions transmitted to him. Zakzouk also presents a framework in which doing good deeds and acting according to faith are central aspects for obtaining

60 paradise in the afterlife. In addition, he highlights the instructions in the Quran where man is asked to reflect, contemplate life, its origin and man’s true destiny (Zakzouk 2017, 39). Emphasis is thus placed on reflection, knowledge and reason that according to the Qur’an, also is a means to reach paradise, or at least in the realisation of how to achieve paradise. He refers to a well-known saying of the Prophet that states: “For those who go out in search for knowledge, God levels the road to paradise” to emphasize how Islam stresses the decisive role of reason in human life (Zakzouk 2017, 45). In addition, Zakzouk reminds the reader that the Quran warns human beings for being too attached to this world and refers to the present world as a “transitory world” (Q 75:20). The Quran thus warns the reader from loving the first world (al-ula) too much and disregarding the hereafter, as this leads to punishment in hell - the place of no hope and full of suffering (Zakzouk 2017, 39).

What becomes apparent from these articles, where both attempt to outline how from a Quranic point of view an individual can achieve paradise, are an emphasis on good deeds, faith and contemplation. That human beings will be held accountable stand as a central and all- encompassing notion. How environmental actions fits into this scheme will be elaborated on later in this chapter, however, in the following section I will focus in on conceptions of paradise and hell as apocalyptic motifs or apocalyptic sensorium. This is a term used by Lawson (2017) to describe these other-worldly realms in a way that highlights the sensory qualities that emerges in the Quranic expression. To limit the scope and reach when examining these grand apocalyptic motifs, I will primary highlight descriptions that mimic the natural world or natural scenery, as these are also most relevant within the scope of this thesis. In addition, some psychological aspects of these realms will be highlighted. It should thus be mentioned that these few examples presenting some aspects of the Quranic depiction of paradise and hell are far from being exhaustive.

6.2 Paradise and hell as apocalyptic motifs

Paradise as an otherworldly “supra-rational” location is a recognized marker of apocalyptic literature. As Lawson points out, paradise connects other apocalyptic themes directly such as the triumph of good over evil; the final judgement; and the binary opposition to hell (Lawson 2017, 121). Paradise is a distinctive, defining theme in the Qur’an due to its frequent encounters, either

61 in its single form (janna) or plural (jannat), which together occur more than 120 times, in addition to a number of synonyms or near synonyms denoting it, such as: ‘adn (Eden), al-na’im (grace), firdaws (paradise), al-ma’wa (refuge) and dar al-salam (abode of peace) to name a few (Lawson 2017, 103). The synonyms alone point to a peaceful, beautiful and blessed location.

When it comes to the details of paradise; one of the essential components, as presented by Abdel Haleem, is flowing water - springs and fountains are ‘flowing’ (tajriyān, Q 55:50) and ‘gushing’ (naddākhatān, Q 55:66). Such verbs indicate life, energy and plenty. In addition, there will be rivers of pure water, fresh milk, wine and clarified honey (Q 47:15). Other ‘environmental’ components of paradise contain tall shady trees full of endless supply of fruit hanging within reach (Abdel Haleem 2017, 59). Gade also remarks that paradise is presented in terms of formulaic expressions of a lush landscape of environmental abundance. The phrase “Gardens underneath which rivers flow”, appear almost 50 times describing Heaven in the Qur’an (Gade 2019, 112). The frequent reference to water and green landscapes must be seen in a context of the barren Arabian desert, where water was a scarce natural resource. Some scholars, like Nasr argues that descriptions of paradise must be seen as symbolic descriptions aimed at humans’ imaginations of something endlessly good, as every legitimate experience of pleasing nature here on earth is only a shadow and reflection of a paradisal reality (Nasr 2004, 247). Perhaps in this regard the phycological descriptions is significant, as the inhabitant of paradise is in a state of psychological wellbeing: “For them there will be no fear, no grief, no shame” (Q 10:62, 66:8); “We shall remove any bitterness from their hearts …” (Q 15:47); “They will live securely in gardens and rivers, secure in the presence of an all-powerful sovereign” (Q 54:54-5, Abdel Haleem 2017, 61-64). Abdel Haleem highlights how an examination of the Quran reveals that the number of references to spiritual and moral rewards in paradise exceeds those to material rewards. The emphasis on this ‘peace of mind’ in a calm and thriving natural environment can also be contrasted with the uncertainty, fear and anxiety commonly felt by human beings and thus evoke images of an everlasting utopia.

Hell The doctrine of hell, as the opposition to paradise, forms an integral part of Islamic theology and an essential aspect of the belief in the Day of Judgement. Thus, there are also numerous

62 references to hell in the Quran. Thomassen states there are nearly 500 altogether (Thomassen 2009, 402), and several names are used to refer to hell, such as jahannom (hell), al-nār (the fire), al-sa’ir (the blaze), al-jahim (the hot place), al-hutama (the consuming fire) and al-hawiya (the abyss) (Thomassen 2009, 403, 407). From the names referring to hell alone, one can safely assume that it is nothing at all like a lush hyperbolic garden. Some of the descriptions of hell evoke horrifying images as the inhabitants will be punished by having to eat fire (Q 2:174), or drink boiling water (Q 6:70), or their drink will be bitter cold, unclean and full of puss. Their food will be fruit from the evil tree Zaqqūm growing at the bottom of hell, with fruit emerging as if it was heads of devils. However, the spite of this nourishment, the inmates of hell will be constantly thirsty and hungry. Similarily to Abdel Haleem in his treatment of paradise, Thomassen also brings out the psychological terrors of hell, as it is a humiliating punishment (Q 3:178). All around one will hear ‘sighs and sobs’ (Q 11:106). The suffering is everlasting, for ‘the Lord will not allow them ever to die (Q 35:36, Thomassen 2009, 403-404).

This is a stark contrast to the pure, running water and the fresh abundance of fruit from various trees the inhabitants of paradise are promised. Along with the psychological benefits paradise brings with in. Hell, thus occur in symmetrical antithesis to the descriptions of the blessings of paradise. Lawson refers to them as the cultivation of an “apocalyptic sensorium” (Lawson 2017, 122). The images and descriptions employed and deployed forms an apocalyptic or revelatory imagination that leads beyond the earthly world to a new (but not completely different) realm. Gade connects these apocalyptic motifs and imaginations within a broader framework of “imagining the unseen environmental reality of the future in both real and metaphorical sense” (Gade 2019, 114).

Another interesting observation that Gade makes regarding Hell, is that the Quran depicts it as a dynamic space of talking, whereby much of the dialogue is intergenerational, indicating the responsibility of generations for the ones who subsequently “follow” them and thereby reap the consequences of their prior moral tendencies (Gade 2019, 112). This point is highly interesting and relevant with regard to the current discourse in the mainstream media pleading to consider what kind of world the future generations will inherit. This discourse is perhaps best shown through the popular youth activist Greta Thunberg, the Swedish teenage girl, whose

63 environmental activism inspired global school strikes for climate among youths all over the world. The fact that the Quran’s judgement scenarios point to an intergenerational responsibility, as well as community- and individually based responsibility makes this parallel to environmental discourse intriguing.

One has to ask the question whether or not these images are valuable simply for the purpose of instilling fear for the unknown future? One rather unfortunate consequence for the contemporary mind is that a focus on hell for example might lead to questions pertaining to God’s nature. Will people encounter God in a happy way, or do they go back in a miserable way? Will they experience God as angry and vengeful, or as merciful and forgiving? And finally, while it has to be noted that heaven and hell functions as important pedagogical features of the Islamic message, will fear or hope for heaven and hell be enough to generate environmental concerns? Or does it place an emphasis on individual salvation, thus the focus of the believer is rather ego- centric? These questions might point to some challenges of focusing on eschatology alone, however, the eco-theological discourse places an emphasis of interaction with creation, and the Muslim environmentalisms, in for example in Gade’s study, place great emphasis on mercy – both God’s ultimate mercy and how human beings is expected to mirror that mercy towards creation. The focus, however, lie not in the apocalyptic motifs of heaven and hell, though to some they might function as important pedagogical tools. It is about theorizing the human response to the test of accountability with respect to the inevitability of ‘two deaths’ (Q 40:11), the end of an individual’s life and worldly disruption with scenarios of the last thing (Gade 2019, 3).

6.2 Eschatology in connection to environmental discourses

Eschatology has also been identified as a potential factor, for some faith systems, causing an intentional (or unintentional) disengagement for environmental issues among its believers. In their book on Religion and Ecology John Grim and Mary Evelyn Tucker state that religions with a transcendent ‘reality’ can be preoccupied by an ‘other-worldly’ goal such as salvation in heaven or gaining paradise as opposed to hell in the afterlife, where some actors would argue that explosive treatment of this world is insignificant (Grim and Tucker 2014, 15). As previously illustrated, Islamic eschatology is conceptualized as an other-worldly eschatology and seems to

64 fit into this description. Grim and Tucker seem to indicate that within the logic of these worldviews, you may find religious practitioners that even suggest that degrading the environment hastens the end of Earth and the return of a transcendent paradise. In addition, there are examples of religious groups that actively denies the critical nature of environmental problems or rejects the science of climate change. This is an interesting remark, and there do seem to be examples of these views within certain religious communities.

Kearns writes that for some Christian believers, and to a lesser extent some Jews and Muslims, climate change poses a challenge to their understanding of God. Accepting climate change, for these believers, requires doubt in God’s omnipotence, and interferes with the idea of an all- loving, all-powerful God who cares and intervenes. While other very conservative Christians, she continues, see climate change as part of an End Times or apocalyptic scenario, and thus welcome it as a sign, or feel that it doesn’t matter since it is part of God’s plan that the world is ending (Kearns 2017, 146). This latter view might be the most suitable when applied to certain Muslim circles, especially when it comes to interpreting ‘signs’ of the Hour in the form of natural disasters or other social conditions, a topic I will discuss later in this chapter. Though I have not come across any research linking Islamic eschatological views to explosive treatment of the environment, it does not mean that this does not occur. Kearns refers to a study conducted by Guth et al. (1995) that concluded conservative eschatology (i.e., a belief in the literal reading of the Bible and that the Bible predicts the world may end soon) to be the strongest religious predictor of environmental apathy (Kearns 2017, 146). The fact that the Quran is considered God’s word and does emphasize the impending end of the world, there seems to be a highly possible outcome that it may cause environmental apathy among some Muslim groups as well.

As already noted, Gade questions why eschatology is not a bigger part of the Islam and the environment discourse. She suggests this is connected to both ideas of post-colonialism, and a global environmental agenda focusing on interreligious efforts instrumentalizing environmental care and actions through religious discourse. However, could it also be likely that the critique pertaining to the tendency of certain religions to focus on a transcendent reality and other- worldly narratives, thereby neglecting the ‘present’ reality is one of the reasons why eschatology is not a bigger component within this field? Within this frame of logic, by for example focusing

65 on social issues, it might be easy to argue that this world, or more accurately, the ‘natural world’ of this world simply doesn’t matter. Further, as illustrated by Zakzouk, the Quran does warn the believer not to get too attached to this world. However, he also stresses that ‘this world’ is the key to understand eschatological concerns.

6.3 Secular Discourses of the Anthropocene

Kearns interestingly point out that how the issue of climate change is framed matters greatly, as “frames are interpretative storylines that set a specific train of thought in motion, communicating why an issue might be a problem, who or what might be responsible for it, and what should be done by it” (Kearns 2017, 147). Frames are thus an important part of social movement messaging and these frames may be presented in a way that is pro, neutral or against an issue.

As previously noted, the Anthropocene, is a concept that paints a picture of a threat that is not only irreversible but also spatially and temporally absolute. Rothe argues that at the heart of this discourse lies a linear, eschatological notion of time that brings with it questions of finitude, irreversibility, and temporal ending (Rothe 2020, 147). Interestingly, this description of the Anthropocene does fit rather well with Donner’s conceptualization of secular eschatology (provided in the theory chapter), in which dire consequences is brought about by human agency. Rothe demonstrates how the Anthropocene unfolds within three competing secular discourses, with related political projects for the planet, that revolve around competing visions of the end of time. Though I will not delve deep into the details of these discourses, it is interesting to point to some overall perspectives. These perspectives, though simplistically presented, can hopefully provide some insight when treating the Anthropocene in connection with Islamic eschatology.

The first of these discourses is eco-catastrophism which is one of the most salient discourses. Eco-catastrophism tends to frame humanity as standing on a dire threshold. Part of this discourse is the concept of ‘Planetary boundaries’ and so-called ‘tipping points’ or ‘tipping elements’ as for example presented through the scenario of exceeding the 2 degrees Celsius limit, which could ‘push the Earth irreversibly onto an apocalyptic ‘Hothouse Earth’ pathway’ (Rothe 2020, 150). In this case ‘tipping elements’ refer to land and ocean systems, such as the Arctic permafrost or the Amazon rainforest that are currently keeping the Holocene climate in a temporarily stable

66 state. Thus, it may seem that eco-catastrophism in relation to the Anthropocene, focuses on the risk of acceleration and the threat of ‘abrupt, nonlinear change’. In this sense, humanity might metaphorically be on the threshold of the Anthropocene but have not yet reached the ‘point of no return’. As a political project, eco-catastrophism calls for a planetary emergency management through new global forms of ‘Earth system stewardship’ as urgent international action is required to mitigate a dangerous shift in the Earth system.

The second discourse, eco-modernism, is radically different than any other discourses, as it rather paints a more optimistic picture of the Anthropocene. It not only stresses human responsibility but also human capacity to re-shape the planet. Rothe also coins this as a ‘techno- environmentalism’, emphasizing how the smart use of technologies including geoengineering, nuclear power, big data and genetic engineering will enable humanity to ‘create a planet that is better for both its human and nonhuman inhabitants’ (Rothe 2020, 152). Actors within this discourse has referred to the Anthropocene as good, or even great referring to the fundamental lesson pertaining to this concept. Namely, that the human ability includes planet shaping powers. This should be embraced as the corresponding political project is one of planetary experimentation (Rothe 2020, 152). In this sense, the resilience of human and natural systems is assumed, rendering technological experimentation with the planet both feasible and legitimate.

Finally, the third discourse presented in Rothe’s article is one of planetary realism. According to Rothe, this discourse revolves around the idea that the end times are neither near nor far but in fact already taking place. Humanity needs to embrace the uncertainty of a world marked by the temporalities of complex socioecological systems and acknowledge how human history is embedded into broader temporal rhythms beyond the species control (Rothe 2020, 153). Rothe refers to for example Bruno Latour as a planetary realist. According to Latour, the Anthropocene would force humanity to acknowledge our ‘earthboundedness’, that is our entanglement in and dependence on a dynamic earth system that is beyond our control (Rothe 2020, 154). This discourse thus assumes the Anthropocene – with its uncertainty and complexity – and points to resilience and adaptability as a political project, placing emphasis on mobilizing local knowledge and self-organizing capacities for survival. This discourse also highlights indigenous and traditional knowledge of ways of interacting with the natural world. Ways of knowing and

67 engaging with the world are always bound by a particular context. People embedded in their own local environments will also be able to detect signs of change locally and act accordingly (Rothe 2020, 155).

These discourses all reveal different ways of framing the Anthropocene in an unseen, imaginative future and each presents overall frameworks for how humanity should respond to these perceived futures. While eco-catastrophe seeks to decelerate the course of human history on planet earth, eco-modernism seeks to accelerate it and embrace human agency in planet earth. Planetary realism, however, have somehow accepted the Anthropocene, seeking to utilize this concept in profound ways to realize human earthboundedness, and work towards new ways of understanding and cooperating with the earth. The questions pertaining to Islamic eco-theology and eschatology, however, arises. First, is there room for the Anthropocene in Islamic eco- theology? Do the eco-theologies address this concept, and in what ways does it inform their eco- theology? Drawing on the abovementioned discourses, how would the Islamic eschatology be framed in such a discourse? These questions I will attempt to address after connecting some considerations of Islamic eschatology with the key concepts presented from the eco-theological discourse. In addition, I will make some elaborations on the eschatological aspects pertaining to ‘signs’ in the Quran and hadith literature.

6.4 Islamic eschatology in the eco-theological discourse

Repeatedly, the Qur’an evidences the nature of people being forgetful, wasteful, complacent, ungrateful, hypocritical, and corrupt, even in the face of the presentation of the consequences of these dispositions (Gade 2019, 88). As shown in the eco-theological discourse pertaining to the concept of amana, the trust was offered to the heavens and the earth and the mountains, but they refused. Humans, however, was foolish enough to accept it. The role of humans as stewards (khalifa) or viceregents on earth is similarly questioned by the angels in Q 2:30 when they state that man will cause corruption on earth. God does not retort the angels, but simply states, ‘I know what you know not’ (Gade 2019, 87). Even with regards to mizan, it is always presented as a possibility that humans might transgress this balance, as illustrated with direct imperatives. This testifies to an ambivalent portrayal of human beings. This is a recurring theme emphasized within the eco-theological discourse, that the text itself imply that humans do exercise corruption

68 on earth and transgress the balance. How this can be understood in light of the Anthropocene, however, I will get back to further below.

In fact, Gade argues that approaches to Islam and the environment consistently fail to recognize the eschatological dimension of the Quranic system of signs (Gade 2019, 110). As illustrated above, there is a large content of apocalyptic material in the Quran and so it is noteworthy that this central message is missing from just about every Anglophone treatment of Islam and the environment. The notion of ‘signs’ of God’s glory (ayat), as presented in the previous chapter, connects all of creation to the wonderous might, power and omnipotence of God for those who reflect and contemplate. However, the idea of signs, are also presented in the Quran as ‘signs of the end-times’. In this context, these signs are prognostication of the end of the world, emphasized rhetorically as a predictive reminder to those in the present about inevitable consequences to be faced in the future (Gade 2019, 110). According to Gade, much of last 30 surah’s of the Qur’an (chapters 78 to 114) is heavily apocalyptic material (Gade 2019, 111). This section of the Qur’an is also commonly read, memorized, and recited in obligatory daily worship, especially the last surahs which are fairly short. Many of these surahs contain rich, detailed, and unique imagery of the natural world under transformation to new environmental conditions. These signs are often in the form of natural disasters and phenomenon, such as earthquakes, eruptions, floods and lunar/solar eclipsis. One example is the images evoked in sura al-Takwir (Q 81:1-3) referring to the chaos of the Last day such as the ‘sun darkening’, ‘stars falling’ and mountains unmoored”. In addition, there are also descriptions of frightening, incremental changes that precede it to mark the start of the chain of inevitable events, such as ‘beasts gathering’ (the meaning of this is said to be ambiguous in tradition), water in the sea catching on fire, and ‘the sky being stripped away’ to name a few (Q 81:5-11, Gade 2019, 111). Similarly, in sura al-Infitar verses 1-3 ‘the sky breaks apart’, ‘stars fall and scatter’ and ‘seas are erupting’ (Q 82:1-3). Immediately following these depictions of natural transformations are verses with references to the day of recompense or the final judgement. In Gade’s view the apocalyptic framework of signs, changing signs in the phenomenal world, certain and unknowable, point to ethical and environmental relationships and practices in the present moment that extend across space, time, and species (Gade 2019, 114).

69 Both communal and individual responsibility for the state of the world is clear in the portrayal of the Quran’s destructive signs, which God effects (Gade 2019, 111). These destructive signs are thus in stark contrast to the image of harmony and beauty commonly invoked by the concept of signs of God (ayat) in the eco-theological discourse. However, it is precisely this connection of future worlds to come and the present moment that makes eschatology a powerful theme that actually mobilizes environmental thought and activism (Gade 2019, 111).

Interpreting the signs of the impending judgement day has always formed part of the Islamic theology and tradition. There exist a rich number of apocalyptic hadiths describing the signs of the Hour (Ashrat al-Sa’a). The hadiths regarding this topic has been classified in several ways, distinguishing between for example the ‘minor’ and ‘major’ signs, ‘signs that have passed’, that normally have interpreted historical events, ‘signs’ that can be observed at present’, and ‘signs that have not yet occurred’. It must be briefly mentioned that many of these ‘apocalyptic hadiths’ are highly contested and accused of being falsified, serving a number of political agendas throughout Islamic history (Stowasser 2004). However, I quickly bring up this topic to highlight the interesting way in which some contemporary scholars have interpreted some of these ‘signs’ to fit into present day perspectives.

One example is Rashid Rida (d.1935), the Egyptian Muslim reformer, who applied taqārub al- zamān (closeness of time) to modern means of transportation, such as trains, cars and planes (Ryad 2017, 1218). In addition, regarding the sign of some people boasting about their ability to construct tall buildings, Rida asserted that this has already occurred in the shape of modern skyscrapers during the early twentieth century. However, Rida also warned against the many fabricated hadiths dealing with these signs throughout Islamic history, as a result of political and social tensions (Ryad 2017,1207). Another example is Yusuf al- Qaradawi (b. 1926) who is well- known for his television program al Shari’a wa-l-hayat (Shari’a and life) on Al-Jazeera, in which he has popularized the events related to the day of judgement (Ryad 2017, 1208). He accepts both the minor and major signs of the Hour. Many of these signs, in al-Qaradawi’s mind, can be understood in the modern age through the changing social and economic situation in the world. For example, it was reported in some prophetic traditions that the Hour will approach when markets will draw closer toward each other (taqārub al-aswāq). Al-Qaradawi argues that

70 Muslims in the past might not have understood the proper meaning, however, they have not witnessed the conditions of our globalized age. In the present age, people can see the interrelatedness of markets clearly; London, Hong Kong and New York are not physically close, but are tied through the virtual world of the Internet (Ryad 2017, 1209).

What is interesting in this regard, in my view, is not to predict the end times through the perspectives of current events and conditions, based in hadith literature. Rather, it is to examine in what ways the environmental discourse might later come to inform new formulations of Islamic eschatology. This might be framed in a number of ways, as the environmental discourse must also be viewed as a highly political and social issue. To my knowledge, there has not been much, if not any, academic research on this topic. However, a quick search on youtube reveals that this topic, signs of the hour – and how to view these signs in the contemporary world is dealt with to a large degree within the religious discourse online. One can only assume, that the message of environmental disasters, and the transforming of natural conditions will form a bigger part of this religious discourse in the future, and perhaps it already is in some circles. A far greater challenge however, and what the Islamic eco-theological discourse in effect is attempting to do by utilizing central concepts like khalifa, amana, ayat, tawhid, mizan and adl (justice), is to link the notion of human accountability to environmental degradation. However, can this human accountability be framed in terms of the Anthropocene? Does not this concept in its very essence challenge God’s all-mighty omnipotence? Or does the eco-theology leave room for human agency to destroy planetary conditions to this extent?

6.4 The Anthropocene in Islamic eco-theology

There have not been many authors within the Islamic eco-theological discourse that have addressed the concept of the Anthropocene, however, it appears in the writings of Fazlun Khalid and Anna Gade. My aim for this section is to explore how these authors frame this concept by relating them to the different discourses presented in Rothe’s article, namely eco-catastrophism, eco-modernism and planetary realism.

71 In a chapter entitled ‘Surviving the Anthropocene’ Khalid presents the idea that the human race is now itself a force of nature, a concept that doesn’t seem to raise any theological questions for him. However, it might seem like he challenges this notion by briefly referring to the difficulties of establishing the timing of the Anthropocene. In fact, he suggests that we stay with the geologists, stratigraphy and the Holocene (Khalid 2019, 181). He thus emphasizes that the Anthropocene is proposed and presents the concept close to scientific discussions. However, interestingly, Khalid proposes another date that that according to him should be considered as a ‘golden marker’ for the Anthropocene. Namely, the date in which usury/interest was legitimized by Henry VIII in 1545. An event that eventually led to the creation of the Bank of England in 1694, “enshrining the magical fractional reserve banking system which conjures money out of this air and has kept the entire planetary population in its thrall ever since” (Khalid, 2019, 181). This event, Khalid claims, profoundly changed the nature of the human relationship to the Earth and led to an acceleration of human history. This event, however, is an economic, political event, and cannot be detected in geological material as for example the other proposed markers suggests. Further, this event supports Khalid’s economic and political critique, highlighting that the fundamental problem is that our world system is based on the premise of perpetual growth in consumption and to advert collapse there need to be a radical restructuring of the economic system (Khalid 2019, 183). While introduction to the Anthropocene and the ‘golden marker’ is presented along the lines of scientific discussions, Khalid suddenly introduces a historical moment that is linked to a highly socio-religious concept in Islam, namely interest/usury, which is considered forbidden in Islam. By proposing a new marker, though this must be read as a symbolic, ethical marker rather than an actual geological marker, Khalid does seem to imply that the Anthropocene as the ‘human epoch’ is in fact playing out. However, there are also indications that Khalid employ this concept as an ethical and religious concept, aimed at establishing the severity of the situation.

Khalid refers to discourses surrounding the Earth system collapse, and how the human race has altered the earth system qualitatively, in ways that call into question our very survival over the coming few centuries (Khalid 2019, 182). By drawing on the authority of 15,000 scientist who signed the ‘World Scientists’ Warning to Humanity: A Second Notice’ he paints a picture of the glooming conditions of the planet, while emphasizing the urgency of responding to these

72 challenges. Drawing upon Rothe’s analyses of discourses framing the Anthropocene, Khalid falls under the eco-catastrophism discourse. The Anthropocene is utilized to emphasize an urgency, with regard to the earth systems collapse, and the response should be accordingly. However, Khalid’s ‘political project’ of planetary response is also framed economically.

Gade argues that the atmosphere of an impending ‘dooms day’ is already apparent in many secular writings, something which is further legitimatized and backed up by an overwhelming majority of scientists drawing attention to the human impact on the earth resulting in the Anthropocene (Gade 2019, 2). In this sense, the fundamental teachings on eschatology seem as ethically relevant today as in the seventh century. Gade argues that Muslim environmentalisms address head-on the notion of responsible and human existence as that of being among other creatures in the face of the imminent potential for earth’s destruction (Gade 2019, 3). She stresses that although the Anthropocene draws scientific legitimacy from the idea of arbitrary periodization in geology, it is a highly imaginal concept expected to carry a heavy ethical and symbolic load in humanistic analysis. She argues that despite the emphasis on determinative anthropogenic processes it lacks an ethical frame (Gade 2019, 115). Gade connects the notion of the Anthropocene to Islamic eschatology in an intriguing way. The way I understand it, by drawing on eschatology and reflections on human destructive abilities as affirmed notions of the Anthropocene, the significance of human agency and accountability is emphasized. In fact, environmental discourses then, as seen through the lens of Islamic eschatology completely recasts the Anthropocene. This is best exemplified in this quote by Marion Katz, a scholar of Islam:

“In a very different sense than we would understand today, traditional interpretations…suggest that, for Muslim thinkers, it was always the Anthropocene – environmental disaster was pervasively assumed to be the result of human wrongdoing” (Gade 2019,116).

In this sense, it seems that Gade indicate that there is no contradiction pertaining to God’s all- mighty power and the Anthropocene, where human activities determine planetary conditions, rather, the Anthropocene is part of the Divine scheme. It should be noted that this way of reframing the Anthropocene, thus makes it an ethical concept, and not a geological one

73 pertaining to scientific finding in geological material. It suggests that through the Quranic discourse, in light of the contemporary environmental awareness, Muslims can now only begin to realize what kind of destructive powers humans can actually have and that God, in the Quran, refer to. But to state that it was always the Anthropocene is to turn away from scientific understandings of how to deal with geological material. Instead the concept is used to shed new light on Islamic teachings pertaining to the environment and human agency.

The teachings from Islamic eschatology can also shed new light on the notion of crisis, as Gade contends that the notion of crisis has always been embedded within the Muslim worldviews as an eschatological reality. This, however, has thus always formed part of an ongoing ethical scenario, in which human impact forms an integral part to this moral system. Gade stresses that instead of a projection of an ultimate collapse into oblivion; the idea of final “accounting” (hisab) instead continually rescales the ultimate human consequences into its factors in the moral present (Gade 2019, 116). Instead of images of crisis, Islamic eschatology can connect vivid and detailed depictions of the future transformation of the environment into a broader ethical framework. Thereby, Muslim religious systems confront the hard facts of unseen and unpredictable futures that are the results of human action in eschatological scenarios (Gade 2019, 116).

The way the Anthopocene is framed in Gade’s writings can be put in relation to the discourse planetary realism because the general message, in my understanding, is to embrace the ‘realities’ of the uncertain and unpredictable future of the Anthropocene. Examples of Muslim environmentalisms, as presented through Gade’s fieldwork of Indonesia, illustrate an emphasis on mercy for creation, something that is only affirmed by engaging with nature in local settings. This is something that can also be extracted from Härmälä’s informants, where all are engaging in sustainable agriculture or permaculture, that spending time in nature, paying attention to the ‘signs’ in nature and drawing experience from these observations and reflections are essential. This leaves room for local conditions to inform and guide environmental action as human beings need to adopt and be resilient in the face of environmental transformations.

74 Though I only draw on two examples, these seem to indicate that Islamic eschatology and eco- theology in light of the Anthropocene can display different discourses. Both Khalid and Gade at the same time emphasize a humbler approach to the human role in creation as opposed to the eco-modernism approach.

6.5 Expressions of Eschatology in Muslim Environmentalism

In the following section I wish to highlight some of the expressions of eschatological perspectives within Muslim environmentalism. It should be noted, however, that there are only a few publications to draw on, so this will merely point to a few examples of how eschatology may inform Muslims engaging with environmental concerns.

In Härmälä’s study on transformative Islamic ecology, the topic of the ‘end times’ and the importance of eschatology in connection to ecological collapse did emerge in some of her interviews. For these informants Islam holds the answers for the contemporary ecological crisis, and the human role in the ecological degradation is emphasized through interpretations of the Quran. This verse was cited repeatedly:

“Corruption has appeared throughout the land and sea by (reason of) what the hands of people have earned so He may let them taste part of (the consequence of) what they have done that perhaps they will return (to righteousness)” (Q 30:41, Härmälä 2014, 43).

The emphasis in this quote is that the environmental degradation is a direct result of the corruption which humanity spread on earth. However, even more interesting, is that some of the informants stated that the earth will give signs of this corruption in a variety of ways such as soil erosion, destruction of food systems, animal welfare and climate change. These are also ‘signs’ to reflect on in order to find the way back, as the verse states. In this way, ecological degradation is also serving as signs to reflect in connecting creation to God and the human role within creation.

Härmälä also highlights the shared terminology between discourses on the ecological crisis and Islamic eschatology, and claims that “the ecological, economic, political and climate crisis are

75 interpreted by many Muslims as a sign that we have entered or are entering the end of times” (Härmälä 2014, 44). One of Härmälä informants were reluctant to use the word crisis, and instead called it a collapse “because this system in which we are currently living in is designed to crash (…) It has been designed to collapse” (Härmälä 2014, 44). In fact, this entail a perspective where even though human action has brought the destruction of the earth, it is still part of a divine grand scheme. The idea that the world is designed to collapse also means that in reality you cannot change the outcome. This view differs from the eco-catastrophism discourse where the hope is to slow down or turn around the effects of environmental degradation. But even though the informants in Härmälä’s study state that ‘everything is in the hands of Allah’, that does not mean they should be passive, “because at the same time we need to deal with our own day of judgement. That way we must always show that we have acted based on hope and not based on despair” (Härmälä 2014, 48). The informants in Härmälä’s study then interpret ‘signs of the end times’ as a call for environmental action as a religious duty. This is more in keeping with the discourse of planetary realism because man is not necessarily able to change the outcome. Humans, however, are still meant to ‘listen’ to the natural world, examine the signs and cooperate with the soil, as Härmälä’s informants emphasize.

Gade presents examples from her fieldwork in Indonesia, showing that eschatological awareness of the consequences of humans as “tested” creatures is actually a motivating rationale for environmentalism among pious Indonesians (Gade 2019, 113). Her claim is that when environmentalism is integral to religious piety, it draws on tradition differently than when religion is enrolled secondarily for environmental projects. Rather than drawing on ‘environmental verses’ in the Quran or key ‘environmental’ concepts Gade stresses that when Muslim commitments of environmentalism are primarily for the sake of religious goals, apocalypticism or the exemplary model of the Prophet Muhammad emerge as central teachings (Gade 2019, 199). Prophetic teachings emphasizing showing mercy (rahma) towards creation, as already referenced in the chapter on key environmental concepts, are especially emphasized within Muslim environmentalisms. Gade’s qualitative research show how the aspects of tradition correlated the ultimate mercy of Allah with the mercy of an individual person for community expressing mercy towards creation, i.e. the environment (Gade 2019, 215).

76 In one highly referenced hadith in the eco-theological discourse, Muhammad instructs the believers to plant trees (to “hold on to the sapling in your hand”), even “as Judgement Day irrupts” (Gade 2019, 113). This hadith is also mentioned by Härmälä’s informants and appear frequently in several eco-theologies. Presumably the sapling, along with everything else, will be destroyed. Thus, this teaching is sensible insofar as the rationale to plant the tree, one would expect, is judged on the intention and act, and counted as a good deed. Thus, the deed (reward for planting) would endure, although the tree itself would not. In this way, Gade contends, the embrace of apocalypticism does not inevitably lead to the escape from either “hope” or from “hopelessness”, to use the preferred sentimental terms in the mainstream ethics of climate crisis (Gade 2019, 114). This view is further supported by one of Härmälä’s informants commenting on the same Prophetic tradition: “You can plant a tree or plant as many as you can. That is what we are told to do. If you think you are going to die today, then one of the good things you can do is plant a tree. And you get extra credits for those trees that perform functions for any other living thing” (Harmala 2014, 48). This refers to another widespread hadith within the eco- theological discourse, found in the collections of Bukhari and Muslim: “if one plants a tree or sows seeds, if then a bird or a person or an animal later eats from them, this is an action with the rewarded status of a charitable gift” (Gade 2019, 230).

One of the figures that Gade presents through her fieldswork, K.H. Thonthawi claims Allah rewards sincere environmental care more than other religious action because it is giving mercy, which God rewards with mercy in turn. In his opinion, religion itself as conventionally understood is not enough to respond to the moral magnitude of environmental problems or even for religious success in terms of ultimate accounting. Experientially, people need to feel something to become motivated. He emphasised that this feeling itself is rewarded by God (following the hadith on God rewarding mercy) and that this feeling is also the empathy that motivates environmental action in the first place (Gade 2019, 230).

Another interesting point Thonthawi makes is that merely repeating everyday religious actions by rote, like prayer, is not enough to guarantee entry to heaven. Muslim environmentalism, for him represents a more sincere search for reward in the life to come and again an even deeper commitment and meritorious action. In this regard, the final determination belongs to Allah

77 alone, and it comes through His mercy (rahmat). The way to obtain this mercy, is through showing loving-kindness to his creatures, precisely through Muslim environmentalism – which he calls the “ticket to paradise” (Gade 2019, 231-232).

As Gade illustrates by examples from her fieldwork in Indonesia, the Islamic activists encountered there expressed a highly religiously oriented Muslim environmentalism that is built on the ethical foundation of engaging crisis as natural consequence, which include apocalyptic futures, while simultaneously affirming care for the earth as a criterion for the success of the state of the world to come (Gade 2019, 116).

In this way, there is a connectivity between the state of the current world and that of the next that highlights relations with the other, actions towards the other, and commitments towards the other. It also draws attention to the final accounting across space, time, and generations. The presence of eschatology is at the intersection of Islamic sources and Muslim practice, connecting the underlying worldview of the afterlife as the ultimate focus in this life, however, the accountability of our actions and inclinations in this present life serves as the foundation. Further, practical norms are embedded within a broader ethical register in a way where Islam is highly relevant. This methodology, through an environmental lens, seeks to understand the Quran’s role in the context of the practice, performance, and daily life of Muslims, rather than trying to extract environmental teachings to fit an environmental discourse.

This section has attempted to illustrate that the apocalyptic worldview of the Quran and the Islamic tradition, as expressed through Muslim environmentalisms can be seen as a realization of environmental justice as well as Islamic piety. In this sense, the significance of this life as a ‘test’ and human’s relationship with other creatures are to be known when ‘the environment’ is radically transformed out of human’s control. This radical transformed natural world is the direct (or indirect) consequences of humanities actions, in which God’s judgement may mirror His mercy in relation to their own care of creation. Ultimately, this message is compatible with the environmental discourse of human impact on the environment, an impact so great that many scientists refer to the new geological era dubbed the Anthropocene.

78 The way the Anthropocene is framed, at least in the two accounts examined here, leaves more room for human agency and places notions around free will and responsibility in new light. By emphasizing the human role in an unknown environmental future, it also raises questions of submissive attitudes to the end times and theological fatalism. This free will and accountability, however, in the greater scheme of things, is ultimately linked to the apocalyptic message of the final judging. This illustrate how eco-theology might bring new perspectives to eschatology, and opposite how eschatology might bring valuable contributions to eco-theology. Interwoven with accountability and seen through the lens of contemporary environmental issues, eschatology in light of eco-theology point to valuable teachings on the ways human beings are embedded in and interconnected with creation and therefor anchors human action and interaction in this world.

79 7 Consumption and Islam in Marketing

It would be a mistake to claim that the issue of consumption is not addressed within the eco- theological discourse. However, I would argue it is dealt with at a rather superficial level. Arguments regarding attitudes on consumption in Islam, the overconsumption and its negative effects on the environment today, along with critiques of the capitalist economic system, interest, and the spiritual downfall accompanying materialism are made in a various degree by many of the authors within the discourse (Abdul Matin 2010; Khalid 2019; Fagan 2016; Ouis 1998; Nasr 1998). Some also try to address how to change consumer habits by drawing on ideas from the Islamic tradition (Abdul Matin 2010; Fagan 2016; Khalid 2019).

This chapter will highlight how the eco-theological discourse deals with consumption as a practical-ethical concept by drawing on religious teachings. In addition, I wish to present some perspectives from studies on consumption in order to challenge the way the eco-theological discourse deals with this issue. This is thus an attempt to incorporate the human historical and social context, as formulated theoretically in the section pertaining to the ‘Book of the Universe’ and explore the consequences this might have for the image of the ‘Muslim consumer’. These will inform the perspectives highlighted within the eco-theological discourse and point to the complexities of consumer habits. Further, I will present some case studies dealing with how Islamic (re)framing of ideas and concepts may inform Muslim consumers. These case-studies engaging with Muslim consumers, reveal contradicting Islamic expressions. Islamic eco- theology and what some call ‘Islamic capitalism or the Islamic culture industry’ make evident how hermeneutical engagement can instigate multiple processes of meaning-making, while situated in different contextual conditions. Through the various case studies, I will also attempt to point to the complexity of dealing with consumption, as it lies at the intersection of a variety of perspectives such as global politics, social factors, identity and inclusion etc. My overall argument is that these perspectives might prove fruitful for the eco-theological discourse, that in my view, could benefit from a cross-disciplinary research and tap into the potential of researching Muslim consumer practices with an environmental focus.

7.1 The rational autonomous consumer and social practice theory

80 In this section, I will highlight some aspects from consumption studies that I believe could be beneficial in relation to the view of consumption within the eco-theological discourse. Two fundamental assumptions of the neo-classical theory of consumption that are closely linked to the dominating theory of rational choice13 in economics, will be highlighted, namely, 1) asocial individualism and 2) that consumers have an inherent insatiability (Ackerman 1997, 652). Asocial individualism assumes that the consumer has individual desires and preferences, thus acting rational and autonomous based on self-interest, without taking into account the social and economic institutions. The second point on insatiability assumes it is within the human nature to have multiplicity of insatiable material desires and that increased consumption result in individual satisfaction.

Developments in consumption research over the past three decades has resulted in an interdisciplinary area of research drawing contributions from sociology, anthropology, history, philosophy, psychology and marketing among others. This has led to the emergence of a sociological approach to consumption and the results suggest that the consumer does not operate along the lines of a rational choice theory. Unfortunately, I do not have the space to go into the details of these studies. I will therefor only highlight a few points of importance to underline my main arguments pertaining to the eco-theological discourse.

First, the consumer is a social being - not autonomous isolated individuals. Our preferences thus, cannot be separated from external factors, such as our interactions with the people in our lives. They reflect long standing customs, contemporary symbols of status, the effect of demonstrating our consumption to our peers, overt pressures from advertisers, and the process of positional competition. Second, insatiable material cannot be said to form the whole, not even the most of human nature. There are differentiated wants of varying urgency – some of them social, many of them satiable. Human beings do not always act on selfish preferences for their own comfort, but are often motivated by emphatic, altruistic, or principled feelings and beliefs. It is also possible

13 Rational choice theory is the dominating framework for understanding social and economic behavior, which results from the behaviors of individual actors all engaging in individual rational decision-making. These agents are assumed to take into account all available information, even when carrying out mundane tasks, in deciding whether actions are worth pursuing in search for the best possible outcome. Thus, assuming rational calculations, to make rational choices aligned with the persons self-interest (Ganti 2020).

81 that competition, emulation, and socially learned behaviour in general may be the primary sources of apparently insatiable desires (Ackerman 1997, 663).

In the realization that consumers are not mere rational, autonomous consumers, lies the acknowledgement that the study of consumption needs an interdisciplinary approach focusing on several aspects of human beings as consumers, including how religious expressions are connected to consumption. This entails how our everyday habits and consumption patterns are simultaneously embedded in different cultural, psychological and social relations that should not be overlooked, if the intended goal is to transform consumption habits. It also recognizes that how we understand the consumer has implications for how we study consumption habits. If the consumer is assumed to be an autonomous rational agent, then humans consume to obtain profit maximisation and seek self-benefit. If consumers are simply dupes, we assume they are tricked by transnational corporations and marketing strategies creating a false need. However, if we see consumers as performers of culture communicating their identity through consumption, this adds another interesting element to the consumer – though not sufficient in itself. There is a need then to see the consumer as carriers of social practice and as participating in a variety of social practices including important aspects of culture, society, social norms and connections. In a way, it is also serving as an attempt to redefine the dominant paradigm organized around theories of individual attitude, behaviour and choice – such as those formulated in the point on habitus. In fact, arguments pertaining to the individual attitude regarding consumption is dominating the eco-theological discourse as well. An inclusion of the social aspect might benefit this discourse and deal more realistically with apparent challenges that the eco-Islamic discourse have with overconsumption in many Muslim societies, rather than dealing with consumption on a strictly theoretical and normative level.

7.2 Islamic ideals regarding consumption – Between askesis and moderation

Abdelzaher et al. highlights three terms from the Quran, that connects to consumption directly (2017, 633). In some verses wasataya refers to a conscious moderation (in the use of resources), while israf refers to extravagance or overconsumption. This term, israf, also indicate overconsuming things that are allowed or even necessary (eating, drinking, etc). The final term tabzeer refers to wasting and in reference to things that are not out of necessity. According to

82 Abdelzaher et al. the Quranic message entails that excessive waste and overconsumption are damaging to the human spiritually and lead them to unjust actions. Similarly, Fagan argues that the Quran does not approve of a lavish or unjust consumption of resources, wastefulness and extravagance, and refers to the following line, appearing two times in the Quran: “But waste not in excess, for God loves not the wasteful” (Q 6:141; 7:31, Fagan 2016, 72). The verse indicate food consumption as the previous lines addresses various kind of crops of food and fruits, thus Arabic terms used here is israfu (to be extravagant/excessive and al-musrifin (the one who is extravagant/excessive) with commodities that are necessary. Further, Fagan quotes the verse 17:25 stating: “Verily, spendthrifts are brothers of Evil Ones; and the Evil One is to his Lord (Himself) ungrateful” (Fagan 2016, 72), thus emphasizing a disapproval of lavish, wasteful and unjust consumption of resources, connecting consumption to evil and ungratefulness.

Fagan emphasize examples of how the Prophet mended his own clothes and repaired his shoes, not wasting God’s resources and therefore implementing the modern campaign “Reduce, Re-use, Recycle” (Fagan 2016, 74). While attitudes and actual practice of getting the maximum utility of commodities must be assumed to be widespread in 7th century Arabia, it must also be assumed that they in fact communicated a relevant message and valuable teaching within its time. The status enjoyed by the Prophet, could provide a more comfortable lifestyle than the prophetic traditions suggest, thereby conveying a message of modest and careful relationship with consumption as something valuable in and of itself, in addition to placing a higher emphasis on spirituality. In this sense, it should be stated that the possibility that many Muslims globally are exercising a moderate take on consumption and material lifestyles, without holding explicit environmental concerns, is also highly likely.

A central term, highlighted by Fagan in this regard, is the concept of iktisad. This concept is formulated within the Islamic tradition and refers to frugality in terms that it highlights only the use of resources that are necessary – no more, no less. However, this term carries a spiritual aspect, as it seeks to address inner desires for material goods, give foundation for greater satisfaction, gratitude and focus on personal relations (Fagan 2016, 68). According to Fagan, this term is mainly absent from the eco-theological discourse and she argues that this concept represents an alternative to consumerism. To illustrate Muhammad’s position on consumption,

83 Fagan refers to two prophetic traditions from the al-Bukhari collection in which the Prophet stated:

“Wealth is not a lot of goods but it is being satisfied with what one has” and “If the son of Adam has two valleys filled with wealth, he will demand a third, but nothing fills the stomach of the son of Adam like dust” (Fagan 2016, 71).

Fagan argues that the latter hadith deals with the human desires and urges of always wanting more. Because iktisad seek to address humans’ inner inclinations towards greed and indulging excessively, while working towards gratitude and satisfaction elsewhere in life. On the other hand, Fagan stresses that iktisad should not be understood as a prohibition to enjoy material goods or take pride in how one dresses or presents themselves, but instead refers to the Islamic message of moderation (Fagan 2016, 75). With regards to the Islamic view on the human being, Fagen writes that they are understood to be accountable for their actions and recognises that greed must be trained, as human beings will never be satisfied with wealth and material items. On the contrary, contentment is not obtained through material possession, but through the satisfaction of heart and mind (Fagan 2016, 71).

It seems here that Fagan, to some degree, accepts the notion of insatiable desires of human beings. However, she holds that spiritual focus and teachings can serve as tools to help one curb those feelings and inner inclination towards consumer goods. This seems to be a general idea forwarded by the eco-theological discourse, the idea that revival of spirituality and reflections on metaphysical aspects will somehow automatically tackle the issue of overconsumption. While it does recognize that human beings are more than insatiable desires and can act through other sentiments, it does not recognise the consumer as a social being. The consumer is seen as an asocial individual, and the suggested solution is inward. Considering the way habitus is expressed in Islamic sources, is there a way to train and consciously ‘transform’ yourself into a rational consumer? Or a spiritual consumer to be more precise? Discourses pertaining to the spiritual aspect of one’s inner being to train inclination toward for example increased consumption can indeed serve as valuable tools for some. Further, the reappearance of these perspectives from well-known thinkers such as al-Ghazali and Miskawayh can be beneficial to

84 the eco-theological. However, perhaps what is is lacking is an acknowledgement of the social structures surrounding us, and a tendency to portray the human ‘inner’ struggle devoid of historical and social contexts. I would argue that in a contemporary reality, the failure to recognize the consumer as a social being has further implications for the eco-Islamic discourse, as it hinders the field from examining how religious discourse are also present in the marketplace.

This entails examining how Islam is instrumentalized in a variety of ways to promote commodities, in both conscious and unconscious ways. Islamic knowledge, performances, and selves are increasingly mediated through commodified cultural forms and spaces, where Muslim identities are constructed and re-framed through commodities and consumption practices (Gökariksel and MacLarney 2010, 2). This, for example, includes a reframing of female piety and modesty along the lines of ‘spiritual beauty’, indicating the ways Muslim femininity are increasingly mediated through the market forces of consumer capitalism, impacting Muslim woman’s identities, lifestyles, and belonging in complex ways. In addition, it would therefore also foster a need to conduct more research on actual Muslim consumer practices rather than only drawing on the traditional and theoretical knowledge on consumption. Before entering a discussion on these issues, I will include some examples of how the eco-theological discourse deal with consumption.

7.3 Consumption in the Islamic eco-theological discourse

Attending to individual and collective efforts to change unsustainable consumption habits, is a major theme in Abdul-Matin’s book. In Green Deen the problem of overconsumption is dealt with as a recurring perspective in chapters dealing with waste (accumulation and the massive global problem of excessive trash), energy, water and food. Abdul-Matin connects all these areas of everyday consumption to the green deen lifestyle and asks the reader to reflect on ways they might change their consumption habits. Abdul-Matin claims ‘overconsumption can blind us to our role as stewards’ (Abdul-Matin 2010, 26). Being khalifah means checking consumption habits, which is using or misusing the planet’s resources in a multitude of ways. Through the perspective of amana the planet’s resources are also seen as ‘a loan’ from the Creator, and these ‘resources’ are in turn signs (ayat) for humans to reflect upon His glory and the innumerable

85 ways that God’s blessings are providing for creation. Abdul-Matin emphasize this by quoting this verse in the Quran: “And He gives you all that you ask for. But if you count the favours of Allah, never will you be able to number them” (Q 14:34, Abdul-Matin 2010, 27). Mizan is also drawn in as Abdul-Matin stresses how overconsumption on a broad scale, manifested as overfishing, factory farming, and growth by any means necessary, has led to depleted oceans, nutrition-less food, and nonstop expansion of development and markets, all unbalancing the earth (Abdul-Matin 2010, 29). Abdul-Matin also stresses the human agency in the unfortunate by- products of overconsumption and overproduction such as pollution and climate change. In this regard he quotes the verse (Q 30:41), that emphasize corruption made by the hand of humans on land and sea. While quoting the verse (Q 7:31) that warns people about excessive/extravagant behaviour, Abdul-Matin writes that “a system based on waste and excess has turned us from stewards to dominators” (Abdul-Matin 2010, 32). He thus, places human consumption at the forefront in exercising the role of khalifah.

In many eco-theologies consumption is connected to justice (adl) and the oppressive economic systems and corporations across the world that has subjugated and exploited both humans, animals and natural resources. Abdul-Matin claims this oppression has left people emotionally damaged – and this damage is being used to promote consumption. People find solace in material goods. “They buy things to make them feel better about themselves or to prove something about themselves” (Abdul-Matin 2010, 32). People then create relationships with things money can buy, rather than improving relationships with people. Abdul-Matin argues that at its core, “Islam is about developing a relationship with God. Islam then promotes relationship between people. By putting at the forefront relationship-building with other people, Islam tries to help humans heal from the oppressions they have suffered and deemphasizes materialism (Abdul-Matin 2010, 32). Here, spirituality and focusing on relationship-building both with God and other people in local communities are presented as tools to battle the emotional need humans have to consume goods, in order to make them feel better. Again, the social aspect of consumer habits is ignored. Moreover, relationships with other people are instead assumed to decrease consumption, while questions on the ways social relations also may impact consumer habits are not problematized. However, he does encourage community efforts towards environmental awareness and provides

86 tools and concrete steps to take for communities to for example ‘greening the mosque’ by examining a number of consumption areas connected to energy, food, waste and water.

Overall Abdul-Matin’s book presents itself as a practical guidebook orienting the believer to a green lifestyle. It is normative and engages the reader in religious aspects of consumption, justice and environmental issues while contextualising the historical development and current conditions according to the abovementioned themes. Considering the previous chapter on eschatology, I find particularly interesting the way he categorizes energy sources as ‘energy from hell’ and ‘energy from heaven’. While it may draw on apocalyptic imageries by simply utilizing the terms heaven and hell, it is in Abdul-Matin’s book not to emphasize an eschatological reality. Rather, it is used metaphorically to draw a sharp line between good and bad energy sources based on their qualities. The ‘energy from hell’ are non-renewable sources that are mainly extracted from the ground such as gas, oil, coal and nuclear energy (Abdul-Matin 2010, 75). On the opposite note, ‘energy from heaven’ is referring to renewable energy from the sun and wind. The ‘energy from hell’, Abdul-Matin writes, takes away from the earth without giving back, thus, disturbing the balance of the universe. He then connects this source of energy to the Arabic term zulm meaning cruel or unjust acts of oppression, exploitation and wrongdoing, thereby emphasizing the concept of adl (justice) in connection to humans, animals and nature . A green deen, he contends, calls for maintaining the earths balance and treating it justly.

Additionally, Abdul-Matin points out how “Countries all over the world have suffered similar wars, international corporate involvements, repressive governments, and political instability – all thanks to the extraction of oil and its overconsumption” (Abdul-Matin 2010, 79). Not to mention the damaging environmental impact and negative health impacts connected to pollution. Among other examples, he illustrates how ‘mountaintop-removal’ in coal mining is an extremely destructive practice, harmful to both the environment and to humanity. Some of the consequences of this practice include flooding as the mountaintop is removed, rain water is no longer absorbed by the soil and tree roots and other vegetation that grows on mountaintops and mountainsides, causing rainwater to go straight down into the valleys below, increasing the volume of the streams by 3-5 times, resulting in flooding. In addition to the serious environmental impact this has naturally negative consequences for people living in a proximity

87 to these coal companies, who are experiencing floods multiple times a year (Abdul-Matin 2010, 85). Other consequences Abdul-Matin point to is depletion of water resources as the water becomes toxic and the increase in “black lung”, a term applied to a number of respiratory diseases that can lead to severe illness and death. He affirms that the use of ‘energies from hell’ contradicts every principle of a green deen. “A Green Deen sees the Earth as a mosque. A green deen commands us to move towards justice (adl), to respect the balance of nature (mizan), and to be stewards of the planet (khalifah) according to the trust between humanity and God (amana). Extracting oil and coal from the earth destroys the delicate balance of the natural world. The toxicity created from oil drilling and mountaintop removal mining destroys people’s lives unjustly” (Abdul-Matin 2010, 86).

Khalid in fact deals with the concept of iktisad in relation to consumption and lifestyle. He underscores that the Quran is not anti-materialistic, but it warns against excess: “It is He (Allah) who created everything on the Earth for you (Q 2:29). “Do not forbid the good things Allah has made lawful to you. And do not overstep the limits” (Q 5:87, Khalid 2019, 159). Similarly, to Fagan, he notes that the concept of iktisad encourages moderation and simplicity; material benefits are not denied, however, hoarding and the accumulation of wealth for its own sake is discouraged. Khalid quotes the first verses in sura at-Takathur: “Fierce competition for this world distracted you until you went down to the graves. No indeed you will soon know! Again, no indeed you will soon know! (Q 102: 1-4, Khalid 2019, 159). Distribution and sharing are encouraged, as indicated by central notions such as (alms), one of five pillars in Islam where 2,5 per cent of savings is compulsory to donate to the needy or another justified cause, and sadaqah, the voluntary giving of surplus wealth. Finally, al-Infaq is an extension of sadaqah whereby the deprived are seen as having a right over the surplus wealth of others (Khalid 2019, 159). Khalid connects a number of dire consequences such as the drastic decline of flying insects, pollution, global warming, plastic pollution etc. to the human way of life and the capitalist system. There is a disconnect in the ways we consume, and the way human lifestyle affects the natural world. One way out of this dilemma, Khalid argues, is to discover that everything we do is connected in one way or another to everything else.

88 Both Khalid and Abdul-Matin strongly emphasized justice and equity when dealing with consumption, in addition to the environmental impact. They both place consumption and lifestyle, along with the systemic unjust and exploitative treatment of capitalism at the centre of environmental concerns. This, thus, points to the importance of dealing with consumption habits in a realistic manner and further propels the argument of eco-theologies drawing on consumption studies. While they both draw on different elements, their idea of the consumer is not clarified - sometimes treating the consumer as a rational autonomous being where information alone on these aspects should be enough, sometimes emotional elements and the trickery of the false promise from commodities are highlighted. In reality, religion has entered the market and Muslim identity is in many ways communicated through commodities. In addition, consumerism and overconsumption is a major challenge in Muslim majority countries as well. This reiteration of Muslim expression with the marketplace should be addressed. The answer to the challenges of overconsumption, while important, cannot lie in curbing consumption through religious expression and practice alone, it needs to be acknowledged how religion is also instrumentalized and reframed to fit an increasing consumer behaviour.

7.4 The Muslim market: religious branding and symbolism

As illustrated above there is tension between professed Islamic virtues and the logic of consumer capitalism. As demonstrated, aversion to consumerism has generally been strong among Islamic thinkers and has a firm grounding in the sacred texts as well. While Islamic virtues regarding consumption is often defined as moderation, thrift, other-worldly devotion, spiritualism, and communitarianism, consumer capitalism is perceived to cultivate self-indulgence, conspicuous consumption, this-worldly orientation, materialism, and individualism (Gökariksel and McLarney 2010, 4). Gökariksel and McLarney, however, contend that “the Islamic culture industry’ uses – and creates – networks to circulate signifiers of Islamic identity while also reconfiguring Islamic practices according to the exigencies of the capitalist market and its power structures” (Gökariksel and McLarney 2010, 7). What does this actually entail and why is it important for the eco-theological discourse? While there is a general consensus regarding the damage the capitalist market and the consumer lifestyles have on the environment, there seems to be none within the Islamic eco-theological discourse that explore the impacts it may have on

89 Muslim practice and thought. Some research regarding the relations between Islam and consumption has been done in the field of marketing.

Özlem Sandikci explores the relations between religion, neoliberalism and the expansion of the market logic. She identifies three phases relating to views on Muslim consumers, namely, exclusion, identification and stylisation. While Muslims have engaged in trade and consumption for centuries, Muslim consumers and businesses have remained almost invisible in the mainstream Western marketing theory. Sandikci believes the Muslim consumer was excluded from the marketing industry because it tended to stereotype the Muslim consumer as poor and uncivilised, holding anti-market, anti-capitalist and anti-Western sentiments. This describes the first phase – exclusion (Sandikci 2018, 457).

The next phase, identification, a more consumer-oriented culture emerges. Mass-produced objects drawing on Islamic references became increasingly visible in the 80’s and 90’s, signalling a changing nature of the relationship between Islam, the market and consumption. Transnational images of advertising, increased access to satellite tv and new spaces for shopping and leisure fuelled the development of a globally oriented consumer culture. In 2007, one global management consulting firm addressed the Muslim market in analyses, postulating that “at a time when many other large consumer segments are reaching a saturation point, Muslims are a new outlet from which to build a base for future growth” (Sandikci 2018, 461). In this analysis Muslims consumers were identified as a unique segment requiring products and services specially tailored for them. This encouraged Western companies to better understand Islamic principles and values to design commodities that meet the religious requirements. In a marketing analysis from 2013 conducted a quantitative study with 300 Iranian students, supports this stance and suggests that companies aiming for the Muslim market would benefit from employing communication strategies signifying modesty, as opposed to sophistication, snobbery or sex appeals which may be controversial (O’cass, Lee and Siahtiri 2013, 453).

However, as Sandikci notes, these analyses tended to treat Islam as a homogenizing force directing all consumer behaviour. The third face, stylization, then represents a shift of attention to subgroups. Overall this is conforming with general strategies in contemporary marketing

90 where consumption is related to the stylization of everyday life. This entails an emphasis on individualization in which identity is communicated through commodity, sensations and experiences. Sandikci highlights a growing number of Muslim entrepreneurs, bloggers and lifestyle magazines and subgroups referenced to as ‘Mipsters’ (Muslim hipsters), ‘GUMmies’ (Global Urban Muslim consumers), and ‘Generation M’. These subgroups of Muslim consumers embrace brands and pursue a lifestyle that seamlessly blend faith and modesty (Sandikci 2018, 466).

As Sandikci’s article indicate, there exists a growing industry in which actors, including Muslim, utilize Islamic symbols, concepts and ideas, to encourage consumption. Gökariksel and McLarney even suggests that Islamic movements and neoliberal consumer capitalism have arisen simultaneously in many settings, leading to newly articulated and contextually different manifestations of “Islamic capitalism”. A new market for commodities, media, advertising, businesses, and consumer segments identified as “Islamic” has helped in the creation of a new culture industry. An industry coined by Gökariksel and McLarney as the Islamic culture industry (2010, 1).

Considering the importance of consumption and market capitalism within an environmental perspective and the central critique of consumerism within the Islamic eco-theological discourse, these perspectives should be of interest to this field. Including research from interdisciplinary approaches from marketing and consumption studies might in fact be a more holistic way of tackling consumption rather than relying solely on normative and theoretical approaches. This is also in keeping with the theoretical framework pertaining to the ‘Book of the Universe’, as social and historical factors and the fields of research that these perspectives draw on becomes important sources in religious discourse. Muslims are not a homogenic group of consumers (or religious practitioners), as indicated by the stylization phase within marketing. While there are many examples throughout the tradition that highlights an ascetic way of life, Islam or Islamic expressions and interpretations has officially entered the capitalist market. Overconsumption, when seen in an eco-theological light, is a major challenge in many Muslim countries and among Muslims living in the West, a fact, that is barely addressed within the discourse.

91 7.5 Inclusion and representation: ‘Mipster’, Generation M and Pop-Islam

In this section, I will highlight some case-studies that illustrate some of the ways religious values and symbolism are translated and re-framed into new conceptions that align with a consumer lifestyle. What is then the relationship between Islamic concepts of consumption and real-life Muslim consumer habits? In what ways do Islamic teachings inform the consumer practices of Muslims? These are complex questions that I am not in a position to give comprehensive answers on. That would require many different studies conducted in a variety of contexts. Here, I draw on some selected case-studies dealing with the phenomenon of ‘Islamic’ modest fashion. These case-studies all relate Muslim consumption habits to Islamic principles in some ways, while emphasizing how contemporary challenges in society plays a role in shaping new consumer cultures. In addition, they highlight the various implications historical, political and social developments have had in shaping these consumption habits.

Carla Jones examines how Muslim women in Indonesia negotiate the borders of materiality and piety (2010). She affirm that a growing number of fashion brands and fashion magazines promoting a “modest” style that maintains Islamic clothing conduct in terms of covering the female body, and the increased use of Islamic cultural symbols as fashion accessories such as the hijab (veil), reveal a new type of discourse on consumption. This discourse frames Islamic ideas of modesty together with concepts of beauty and cleanliness. While argument such as “God appreciates beauty” and “It’s to always look clean and presentable”, referring to Prophet Muhammad’s example as an exemplary source for conduct (Jones 2010, 619). This framing is not without critique as some religious actors accuse these women of being vain and superficial. Additionally, feminist critiques are concerned of an increased fashion pressure and ‘beatification’ of the veil.

It might be significant to mention that in Schwenke’s study (2012, 26) claim Indonesia is taking the lead in the ‘greening Islam’ process. While ambiguity between piety and consumption is expressed in Jones’ study, it does not include an environmental perspective. References to Islamic ideas are mostly framed within concepts of modesty and piety in a fashion milieu, and even the critiques are framed as vanity on the one hand and as concerns about increased use of the veil (as a result of beatification and fashion pressure). Attitudes regarding consumption in

92 general is not mentioned, nor whether eco-theological discourses contribute to the Islamic modest fashion discourse. It would be interesting to know whether and how the ‘green’ discourse contributes to these discussions.

Another qualitative study conducted in Kuwait targeted young Muslim women who reframe Western luxury fashion brand meaning through consumption in upper class Kuwaiti society (Al- Mutawa 2013, 236). The article’s is directed at marketing agencies, as it provides insight on advertising appeals directed at this specific consumer group. Contrary to research concluding that advertisement aimed at the Muslim female consumer should use culturally congruent appeals in Islamic cultures, especially when it comes to expressing sexuality, this study examines how luxury brands (e.g. Gucci, Chanel, Dolce & Gabbana, Prada, Dior, etc.), who often use expressions of ‘porno-chic’ sex appeals to target consumers, are still consumed by young Muslim women. These brands, however, are used in novel and hybrid ways, expressing what the girls in the study referred to as ‘moderately sexy’. New representations of the brands associate them with modest, high class, and fashionable woman and due to this positive representation, consumption of these brands is “neutralized” and accepted in Kuwaiti society. The article suggests that inferring the lifestyle of young Muslim women based solely on Islamic texts can be misleading as it may conjure the image of an “ideal” Muslim woman rather than “reality”, drawing attention to the fact that not only are these woman attracted to the sexual appeals in the advertisements, they are also creating new consumer-generated representation as opposed to a marketer-generated representation (Al-Mutawa 2013, 237). By wearing these brands in a different way than the ad, a way that is not revealing the body, the author suggests that young women are creating a synthesis of the opposing identities that comes close to giving them the best of both worlds, and hence in the consumption domains, they do not need to compromise between social prohibitions and personal desires (Al-Mutawa 2013, 240).

What this study indicate is that Islam and status consumption can in fact co-exist in the realm of fashion clothing. The article, however, seem to focus more on the advertising appeal and female sexuality, as there is nothing in the article that seem to suggest any general contradiction between ‘Islamic values’ and consuming western luxury goods.

93 In another study, Imène Ajala introduces conceptions like “cool Islam” and “pop-Islam” describing Islamic street wear worn by Muslim youths. This study focuses on the growing tendencies to individualisation in post-industrial societies at the sociological level, and of the global neoliberal environment which is embedding Islam in capital markets. According to Ajala, “cool Islam” and “pop-Islam” describe a movement of young Muslims abiding by conservative religious practices, while adopting the codes of youth and pop culture (Ajala 2018, 61). One could imagine that ‘cool Islam’ perhaps bears similar connotations to the consumer group dubbed as ‘Mipsters’ or ‘Generation M’ in Sandikci’s article. Ajala defines Islamic street wear as a style of urban clothing which takes into account Islamic prescriptions in terms of dress and occasionally conveys Islamic messages. The focus for this particular study is Islamic messages printed on t-shirts and hoodies such as: “I love my Prophet”, “Tawhid” (oneness of God), “Sabr” (enduring in hardship) and “Keep smiling it’s Sunnah” (referring to Prophet Muhammad’s conduct). What must be taken into account, Ajala argues, is these youths’ social and political reality, especially those residing in Western societies. Framing her discussions employing theories of multicultural identities and secularism in a globalized religious community, Ajala argues that clothing carrying messages like “Hijab - My right My Choice”, “I’m Muslim Don’t panic” and “Don’t trust media ask me about Islam” must be understood within the socio-political reality these young Muslims live in. In this sense, in a Western setting, ‘cool Islam’ or ‘pop- Islam’ are ways to claim pride in being a westernized Muslim without any contradiction (Ajala 2018, 68).

In Norway, similar expressions of modest fashion and Muslim female representation on the cover of fashion magazines, in tv-shows and in the so-called influencer industry through social media are visible as well. In an interview in the fashion magazine Costume, Meskini, an influencer and actress from the popular Norwegian television series SKAM, says it can be challenging to shop for clothes that align with the requirements of Islamic clothing conduct in mainstream shops, however, she states to have developed a routine when entering clothing shops. By first scanning the content in the shop, she passes by shorts and miniskirts (or other items that fail to meet the requirements), then Meskini quickly analyse the garment by asking: Is it transparent? Is it long enough? Covering enough? What is needed over or under to be able to use it? Then she decides if it is worth buying – or if it is too much fuss. In the interview, Meskini

94 highlights Islam as a belief, a great passion and a lifestyle. “For Islam is my lifestyle. Because Islam is a lifestyle. Islam explains how you should behave, how you should live. In a way, it describes everything” (Fuglehaug 2017, my translation and italics added). Meskini expresses pride in being Muslim and over her hijab, while affirming that clothing communicates identity. This points to Islam as an integrated aspect of lifestyle, one that can be aesthetic and others that can be eco-oriented as expressed in Abdul-Matin’s green deen. Islamic lifestyles reflect diversity and convey multifaceted expressions.

Rawdah Mohamed is another example from the Norwegian context. She recently appeared in a documentary series in the Norwegian Broadcasting corporations (NRK) showcasing, among other thing, her aspiring modelling career and fashion sense as an influencer in social media. In an interview with American Vouge, she highlights the hijab as a form of expression, not oppression: “I’m definitely using it to make a statement that, yes, I’m a Muslim woman, I’m doing this, and you guys have to deal with it”, thus, referring to an exclusivity in the fashion industry (Borelli-Persson 2019). Mohamed hope she is paving the way to make it more acceptable in the fashion world for other girls wearing the hijab.

These two examples are important because they point to a number of other aspects than reframing ideals of modesty in Islamic clothing conduct. They both highlight their position as role models and emphasize the feedback they get from young Muslim followers, especially girls that feel represented and more included. It is significant for them to witness a woman in hijab on the cover of fashion magazines and on television not conveying particular stereotypes. Therefore, this is also about inclusivity and representation in a society where depictions of Muslims often have been framed negatively and stereotypical. Similar to Ajala’s study placing, contextualising these expressions within a broader social, historical and geo-political framework is essential to understand the underlying structures of how global neoliberal systems are embedding Islam in capital markets. In addition, both Meskini and Mohamed highlight personal religiosity emphasizing rituals like prayer and fasting, something they openly display on tv and in the media, thus, indicating that spirituality can exist alongside expressions of consumption. The highlighting of the hijab as a statement for strong, independent women and as an expression of personal choice and pride, similarly fit into a Western secular discourse. Thus, communication

95 through attire and commodities becomes a way to communicate Muslim identity according to expectations in society. At the same time, it is an expression of how many of these young Muslims don’t see any contradiction or problems with displaying a Muslim identity through commodities and consumption practices. On the contrary, Mohamed stresses the fashion industry should recognize the potential for increased revenues by showcasing more diversity (Borelli- Persson 2019). In my view, this is all expressions of what Gökariksel and McLarney referred to as the creation of a new Islamic culture identity. Or simply, expressions of young Muslims living within the bounds of a capitalist consumer society. This also show that while these examples and case studies must be seen in their specific local contexts, they cannot be separated from the larger transnational market forces in which they are embedded.

The various case studies may illustrate that Islam plays a significant role in shaping Muslim consumer practices, but not always in the ‘traditional’ sense. The selected studies show how religious, social and cultural factors take part in adapting to societal structures and recreate new forms of Muslim female and youth identity in different contexts, resulting in an altering of consumer habits and behaviours. The studies also point to a number of other complex factors that are contributing to the formation of these consumer groups, such as political views, geo-political conditions, socio-economic class and multicultural identity. This point to the complexities of viewing the consumer as a social agent, and the necessity of exploring consumer habits with a cross-disciplinary focus – also when dealing with consumers holding religious sentiments. It would be essentializing to assume traditional Islamic virtues related to consumption is the only value-component guiding Muslim consumers. Also, Islamic concepts and ideas are re- conceptualized into new formulations that are seemingly contradictive to their original meaning. It should be mentioned that none of the studies include an environmental perspective. In fact, I have not come across any research examining environmental attitudes in relation to consumer practices among Muslim consumers. This points to a huge gap and a research potential across the fields, one that could be beneficial to the eco-theological discourse. Another interesting observation is that the majority of the studies tend to focus on conspicuous consumption, meaning the visible status-seeking consumption. This is also one of the reasons why I chose to highlight case-studies dealing with modest fashion, simply because this is perhaps the area where

96 consumption and ‘Islamic values’ that has been researched the most. Equally, or maybe more, important is the inconspicuous consumption that every human being partake of such as energy, water, food and overall household consumption, where surely social components play an equally important role in how these commodities are being consumed.

7.6 Concluding remarks on contradictive Islamic expressions

The conception of Islamic meaning-making as a hermeneutic engagement, has allowed me to examine multiple expressions of ‘Islamic’ that are glaringly contradictive. Namely, Islamic teachings regarding consumption in the more traditional sense and some of the ways Islamic symbols and conceptions are utilized and reframed into new expressions of Muslim identity that seemingly fit into a market capitalization. In addition, I have attempted to demonstrate that Muslim consumer practices are embedded in the social realm, influenced by a number of factors in complex ways. One could easily reject these expressions as un-Islamic simply due to the fact that they are contradictive to traditional Islamic teachings. However, it would not make these phenomena disappear. Further, the Islamic tradition in itself is in a state of constant development – it recreates in the process of making meaning by hermeneutically engaging with Islamic sources and specific challenges in different contexts. While Islamic meaning-making in this sense draws its legitimacy from a hermeneutic discursive engagement, which possibly yield different interpretations, it must be stated that interpretations also risk being selective and personally motivated, thus drawing attention to the fact that human social and historically embedded beings are not necessarily free from their own interest.

While claims to normativity regarding a moderate consumption are well-founded within the Islamic tradition, the contemporary environmental challenges do shed new light on the ethical foundations’ consumer practices rests upon. But engagement in this discourse needs to include reflections on how Islamic symbols and conceptions are also utilized in different ways to increase consumption. Eco-theologies mention nothing of the ways Islam is instrumentalized in order to increase consumption and thus, interweaved with expressions of market capitalism. In addition, research on consumption as a social practice can provide important insights in how to communicate an Islamic message regarding consumption that are grounded in contemporary Muslim lifestyles, that are increasingly transnational and reflect diverse universalistic

97 expressions between the local and global cultural and political realms, between tradition and the contemporary, and between religion, ethics and ways of life.

98 8 Conclusion

As the final pages of this thesis unfolds, I would like to revisit and consider the initial research question asked in the introduction chapter, namely; when examining selected topics within the Islamic eco-theological discourse, how can we understand Islam’s message in light of the environmental challenges?

The three topics that constitute my content analysis of the eco-theological discourse, that is, central principles, concepts and ideas, perspectives related to eschatology, and how consumption is portrayed and dealt with, all meet at the intersection of socio-ethical perspectives related to environmental concerns and hermeneutic engagements with the Quran and the Islamic tradition, pertaining to both the communal and the individual. Further, it becomes apparent that by including the environment as a framework when hermeneutically engaging with the Islamic sources, it provides fresh perspectives and interpretative readings.

While the Islamic eco-theological discourse illustrates internal variations and different examples of eco-theologies (considering overall aim, focus and portrayals of how certain concepts are understood), the overall message appear rather coherent with regards to the position Islam as a religion (with its ethical and normative formulations) take in light of the contemporary environmental challenges and thus, the role Muslims ought to play. Further, the way these concepts are formulated initiate an alternative understanding of humanity’s ties to the natural world, thus, challenging current dichotomies and perceptions not only of nature but of what it means to be human. Through these formulations the human-ecological relationship is understood as inter-relational, thus displaying a holistic ecology, in which humans and the environment are seen as a single system – a single creation. In this way, eco-theologies carry the potential of uprooting deep understandings of ourselves in modern society and the way we interact with the rest of creation.

Further, creation is seen as part of an eschatological drama, in which the human figure emerges as highly controversial, exercising an ability for destruction that goes beyond what has previously been conceivable in theological discourse. It thus, brings into question the human participation in the divine eschatological scheme. Moreover, drawing on eschatology provides a

99 framework of accountability (with reference to the afterlife) which ties notions of the unseen and an imaginational transformative natural scenery that can draw environmental care at the forefront of worship and piety. In addition, it relates religious notions of other-worldly dimensions to actions in this world. Perspectives on consumption further ground environmental issues in this life, by drawing attention to the ways our lifestyles and consumer habits are overall linked to the perpetual and rapid eradication of the natural world.

Islam’s message in this sense could be understood as preserving the God created nature, essential for discovering our full humanity today, understood only in light of the contemporary ecological crises, and humbling when cognizance of the ways human agency is involved.

However, as this thesis employs perspectives on hermeneutical engagement and seeks to underscore Muslim lifestyles and consumer habits as historically and socially embedded in modern societal structures, it points to some analytical challenges with how consumption is treated in the eco-theological discourse. Especially if the desire is to bridge the gap between theory and practice. This entails that Islam, in a contemporary setting, is employed in the production of new meaning-making that conforms with the power structures of the capital market, along with ideas of individualism and identity communicated through commodities.

The same considerations apply for Muslims engaged in general Islamic meaning-making, where engaging with the religious teachings, simultaneously deals with the specific contextual structures the various individuals are situated within, whether consciously or not. This points to the relevance of involving a wider range of sources in order to develop a deeper understanding of these complex social and historical structures that humans perform within. In addition, when drawing on environmental thought it requires a conscious and aware positioning of ourselves within a broader context of cosmological structures as well. This inspires and challenges a sincere act of contemplating the human position in the cosmos and the relational dependence humans have on earth.

Further, as there seems to be a general consensus, within the eco-theological discourse, regarding the relation between modern man’s lifestyles and the ecological crisis. This is a strong indication

100 that the study of habits, social structures and consumption along with theology and philosophy could be valuable for future studies. In addition, the Islamic eco-theological discourse when faced with the modern culture industry and market forces, reveals the meaning of being Islamic as shaped and developed in relation to contemporary challenges, uncovering a need for Islamic values and modern values to be re-examined in light of each other and in light of a new ecological awareness.

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