Extrajudicial Punishments to Combat the Philippine Drug War: Problem Or Solution?
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The Lost Women of Iraq: Family-Based Violence During Armed Conflict © Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights and Minority Rights Group International November 2015
CEASEFIRE centre for civilian rights Miriam Puttick The Lost Women of Iraq: Family-based violence during armed conflict © Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights and Minority Rights Group International November 2015 Cover photo: This report has been produced as part of the Ceasefire project, a multi-year pro- Kurdish women and men protesting gramme supported by the European Union to implement a system of civilian-led against violence against women march in Sulaymaniyah, Iraq, monitoring of human rights abuses in Iraq, focusing in particular on the rights of November 2008. vulnerable civilians including vulnerable women, internally-displaced persons (IDPs), stateless persons, and ethnic or religious minorities, and to assess the feasibility of © Shwan Mohammed/AFP/Getty Images extending civilian-led monitoring to other country situations. This report has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this report are the sole responsibility of the publishers and can un- der no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union. Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights The Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights is a new initiative to develop ‘civilian-led monitoring’ of violations of international humanitarian law or human rights, to pursue legal and political accountability for those responsible for such violations, and to develop the practice of civilian rights. The Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights is registered as a charity and a company limited by guarantee under English law; charity no: 1160083, company no: 9069133. Minority Rights Group International MRG is an NGO working to secure the rights of ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities and indigenous peoples worldwide, and to promote cooperation and understanding between communities. -
The Limits of Punishment Transitional Justice and Violent Extremism
i n s t i t u t e f o r i n t e g r at e d t r a n s i t i o n s The Limits of Punishment Transitional Justice and Violent Extremism May, 2018 United Nations University – Centre for Policy Research The UNU Centre for Policy Research (UNU-CPR) is a UN-focused think tank based at UNU Centre in Tokyo. UNU-CPR’s mission is to generate policy research that informs major UN policy processes in the fields of peace and security, humanitarian affairs, and global development. i n s t i t u t e f o r i n t e g r at e d t r a n s i t i o n s Institute for Integrated Transitions IFIT’s aim is to help fragile and conflict-affected states achieve more sustainable transitions out of war or authoritarianism by serving as an independent expert resource for locally-led efforts to improve political, economic, social and security conditions. IFIT seeks to transform current practice away from fragmented interventions and toward more integrated solutions that strengthen peace, democracy and human rights in countries attempting to break cycles of conflict or repression. Cover image nigeria. 2017. Maiduguri. After being screened for association with Boko Haram and held in military custody, this child was released into a transit center and the care of the government and Unicef. © Paolo Pellegrin/Magnum Photos. This material has been supported by UK aid from the UK government; the views expressed are those of the authors. -
President Duterte's First Year in Office
ISSUE: 2017 No. 44 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 28 June 2017 Ignoring the Curve: President Duterte’s First Year in Office Malcolm Cook* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has adopted a personalised approach to the presidency modelled on his decades as mayor and head of a local political dynasty in Davao City. His political history, undiminished popularity and large Congressional majorities weigh heavily against any change being made in approach. In the first year of his presidential term this approach has contributed to legislative inertia and mixed and confused messages on key policies. Statements by the president and leaders in Congress questioning the authority of the Supreme Court in relation to martial law, and supporting constitutional revision put into question the future of the current Philippine political system. * Malcolm Cook is Senior Fellow at the Regional Strategic and Political Studies Programme at ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2017 No. 44 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION After his clear and surprise victory in the 9 May 2016 election, many observers, both critical and sympathetic, argued that Rodrigo Duterte would face a steep learning curve when he took his seat in Malacañang (the presidential palace) on 30 June 2016.1 Being president of the Philippines is very different than being mayor of Davao City in southern Mindanao. Learning curve proponents argue that his success in mounting this curve from mayor and local political boss to president would be decisive for the success of his administration and its political legacy. A year into his single six-year term as president, it appears not only that President Duterte has not mounted this steep learning curve, he has rejected the purported need and benefits of doing so.2 While there may be powerful political reasons for this rejection, the impact on the Duterte administration and its likely legacy appears quite decisive. -
Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2020
Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2020 Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2020 Nic Newman with Richard Fletcher, Anne Schulz, Simge Andı, and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen Supported by Surveyed by © Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / Digital News Report 2020 4 Contents Foreword by Rasmus Kleis Nielsen 5 3.15 Netherlands 76 Methodology 6 3.16 Norway 77 Authorship and Research Acknowledgements 7 3.17 Poland 78 3.18 Portugal 79 SECTION 1 3.19 Romania 80 Executive Summary and Key Findings by Nic Newman 9 3.20 Slovakia 81 3.21 Spain 82 SECTION 2 3.22 Sweden 83 Further Analysis and International Comparison 33 3.23 Switzerland 84 2.1 How and Why People are Paying for Online News 34 3.24 Turkey 85 2.2 The Resurgence and Importance of Email Newsletters 38 AMERICAS 2.3 How Do People Want the Media to Cover Politics? 42 3.25 United States 88 2.4 Global Turmoil in the Neighbourhood: 3.26 Argentina 89 Problems Mount for Regional and Local News 47 3.27 Brazil 90 2.5 How People Access News about Climate Change 52 3.28 Canada 91 3.29 Chile 92 SECTION 3 3.30 Mexico 93 Country and Market Data 59 ASIA PACIFIC EUROPE 3.31 Australia 96 3.01 United Kingdom 62 3.32 Hong Kong 97 3.02 Austria 63 3.33 Japan 98 3.03 Belgium 64 3.34 Malaysia 99 3.04 Bulgaria 65 3.35 Philippines 100 3.05 Croatia 66 3.36 Singapore 101 3.06 Czech Republic 67 3.37 South Korea 102 3.07 Denmark 68 3.38 Taiwan 103 3.08 Finland 69 AFRICA 3.09 France 70 3.39 Kenya 106 3.10 Germany 71 3.40 South Africa 107 3.11 Greece 72 3.12 Hungary 73 SECTION 4 3.13 Ireland 74 References and Selected Publications 109 3.14 Italy 75 4 / 5 Foreword Professor Rasmus Kleis Nielsen Director, Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (RISJ) The coronavirus crisis is having a profound impact not just on Our main survey this year covered respondents in 40 markets, our health and our communities, but also on the news media. -
The Legitimation of Extrajudicial Violence in an Urban Community
1174 Social Forces The Legitimation of Extrajudicial Violence The Legitimation of Extrajudicial Violence in an 2020 09 May on user Library Medicine of School NYU by https://academic.oup.com/sf/article-abstract/98/3/1174/5382469 from Downloaded Urban Community Jon Gordon, New York University .................................................................................................................. ost scholarship on violence in urban communities accepts the Weberian association between legitimate violence and the state. Under this assump- Mtion, extrajudicial violence is interpreted as a symptom of legal cynicism, which is fomented by a negligent or illegitimate state apparatus. How, then, do we explain communities in which extrajudicial violence and legal authority are seen as legitimate simultaneously? Drawing on ethnographic observations of interactions among an armed group, residents, and police officials in a poor zone of Medellín, Colombia, I found that residents routinely appealed to the armed group and police to supply security and redress grievances. This indicates that structurally induced pro- blems of police corruption and legal cynicism cannot fully explain the patterns of enduring violence I observed. Residents and police situationally endorsed and autho- rized violence specialists and extrajudicial punishments as legitimate elements of the local security system. In doing so, community members played a key role in con- structing violence as an acceptable practice for enhancing security and placating lo- cals who had -
The Jihadi Industry: Assessing the Organizational, Leadership And
The Jihadi Industry: Assessing the Organizational, Leadership, and Cyber Profiles Report to the Office of University Programs, Science and Technology Directorate, U.S. Department of Homeland Security July 2017 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence Led by the University of Maryland 8400 Baltimore Ave., Suite 250 • College Park, MD 20742 • 301.405.6600 www.start.umd.edu National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence About This Report The authors of this report are Gina Ligon, Michael Logan, Margeret Hall, Douglas C. Derrick, Julia Fuller, and Sam Church at the University of Nebraska, Omaha. Questions about this report should be directed to Dr. Gina Ligon at [email protected]. This report is part of the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) project, “The Jihadi Industry: Assessing the Organizational, Leadership, and Cyber Profiles” led by Principal Investigator Gina Ligon. This research was supported by the Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Directorate’s Office of University Programs through Award Number #2012-ST-061-CS0001, Center for the Study of Terrorism and Behavior (CSTAB 1.12) made to START to investigate the role of social, behavioral, cultural, and economic factors on radicalization and violent extremism. The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as necessarily representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of the U.S. -
Targeted Killing: Self-Defense, Preemption, and the War on Terrorism
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 2 Number 2 Volume 2, No. 2: May 2009 Article 1 Targeted Killing: Self-Defense, Preemption, and the War on Terrorism Thomas Byron Hunter Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons, National Security Law Commons, and the Portfolio and Security Analysis Commons pp. 1-52 Recommended Citation Hunter, Thomas Byron. "Targeted Killing: Self-Defense, Preemption, and the War on Terrorism." Journal of Strategic Security 2, no. 2 (2010) : 1-52. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.2.2.1 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol2/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Targeted Killing: Self-Defense, Preemption, and the War on Terrorism Abstract This paper assesses the parameters and utility of “targeted killing” in combating terrorism and its role within the norm of state self-defense in the international community. The author’s thesis is that, while targeted killing provides states with a method of combating terrorism, and while it is “effective” on a number of levels, it is inherently limited and not a panacea. The adoption and execution of such a program brings with it, among other potential pitfalls, political repercussions. Targeted killing is defined herein as the premeditated, preemptive, and intentional killing of an individual or individuals known or believed to represent a present and/or future threat to the safety and security of a state through affiliation with terrorist groups or individuals. -
Duterte and Philippine Populism
JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA, 2017 VOL. 47, NO. 1, 142–153 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2016.1239751 COMMENTARY Flirting with Authoritarian Fantasies? Rodrigo Duterte and the New Terms of Philippine Populism Nicole Curato Centre for Deliberative Democracy & Global Governance, University of Canberra, Australia ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY This commentary aims to take stock of the 2016 presidential Published online elections in the Philippines that led to the landslide victory of 18 October 2016 ’ the controversial Rodrigo Duterte. It argues that part of Duterte s KEYWORDS ff electoral success is hinged on his e ective deployment of the Populism; Philippines; populist style. Although populism is not new to the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte; elections; Duterte exhibits features of contemporary populism that are befit- democracy ting of an age of communicative abundance. This commentary contrasts Duterte’s political style with other presidential conten- ders, characterises his relationship with the electorate and con- cludes by mapping populism’s democratic and anti-democratic tendencies, which may define the quality of democratic practice in the Philippines in the next six years. The first six months of 2016 were critical moments for Philippine democracy. In February, the nation commemorated the 30th anniversary of the People Power Revolution – a series of peaceful mass demonstrations that ousted the dictator Ferdinand Marcos. President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III – the son of the president who replaced the dictator – led the commemoration. He asked Filipinos to remember the atrocities of the authoritarian regime and the gains of democracy restored by his mother. He reminded the country of the torture, murder and disappearance of scores of activists whose families still await compensation from the Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board. -
Complaint for of the Estate of MARIE COLVIN, and Extrajudicial Killing, JUSTINE ARAYA-COLVIN, Heir-At-Law and 28 U.S.C
Case 1:16-cv-01423 Document 1 Filed 07/09/16 Page 1 of 33 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CATHLEEN COLVIN, individually and as Civil No. __________________ parent and next friend of minors C.A.C. and L.A.C., heirs-at-law and beneficiaries Complaint For of the estate of MARIE COLVIN, and Extrajudicial Killing, JUSTINE ARAYA-COLVIN, heir-at-law and 28 U.S.C. § 1605A beneficiary of the estate of MARIE COLVIN, c/o Center for Justice & Accountability, One Hallidie Plaza, Suite 406, San Francisco, CA 94102 Plaintiffs, v. SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC, c/o Foreign Minister Walid al-Mualem Ministry of Foreign Affairs Kafar Soussa, Damascus, Syria Defendant. COMPLAINT Plaintiffs Cathleen Colvin and Justine Araya-Colvin allege as follows: INTRODUCTION 1. On February 22, 2012, Marie Colvin, an American reporter hailed by many of her peers as the greatest war correspondent of her generation, was assassinated by Syrian government agents as she reported on the suffering of civilians in Homs, Syria—a city beseiged by Syrian military forces. Acting in concert and with premeditation, Syrian officials deliberately killed Marie Colvin by launching a targeted rocket attack against a makeshift broadcast studio in the Baba Amr neighborhood of Case 1:16-cv-01423 Document 1 Filed 07/09/16 Page 2 of 33 Homs where Colvin and other civilian journalists were residing and reporting on the siege. 2. The rocket attack was the object of a conspiracy formed by senior members of the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad (the “Assad regime”) to surveil, target, and ultimately kill civilian journalists in order to silence local and international media as part of its effort to crush political opposition. -
18 DECEMBER 2020, FRIDAY Headline STRATEGIC December 18, 2020 COMMUNICATION & Editorial Date INITIATIVES Column SERVICE 1 of 2 Opinion Page Feature Article
18 DECEMBER 2020, FRIDAY Headline STRATEGIC December 18, 2020 COMMUNICATION & Editorial Date INITIATIVES Column SERVICE 1 of 2 Opinion Page Feature Article Cimatu wants augmentation teams in fight vs. illegal logging Published December 17, 2020, 1:02 PM by Ellalyn De Vera-Ruiz Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) Secretary Roy Cimatu has ordered the creation of augmentation teams to ensure that no illegal logging activities are being conducted in Cagayan Valley, Bicol region, and the Upper Marikina River Basin Protected Landscape. Environment Secretary Roy Cimatu (NTF AGAINST COVID-19 / MANILA BULLETIN) Cimatu directed DENR Undersecretary for Special Concerns Edilberto Leonardo to create four special composite teams that would augment the anti-illegal logging operations in those areas. He said the creation of augmentation teams is a strategic move on the part of the DENR to shift its orientation in forest protection operation more towards prevention by “going hard and swift” against the financiers and operators. The order is pursuant to Executive Order 23, Series of 2011, which calls for the creation of anti-illegal logging task force from the national to the regional and provincial levels. Each team is composed of representatives from the DENR, Department of the Interior and Local Government, Department of National Defense, Armed Forces of the Philippines, and Philippine National Police. Cimatu said the key to curbing illegal logging is to identify and penalize the financiers and operators, noting that only transporters and buyers in possession of undocumented forest products are oftentimes collared in illegal logging operations. The DENR chief has recognized the agency’s need to shift from reactive to proactive efforts to absolutely curtail illegal logging activities in the country. -
Southern Philippines, February 2011
Confirms CORI country of origin research and information CORI Country Report Southern Philippines, February 2011 Commissioned by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Division of International Protection. Any views expressed in this paper are those of the author and are not necessarily those of UNHCR. Preface Country of Origin Information (COI) is required within Refugee Status Determination (RSD) to provide objective evidence on conditions in refugee producing countries to support decision making. Quality information about human rights, legal provisions, politics, culture, society, religion and healthcare in countries of origin is essential in establishing whether or not a person’s fear of persecution is well founded. CORI Country Reports are designed to aid decision making within RSD. They are not intended to be general reports on human rights conditions. They serve a specific purpose, collating legally relevant information on conditions in countries of origin, pertinent to the assessment of claims for asylum. Categories of COI included within this report are based on the most common issues arising from asylum applications made by nationals from the southern Philippines, specifically Mindanao, Tawi Tawi, Basilan and Sulu. This report covers events up to 28 February 2011. COI is a specific discipline distinct from academic, journalistic or policy writing, with its own conventions and protocols of professional standards as outlined in international guidance such as The Common EU Guidelines on Processing Country of Origin Information, 2008 and UNHCR, Country of Origin Information: Towards Enhanced International Cooperation, 2004. CORI provides information impartially and objectively, the inclusion of source material in this report does not equate to CORI agreeing with its content or reflect CORI’s position on conditions in a country. -
Philippine Political Economy 1998-2018: a Critical Analysis
American Journal of Research www.journalofresearch.us ¹ 11-12, November-December 2018 [email protected] SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES Manuscript info: Received November 4, 2018., Accepted November 12, 2018., Published November 30, 2018. PHILIPPINE POLITICAL ECONOMY 1998-2018: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS Ruben O Balotol Jr, [email protected] Visayas State University-Baybay http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2573-5616-2018-12-2 Abstract: In every decision than an individual deliberates always entails economic underpinnings and collective political decisions to consider that affects the kind of decision an individual shape. For example governments play a major role in establishing tax rates, social, economic and environmental goals. The impact of economic and politics are not only limited from one's government, different perspectives and region of the globe are now closely linked imposing ideology and happily toppling down cultural threat to their interests. According to Žižek (2008) violence is not solely something that enforces harm or to an individual or community by a clear subject that is responsible for the violence. Violence comes also in what he considered as objective violence, without a clear agent responsible for the violence. Objective violence is caused by the smooth functioning of our economic and political systems. It is invisible and inherent to what is considered as normal state of things. Objective violence is considered as the background for the explosion of the subjective violence. It fore into the scene of perceptibility as a result of multifaceted struggle. It is evident that economic growth was as much a consequence of political organization as of conditions in the economy.