The Limits of Punishment Transitional Justice and Violent Extremism
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The Lost Women of Iraq: Family-Based Violence During Armed Conflict © Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights and Minority Rights Group International November 2015
CEASEFIRE centre for civilian rights Miriam Puttick The Lost Women of Iraq: Family-based violence during armed conflict © Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights and Minority Rights Group International November 2015 Cover photo: This report has been produced as part of the Ceasefire project, a multi-year pro- Kurdish women and men protesting gramme supported by the European Union to implement a system of civilian-led against violence against women march in Sulaymaniyah, Iraq, monitoring of human rights abuses in Iraq, focusing in particular on the rights of November 2008. vulnerable civilians including vulnerable women, internally-displaced persons (IDPs), stateless persons, and ethnic or religious minorities, and to assess the feasibility of © Shwan Mohammed/AFP/Getty Images extending civilian-led monitoring to other country situations. This report has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this report are the sole responsibility of the publishers and can un- der no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union. Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights The Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights is a new initiative to develop ‘civilian-led monitoring’ of violations of international humanitarian law or human rights, to pursue legal and political accountability for those responsible for such violations, and to develop the practice of civilian rights. The Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights is registered as a charity and a company limited by guarantee under English law; charity no: 1160083, company no: 9069133. Minority Rights Group International MRG is an NGO working to secure the rights of ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities and indigenous peoples worldwide, and to promote cooperation and understanding between communities. -
The Limits of Punishment Transitional Justice and Violent Extremism
i n s t i t u t e f o r i n t e g r at e d t r a n s i t i o n s The Limits of Punishment Transitional Justice and Violent Extremism May, 2018 United Nations University – Centre for Policy Research The UNU Centre for Policy Research (UNU-CPR) is a UN-focused think tank based at UNU Centre in Tokyo. UNU-CPR’s mission is to generate policy research that informs major UN policy processes in the fields of peace and security, humanitarian affairs, and global development. i n s t i t u t e f o r i n t e g r at e d t r a n s i t i o n s Institute for Integrated Transitions IFIT’s aim is to help fragile and conflict-affected states achieve more sustainable transitions out of war or authoritarianism by serving as an independent expert resource for locally-led efforts to improve political, economic, social and security conditions. IFIT seeks to transform current practice away from fragmented interventions and toward more integrated solutions that strengthen peace, democracy and human rights in countries attempting to break cycles of conflict or repression. Cover image nigeria. 2017. Maiduguri. After being screened for association with Boko Haram and held in military custody, this child was released into a transit center and the care of the government and Unicef. © Paolo Pellegrin/Magnum Photos. This material has been supported by UK aid from the UK government; the views expressed are those of the authors. -
Africa, Former Christian Science Monitor Correspondent Robert Press Tells His first-Hand Story of Triumph and Tragedy
photo by Betty Press $24.95 PRESS IN The New Africa, former Christian Science Monitor correspondent Robert Press tells his first-hand story of triumph and tragedy After serving as foreign correspondent in Africa for THE NEW in contemporary sub-Saharan Africa. Featuring The Christian Science Monitor from 1987 to 1995, photographs by Betty Press, whose work has Robert M. Press has been a visiting scholar and appeared in The Christian Science Monitor, adjunct professor of journalism at Stetson Univer- sity, DeLand, Florida, and a visiting professor at New York Times, Time, and Newsweek, Principia College, Elsah, Illinois. the book offers a compelling account of the continent’s emerging movements toward photo by Senta M. Goudy democracy. THE NEW Drawing on hundreds of interviews, Press “Post–cold war conflicts in Africa have received scant coverage and were often also explores the causes of the extraordinary presented as current incomprehensible manifestations of traditional tribal hatreds. AFRICA human tragedies of civil war in Somalia and Not in this study by journalist and Africa scholar Robert Press, which admirably genocide in Rwanda and offers explanations blends the author’s personal insights as a reporter, an acute sense of history, and a pioneering human rights approach. Mr. Press sees the hope beyond the wreckage for the West’s failure to curb them. of such devastating conflicts as the ones that almost tore Somalia and Rwanda apart While providing broad, in-depth coverage in the early nineties: it lies, he tells us, in the collective struggle of ordinary Africans of sweeping social and cultural upheaval, The for human rights and dignity. -
Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Byjibrin Ibrahim
Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Jibrin Ibrahim Monograph Series The CODESRIA Monograph Series is published to stimulate debate, comments, and further research on the subjects covered. The Series will serve as a forum for works based on the findings of original research, which however are too long for academic journals but not long enough to be published as books, and which deserve to be accessible to the research community in Africa and elsewhere. Such works may be case studies, theoretical debates or both, but they incorporate significant findings, analyses, and critical evaluations of the current literature on the subjects in question. Author Jibrin Ibrahim directs the International Human Rights Law Group in Nigeria, which he joined from Ahmadu Bello University where he was Associate Professor of Political Science. His research interests are democratisation and the politics of transition, comparative federalism, religious and ethnic identities, and the crisis in social provisioning in Africa. He has edited and co-edited a number of books, among which are Federalism and Decentralisation in Africa (University of Fribourg, 1999), Expanding Democratic Space in Nigeria (CODESRIA, 1997) and Democratisation Processes in Africa, (CODESRIA, 1995). Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa 2003, Avenue Cheikh Anta Diop Angle Canal IV, BP. 3304, Dakar, Senegal. Web Site: http://www.codesria.org CODESRIA gratefully -
The Legitimation of Extrajudicial Violence in an Urban Community
1174 Social Forces The Legitimation of Extrajudicial Violence The Legitimation of Extrajudicial Violence in an 2020 09 May on user Library Medicine of School NYU by https://academic.oup.com/sf/article-abstract/98/3/1174/5382469 from Downloaded Urban Community Jon Gordon, New York University .................................................................................................................. ost scholarship on violence in urban communities accepts the Weberian association between legitimate violence and the state. Under this assump- Mtion, extrajudicial violence is interpreted as a symptom of legal cynicism, which is fomented by a negligent or illegitimate state apparatus. How, then, do we explain communities in which extrajudicial violence and legal authority are seen as legitimate simultaneously? Drawing on ethnographic observations of interactions among an armed group, residents, and police officials in a poor zone of Medellín, Colombia, I found that residents routinely appealed to the armed group and police to supply security and redress grievances. This indicates that structurally induced pro- blems of police corruption and legal cynicism cannot fully explain the patterns of enduring violence I observed. Residents and police situationally endorsed and autho- rized violence specialists and extrajudicial punishments as legitimate elements of the local security system. In doing so, community members played a key role in con- structing violence as an acceptable practice for enhancing security and placating lo- cals who had -
The Judiciary and Constitutionalism in Transitions: a Critique', Global Jurist, 7(3)
The judiciary and constitutionalism in transitions : a critique. Item Type Article Authors Yusuf, Hakeem O. Citation Yusuf, H.O. (2007) 'The judiciary and constitutionalism in transitions: a critique', Global Jurist, 7(3). doi: 10.2202/1934-2640.1251. DOI 10.2202/1934-2640.1251 Publisher De Gruyter Journal Global Jurist Download date 02/10/2021 19:37:27 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10545/623832 Global Jurist Advances Volume 7, Issue 3 2007 Article 4 The Judiciary and Constitutionalism in Transitions: A Critique Hakeem O. Yusuf∗ ∗University of Glasgow, [email protected] Recommended Citation Hakeem O. Yusuf (2007) “The Judiciary and Constitutionalism in Transitions: A Critique,” Global Jurist: Vol. 7: Iss. 3 (Advances), Article 4. Available at: http://www.bepress.com/gj/vol7/iss3/art4 Copyright c 2007 The Berkeley Electronic Press. All rights reserved. The Judiciary and Constitutionalism in Transitions: A Critique∗ Hakeem O. Yusuf Abstract The article critically analyses the role of the Nigerian courts in mediating resultant tensions in the post-authoritarian transition period. In doing this, I examine jurisprudence emanating from the courts on some serious inter-governmental disputes, as well as decisions bordering on individual and group rights, particularly those connected to the transition process. The dynamics of demo- cratic transition in Nigeria after decades of military rule dictates the inevitability of these disputes. The military left a legacy of systemic distortion and institutional dysfunctions which constitute formidable challenges to the transitioning society. The article argues a case for a purposive ju- risprudential approach to resolving the ensuing tensions which typically threaten the viability of the transition. -
Targeted Killing: Self-Defense, Preemption, and the War on Terrorism
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 2 Number 2 Volume 2, No. 2: May 2009 Article 1 Targeted Killing: Self-Defense, Preemption, and the War on Terrorism Thomas Byron Hunter Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons, National Security Law Commons, and the Portfolio and Security Analysis Commons pp. 1-52 Recommended Citation Hunter, Thomas Byron. "Targeted Killing: Self-Defense, Preemption, and the War on Terrorism." Journal of Strategic Security 2, no. 2 (2010) : 1-52. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.2.2.1 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol2/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Targeted Killing: Self-Defense, Preemption, and the War on Terrorism Abstract This paper assesses the parameters and utility of “targeted killing” in combating terrorism and its role within the norm of state self-defense in the international community. The author’s thesis is that, while targeted killing provides states with a method of combating terrorism, and while it is “effective” on a number of levels, it is inherently limited and not a panacea. The adoption and execution of such a program brings with it, among other potential pitfalls, political repercussions. Targeted killing is defined herein as the premeditated, preemptive, and intentional killing of an individual or individuals known or believed to represent a present and/or future threat to the safety and security of a state through affiliation with terrorist groups or individuals. -
Libya 2016 Human Rights Report
LIBYA 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Libya is a parliamentary democracy with a temporary Constitutional Declaration, which allows for the exercise of a full range of political, civil, and judicial rights. Citizens elected the Tobruk-based House of Representatives (HoR) in free and fair elections in June 2014. The Libyan Political Agreement, which members of the UN-facilitated Libyan political dialogue signed in December 2015 and the HoR approved in January, created the internationally recognized Government of National Accord (GNA) Presidency Council (PC), headed by Prime Minister Fayez Sarraj. The GNA PC took its seat in Tripoli on March 30. A minority bloc of HoR members prevented a vote on the PC’s proposed GNA Cabinet in February, and a quorum of members voted against the proposed cabinet in August, limiting the government’s effectiveness. The proposed ministers, however, led their ministries in an acting capacity. The elected Constitutional Drafting Assembly’s work has stalled due to infighting and boycotts by some members. The government did not maintain civilian control over the “Libyan National Army” (LNA) despite efforts to persuade LNA Commander Khalifa Haftar to integrate into civilian-led governmental security forces. Some Libyan forces outside Haftar’s command aligned with the government and joined a successful campaign against Da’esh in and around the city of Sirte. During the year the LNA, backed by the HoR, continued its military campaign against violent extremist organizations in the east, occupying cities and replacing elected municipal leaders with military appointees. Other extralegal armed groups continued to fill security vacuums in other places across the country. -
Boko Haram, Nigeria Has a Chance to Move Toward Reconciliation and Durable Peace
i n s t i t u t e f o r i n t e g r at e d t r a n s i t i o n s The Limits of Punishment Transitional Justice and Violent Extremism nigeria case study Vanda Felbab-Brown May, 2018 “In Nigeria, We Don’t Want Them Back” Amnesty, Defectors’ Programs, Leniency Measures, Informal Reconciliation, and Punitive Responses to Boko Haram About the Author Dr. Vanda Felbab-Brown is a senior fellow in the Acknowledgements Foreign Policy program at the Brookings Institu- I would like to thank Frederic Eno of the United tion in Washington, DC. She is an expert on inter- Nations in Nigeria for facilitating my research. national and internal conflicts and nontraditional The help of Adeniyi Oluwatosin, Nuhu Ndahi, and security threats, including insurgency, organized Philip Olayoku was invaluable in the research. crime, urban violence, and illicit economies. Her Many thanks go to all of my interlocutors for fieldwork and research have covered, among their willingness to engage. Particularly for my others, Afghanistan, South and Southeast Asia, Nigerian interlocutors, such willingness could the Andean region, Mexico, Morocco, and Eastern entail risks to their personal safety or jeopardise and Western Africa. Dr. Felbab-Brown is the their job security or economic livelihoods from author of The Extinction Market: Wildlife Traffick- the hands of Boko Haram or militias and Nigerian ing and How to Counter It (Hurst-Oxford 2017); officials. I am thus most grateful to those who Narco Noir: Mexico’s Cartels, Cops, and Corruption accepted such risks and were very willing to (Brookings Institution Press, 2019, forthcom- provide accurate and complete information. -
Principles for an Enduring Counterterrorism Legal Architecture
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2008 The Twenty Year Test: Principles for an Enduring Counterterrorism Legal Architecture James E. Baker Georgetown University Law Center This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1451 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2557475 2 Advance J. ACS Issue Groups 21-35 (2008) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Military, War, and Peace Commons, National Security Law Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons The Twenty Year Test: Principles for an Enduring Counterterrorism Legal Architecture James E. Baker* he United States faces three enduring terrorism-related threats. First, there is the realistic prospect of additional attacks in the United States including attacks using weapons of mass destruction (“WMD”). Second, Tin responding to this threat, we may undermine the freedoms that enrich our lives, the tolerance that marks our society, and the democratic values that define our govern- ment. Third, if we are too focused on terrorism, we risk losing sight of this century’s other certain threats as well as the capacity to respond to them, including the state proliferation of nuclear weapons, nation-state rivalry, pandemic disease, oil depen- dency, and environmental degradation. The United States should respond to these threats using all available and appropri- ate security tools, on offense and in defense. Law is one of the essential security tools. Law provides substantive authority to act. -
E\Fyba\Fyba Political S
31 F.Y.B.A. POLITICALPAPER - I INDIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM SEMESTER - II SUB TITLE - INDIAN POLITICAL PROCESS SUBJECT CODE : UBA 2.25 © UNIVERSITY OF MUMBAI Prof. Suhas Pednekar Vice-Chancellor, University of Mumbai, Prof. Ravindra D. Kulkarni Prof. Prakash Mahanwar Pro Vice-Chancellor, Director, University of Mumbai, IDOL, University of Mumbai, Programme Co-ordinator : Anil R. Bankar Associate Professor of History and Head Faculty of Arts, IDOL, University of Mumbai Course Co-ordinator : Mr. Bhushan R. Thakare Assistant Prof. IDOL, University of Mumbai, Mumbai-400 098 Course Writer : Dr.Ravi Rameshchandra Shukla (Editor) Asst. Prof. & Head, Dept. of Political Science R.D. and S.H. National College and S.W.A. Science College , Bandra (W), Mumbai : Vishakha Patil Asst. Prof. Kelkar Education Trust's V.G.Vaze College of Arts, Science and Commerce, Mithagar Road, Mulund (W), Mumbai : Mr. Roshan Maya Verma Asst. Prof. Habib Educational and Welfare Society's M.S. College of Law : Mr.Aniket Mahendra Rajani Salvi Asst. Prof. Department of Political Science Bhavans College,Andheri (W), Mumbai March 2021, Print - I Published by : Director, Institute of Distance and Open Learning , University of Mumbai, Vidyanagari, Mumbai - 400 098. DTP Composed : Ashwini Arts Vile Parle (E), Mumbai - 400 099. Printed by : CONTENTS Unit No. Title Page No. Semester - II 1. Indian Federal System 01 2. Party and Party Politics in India 16 3. Social Dynamics 21 4. Criminalisation of Politics 44 I 1 Unit -1 INDIAN FEDERAL SYSTEM Unit Structure 1.1 Objectives 1.2 Introduction 1.3 Meaning and Definition 1.4 Characteristics of Indian Federalism 1.1OBJECTIVES: To study and understand the concept of federalism. -
Open Research Online Oro.Open.Ac.Uk
Open Research Online The Open University’s repository of research publications and other research outputs Human Rights Violations Investigations Panel (Oputa Panel) Book Section How to cite: Yusuf, Hakeem (2013). Human Rights Violations Investigations Panel (Oputa Panel). In: Stan, Lavinia and Nedelsky, Nadia eds. Encyclopedia of Transitional Justice, Volume 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 160–165. For guidance on citations see FAQs. c [not recorded] https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Version: Accepted Manuscript Copyright and Moral Rights for the articles on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. For more information on Open Research Online’s data policy on reuse of materials please consult the policies page. oro.open.ac.uk Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission, Nigeria (The ‘Oputa Panel’) The Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission, the ‘Oputa Panel’ was established in June 1999 on the transition to civil democratic rule in Nigeria. Established by Statutory Instrument No.8 of 1999 under the hand of President Obasanjo pursuant to Tribunals of Inquiry Act (TIA), Chapter 447, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 1990, its mandate was to ascertain all incidents of gross violations of human rights committed in Nigeria between the 15 January 1966 and 28 May 1999. The Oputa Panel was to identify persons and institutions accountable the violations and the effects on victims and the society generally. It was also mandated to recommend appropriate measures to redress past injustices and prevent future violations of human rights in the country. Political Background On 29 May 1999, a civil democratic government came in to power following the successful completion of the political transition program initiated by the regime of General Abdusalam Abubakar.