~t\ 1A'J ~~ I~. Independent Boord of Inquiry Into Informal Repression
Phone (011) 403-3256/7 Fox [011) 403-1366
REPORT OF THE INDEPENDENT BOARD OF INQUIRY INTO INFORMAL REPRESSION FOR THE MONTH OF MAY 1991 - I. INTRODUCTION:
The government sponsored peace summit held in Pretoria on May
24 and 25 seems to have had little impact on the current
violence wracking the Reef. On the eve of the summit two
gunmen wearing masks and balaclavas opened fire on patrons at
a beer hall in Sebokeng killing 13 people. Despite this and
further attacks on residents in Pimville on Friday May 24,
there is hope that a "bridging initiative" by the former
moderator Professor Johan Heyns of the Nederduitse
Gereformde Kerk (NGK) and South African Council of Churches
(SACC) general secretary the Reverend Frank Chikane will
bring all parties to a second summit. The two men received
the go-ahead from president FW de Klerk and ANC deputy
president Nelson Mandela to launch a broad-based cleric
initiative.
Information has corne to light which may lead to a further
breakthrough into the investigations surrounding the South
African Police (SAP) C1 unit based at Vlakplaas. Ronald
Bezuidenhout , who claims to be an ex- security police
BOARD MEMBERS Prof L Ackermann, Dr Allan Boesak, Dr Alex Boraine, Rt Rev Dr Monos Buthelezi, Mrs Judy Chalmers. Dr Fronk Chlkane. Dr Max Coleman, Mr Bnan Currin, Mrs Sheena Duncan. Mr Peter Horns, Mr Enc Malob!. Br Jude Pieterse, Archbishop Desmond Tulu r ••
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sergeant has furnished the Board's attorneys and the Vrye
Weekblad with more information about this unit. Amongst
other allegations Bezuidenhout claims that he knows who built
and sent the walkman device which was originally aimed at
former police captain Dirk Coetzee, but which ultimately
killed Johannesburg attorney Bheki Mlangeni.
May has also seen the first public acknowledgement by an
Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) official that certain members
have been responsible for attacks on train commuters
travelling on the Soweto-Johannesburg line. stezi Lamula ,
chairperson of the IFP's Mapetla, Soweto branch said in an
address to an IFP youth Brigade Rally at George Goch Stadium:
"Comrades, I wish to register the organisations displeasure
about the harassment of poor commuters on the trains
travelling between Johannesburg and Soweto. We are aware of
such members and they themselves know to well, that this is
causing disturbing undertones. We have been told that when
these members find that a commuter does not belong to Inkatha
or speaks any other language than Zulu, they become
unnecessary victims of attack - in some instances such
commuters were thrown through train windows." Lamula went on
to say that such actions were not offi c i a l I FP policy
particularly in light of the fact that the IFP is open to 1
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all people regardless of colour, religion, race or creed.
Lamula also promised that action would be taken against such people and that they will be dealt with "decisively" (Sunday
Times Extra 26/05/1991).
A warning by the African National Congress (ANC), the South
African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South
African Trade Unions (Cosatu) in late April that there would
be an escalation of violence in the period running up to the
May 9 ultimatum - the deadline the tri-partite alliance had
set the government to deal with the internecine violence or
face suspension of constitutional negotiations - proved valid. On April 28, only a day after the warning 10 people were killed in Soweto when mourners attending the funeral of
assassinated Diepkloof mayor and IFP member Moses Khumalo
attacked residents in the Meadowlands area.
After protracted negotiations with both the ANC and the IFP,
president FW de Klerk announced a ban on assegaais in unrest
areas where curfews have been implemented. However, official
exemptions can be granted to carry them at genuine cultural
gatherings. This fell short of the ANC's demand that r ,
-4-
spears be banned throughout the country. The "cultural"
"traditional" weapons issue and the ANC's claim that the
government has failed to stop the violence led to the ANC
suspending negotiations with the government on May 18 1991.
Hostels are once again in the news particularly in light of
the ANC's demand that hostels be dismantled. This demand has
been interpreted by many as being an open invitation for
conflict. A KwaZulu cabinet minister BV Ndlovu addressing a
large gathering of hostel dwellers in Natal said: "The ANC is
seeking confrontation with Zulu's through its demand that the
hostels be dismantled". Attorney Nicholas Haysom, one of the
13 attorneys mandated by the Congress of South African Trade
Unions (Cosatu) to accompany police on a raid of Inkatha
supporting hostels earlier this month said : "The incitement
to violence is cultivated by playing not only to ethnic
chauvinism but by a real sense of insecurity among hostel
dwellers." It is this insecurity and fears that their homes
would be demolished that led to some of the worst violence in
Alexandra in March (See March 1991 report).
Several surveys on the violence have been released in the
past month. A survey r eleased by the c ommunity Agency for
Social Enquiry (Case) said that in a total of 338 reported -5-
instances of violence, responsibility was attributed to a particular organisation by the media and monitoring organisations in 146 cases. Inkatha was held responsible for
66 percent of the attributed acts of aggression. The ANC in contrast was attributed with responsibility for 6 percent of acts of aggression. The statistics cover the Reef Violence
from July 22 1990 to May 1991. In 92 of the 146 actions which have been attributed to specific organisations by the media and monitoring groups, the use of particular weapons was attributed by the media to either IFP supporters or ANC
supporters. Fifty-one firearms which includes AK 47's or
explosives were attributed to Inkatha, two to the ANC. Twenty
one traditional weapons were attributed to Inkatha three to
the ANC. In 10 cases other weapons like pangas, axes petrol
bombs and necklaces were attributed to Inkatha and five to
the ANC.
The survey has however been criticised by the executive
director of the Inkatha Institute, Gavin Woods. He said that
Case had a politically partisan reputation and that the
"analysis was superficial and distorted. From a scientific
point of view it appears that no criterion, instrument or
analyst validity was carried out, therefore the inevitable
level of subjectivity -6-
associated with content analysis features strongly,". He said that empirical research done by the Inkatha Institute and independent observers had corroborated the claim that Inkatha supporters' status was incidental to the ethnic identity of the Zulu hostel dweller (Business Day 21/5/1991).
Research by the South African Institute of Race Relations
(SAIIR) clearly indicates as does the Case survey that knives and pangas are not the only weapons being used. "Attacks with petrol bombs and hand grenades are in fact more frequent, while firearms are top of the list. Indeed, firearms, explosives, and other incendiary devices account for 50 percent of weapons used in attacks, while knives and pangas and other sharp objects account for 18 percent". The Case survey goes one step further by attributing the use of firearms to particular actors in the conflict.
The Institute analysis is based on every violent incident reported by .the police and/or in the press over the last four months. The analysis did not reveal very much information about the type of firearms most frequently used, but the
Institute says "We do know that the single largest category of those which can be identified are AK47s with shotguns "
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second. We have also counted 24 necklace murders this year.
In fact, necklacing and other burning accounts for nearly 10
percent of all deaths -estimated at 10 000 since September
1984 and April 1991 - since the violence began six and a half
years ago."
II. STATE INSTITUTIONS:
1. South African Police (SAP)
Further dramatic revelations have emerged surrounding the
police anti-insurgency (Cl) unit based at Vlakplaas. This is
the unit to which Dirk Coetzee and Almond Nofomela belonged
and which came under close scrutiny during the Harms
Commission.
Ronald Bezuidenhout, allegedly an ex SAP sergeant, ~Jaims
that he was a member of this unit. The Board's attorneys have
interviewed Bezuidenhout.
Bezuidenhout, who spent two years at Vlakplaas, has made
several allegations about the unit including: -8-
* When the Harms Commission was appointed plans were made at
Vlakplaas to prevent the truth about their activities
emerging. Actions taken included the removal of weapons from the farm, the destruction of any incriminating documentation
and the warning of all potential witnesses to keep silent.
* A revenge attack on Dirk Coetzee was planned on the farm. Initially a case of poisoned wine was to be sent to Coetzee
but later it was decided to send an explosive device. This is
believed to be the bomb which eventually killed Bheki
Mlangeni. Bezuidenhout claims that the device was built by a
sergeant steve Bosch who was the resident explosives expert
at Vlakplaas.
The Board has established through consultation with Nofomela
and other sources that Bosch was indeed a member of the
Vlakplaas unit and was the explosives expert for Cl.
The police have denied all of Bezuidenhout's claims including
his claim to being an ex-member of the force. The SAP claim
that Bezuidenhout was nothing more than an informer although
he did spend time at Vlakplaas. Significantly even according
to the police version Bezuidenhout was at Vlakplaas during
the time he says he was. -9-
III. RIGHTWING:
Rightwing activities had t wo focuses in the month of May, the first was increased rightwing activity on university campuses and the second a clash between rightwing farmers and people reclaiming their land.
On April 29 ANC deputy president Nelson Mandela was forced to leave the stage at the University of Pretoria by rightwing elements. The trouble started when an elderly man approached the podium and attempted to address the audience. He was ushered away by Mandela's body guards and this led to a group of about 100 rightwing students storming the stage. It was subsequently established that the elderly man was well known Pretoria rightwinger Hendrik Claasens. Claasens is infamous as the man who assaulted Noble Peace prize winner Chief Albert Luthuli when he attempted to address a meeting in Pretoria approximately 30 years ago. Futhermore a number of prominent rightwing leaders were in the audience at the university including Gawie Volschenk leader of the newly formed Boere Commando (Citizen 30/04 1991). -10-
Rightwing reaction to the event was mostly favourable. The
AWB said Mandela only got what he deserved. The Conservative
Party said a fund would be established to support any student that faced charges as a result of the incident. The
Stellenbosch student's branch of the party "fully supported" the actions of their fellows in Pretoria (Citizen 1/5/1991).
The university and the students representative council gave
Mandela an unconditional apology. It was also announced that steps would be taken against student bodies involved (Citizen
1/5/1991) .
Mandela addressed the University of Stellenbosch on May 14 and another attempt was made by rightwingers to disrupt the meeting. In this instance however the hecklers were forcibly removed by ANC marshals and fellow students (Business Day
15/5/1991) .
Following threats of similar action by rightwingers at the
University of Potchefstroom, university authorities withdrew an invitation to SACP general secretary Joe S1.ovo to address the students (Beeld 16/5/1991). -11-
On May 11 approximately 2 000 farmers most of whom were carrying firearms attempted to remove "squatters" from the the Tshing township and the farm of Goedgevonden. In the process a number of shacks were broken down and people were assaulted with 14 injuries reported. South African Police and
South African Defence Force units were called to the scene.
In the ensuing mayhem members of the security forces opened fire and four farmers were injured (Rapport 12/5/1991).
As this was the first time that security forces had fired on white farmers widespread reaction followed. Ferdi
Hartzenberg, deputy leader, of the Conservative Party (CP) denied that the CP had in any way been involved in the attack, but that he personally saluted the farmers and their actions (Rapport 12/5/1991).
Robert van Tonder leader of the Boere Staat Party warned that further resistance to government land reform could be expected and that in the future farmers would return fire when fired upon. The AWB warned that if the squatters are not removed after May 28 the AWB themselves would remove them
(Business Day 14/5/1991). -12-
IV.PEACE INITIATIVES:
The two-day Pretoria peace summit hosted by the government
proposed that a code of conduct for the police is essential to the future peace in the country. The summit which was not
attended by the ANC - because the fact that the summit was
called by the state president had in it the implicit
inference that the state is an impartial body standing above
the violence and is calling all those connected with it plus
a broader section of the community to discuss it- the PAC,
Cosatu and the SACC as well as smaller extra-parliamentary
groups was not expected to be the last word on peace
initiatives.
The ANC said the convening of the peace summit by state
president FW de Klerk has implicit in it the inference that
the state is an impartial body standing above the
and is calling all those connected with it plus a br~~ _~
section of the community to discuss it. The ANC said for a
peace conference to be successful it had to be prepared for
by all the parties involved and not just the state.
Indeed the state president FW de Klerk has already given his
backing to a church initiative. The summit also sketched •
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guidelines for a political code of conduct to end strife between earring political groups. It was proposed that the work of the summit which ended on May 25 would be carried on by a continuation committee consisting of members of the government, the IFP and business and church leaders who a:tended the conference.
Along side the continuation committee another independent facilitating or consultative committee is to be set up. This committee will start dialogue with parties that boycotted the summit. The committee's task will be to negotiate a completely new fully representative forum with those who were not at the summit, to take over the peace task. Once this is achieved, the continuation committee will disband.
The second day of the summit saw the delegates divide up into various working committees. One committee suggestec t~at all weapons be prohibited at political rallies and marches. It also recommended that the SAP be reorganised and restructured in order to ensure police impartiality. The committee also proposed that an ombudsman or police board to the set up. It also opposed the establishment of private armies and defence units. -14-
Prior to the peace summit the government announced a 10-point plan of action to combat violence. FW de Klerk said • police force and the SADF would continue "firm and impartial" action, with special actions from time to time. other points included the establishing a standing Commission under a judge to investigate complaints of violence and advise the government; Programmes to create employment and deal with adverse social conditions; Giving aid to t h e victims of violence through a special aid fund; Upgrading or converting hostels; Divesting security laws of restrictions on democratic activity and continuing the process of negotiation and change. -15-
V.REEF VIOLENCE:
1. Soweto
The violence in Soweto seems to be characterised as it is in
many other townships as a battle between the most deprived
sectors of the community, namely the squatters and the hostel
dwellers. Violence flared in the area on April 28 1991
following the funeral of assassinated Diepmeadow mayor and
IFP member Moses Khumalo. Khumalo was one of several
councillors who failed to heed community calls for his
resignation. Residents living in the Meadowlands area of
Soweto claim they were attacked by mourners returning from
the Khumalo funeral. Most of the victims including an
off-duty policeman were hacked and stabbed to death. Five
people died in ~hc initial attack ~~ the squatter ca~
situated near the Avalon cemetery and a further five in
- Meadowlands itself. Themba Khoza a spokesperson for the IFP
Youth Brigade said that the mourners were only defending
themselves against an attack by residents. He claimed that
several of the buses ferrying mourners from the funeral were
stoned. -16-
News video footage shows however, red head-banded men singing and brandishing weapons streaming past police vehic~es from the funeral service before moving between houses and attacking residents. Police vans are seen driving past twice without taking action. The television crew alleged that despite the strong police presence in the area the police only arrived on the scene about three minutes after the five minute attack. Following this attack a further six people were killed at the Dlamini squatter camp and a further two people were hacked near Dube. At least 24 people were killed following the Khumalo funeral.
Further clashes broke out between hostel dwellers and residents in Dobsonville on April 30. Residents claim that the fighting started when Inkatha members allegedly killed six non-Zulu residents at the hostel. Residents then launched a revenge attack on the hostel just after midday. Police said the residents opened fire on the hostel injuring at least -17-
three people. Soon after the attack the police persuaded representatives of both sides to meet in the hostel for peace talks. During the talks residents wearing white head bands allegedly moved into the hostel via the back entrance and opened fire on the police and Inkatha members. The police then fired teargas and birdshot at the attackers.
Despite a large deployment of police in the Reef townships
for May Day Rallies, 29 people were killed. At least 17 people were killed in sporadic clashes between supporters of the ANC and Inkatha in Soweto. Hundreds of residents fled
Soweto and sought refuge at Baragwanath Hospital on the outskirts of the township. A peace pact concluded between
Inkatha and the ANC on May 2 failed to stop the carnage and a
further nine people were killed and the home of Inkatha
Central Committee member Musa Myeni was set alight in the area .
On the night of Friday May 3 and the early morning of
Saturday May 4 the police carried out huge raids on hostels
in Soweto and central Johannesburg at the request of Cosatu.
Cosatu's attorneys accompanied both groups. The targets of
Friday night's raids were Old Man's Hostel in Alexandra and
George Goch, Denver and Wolhuter h ostels i n the inner city. -~-
Wolhuter and Denver hostels could not be searched as the majority of inmates were drunk, armed and highly belligerent.
At Old Man's and George Goch hostels a number of pangas, battle axes and other sharpened weapons were seized. The police were under the impression that information about the raids had some how leaked to the hostel residents (Sunday
Star 5/5/1991).
In Soweto the Jabulani and Meadowlands hostels were raided at
Jabulani the inmates were again in a confrontational mood and insisted on all black policemen being withdrawn before the search could continue. A number of sharp weapons were confiscated. At Meadowlands the mood was much calmer and the police seized approximately three truck loads of dangerous weapons including home-made firearms and an AK 47.
Perhaps one of the most macabre incidents was reported by saturday Star reporter Jovial Rantao. He claims that he heard hostel dwellers at the Dube hostel who stood in a row at the gate calling to an old man who was walking past. They appealed to him to enter the hostel for his own safety. The old man entered the hostel and was led away by four panga wielding youths. Rantao notified the police who in turn -19-
volunteered to accompany the reporter into the hostel in an
attempt to save the old man. The old man had by this time disappeared into the hostel complex. While on his trail the group came across two bodies, their work identity cards were still visible and it was obvious they had been on their way home when they to had been lured into the hostel. The reporter never found the old man. It is not known what happened to him.
A number of sporadic attacks have occurred in the Pimville
area of Soweto over the past three weeks. Squatters at
Chicken Farm in Pimville Soweto claimed that on Sunday May 7
several mini-buses arrived at the camp around about midnight. The group entered the camp and opened fire
indiscriminately killing at least four people and injuring
many more. other attacks have emanated from the Nancefield
Hostel. Residents claim that whenever they walk past the
hostel they are fired upon.
Pimville was also the scene of another attack on Friday May
24. The attack followed no pattern and eight people were
killed. At least two were killed in an attack on shebeen in
the area. Residents claim that the attackers arrived in two -20-
trucks and then split into four groups. Two of the attackers
were caught and according to residents the attackers claimed
they had been paid to carry out the attack. The men are
allegedly in police custody.
2. Sebokeng
The nine accused in the Sebokeng night vigil massacre case
appeared in the Vereeniging Magistrates's Court on April 25.
The men are facing 38 charges of murder and 13 charges of
attempted murder. A Board researcher attended the hearing as
part of our continuing investigation into violence in the
area. Despite denials by the Inkatha Freedom Party that the (
accused are in any way connected to the organisation a strong
Inkatha presence was noted in the court room including the
presence of IFP regional organiser Beulah Khubeka. After the matter was postponed and the accused were leaving the court
one of the accused threatened Mandla Nangalembe that if he
showed his face in court again he would be "sorted out".
Mandla Nangalembe is the brother of the late Christoffel
Nangalembe who's night vigil was the target of the attack. -21-
On Thursday May 23 two masked men entered a beerhall in
Sebokeng and opened fire with AK 47 rifles killing five people instantly. Eight people later died of wounds sustained during the attack. The Board researchers are at present investigating the matter.
3. Swanieville
At least 27 people were killed and scores injured in s wanieville squatter camp near Krugersdorp on May 12 1991 when hostel dwellers from Kagiso allegedly launched a pre dawn raid. Police say that at least 27 people died of stab and hack wounds and 82 shacks were set on fire and destroyed. Inkatha spokesperson Suzanne Vos confirmed the
attack by Inkatha members on the Swanieville squatter camp
saying that the attack was in response to the earlier abduction of two hostel residents by Swanieville squatters.
The Board along with Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR) and the
Centre for Applied Legal Studies (Cals) visited the
Azaadville civic Centre where Swanieville residents fled
after the attack. We obtained several statements. According to the statements the attack commenced between 05h30 and -22-
05h45 and there were about 1 000 men involved in the attack.
They were not uniformly dressed but all wore red head bands. six people allege that "hippo's" were seen in the area just before the shooting started. Several witnesses have alleged police involvement in the attack. Several statements allege that white men were escorting the attacking group prior to the retreat of the attacking impi. This contrary to a police statement which claims that they only escorted the impi back to the Kagiso hostel as they feared that they may attack the main township.
Many survivors claim that when they tried to run away from their attackers they were forced to return to the camp by members of the security forces. others claim that when they sought assistance from a police patrol in the area they were told that there was nothing the police could do as they were not members of the riot squad.
Investigations by the Board, LHR and Cals has raised a number of issues. Kagiso and Bekkersdal were both declared -23
unrest areas on Saturday, May 11 1991 a mere 24 hours before the Swanieville massacre. Residents have justly asked: Did the South African security forces have an idea of what was to corne? - The SAP themselves admitted at a press conference on
Monday following the attack that there was no sign of violence in the area at the time the township was declared an unrest area. A second major concern is how did the 1 000 strong group of attackers assemble without being seen? If the SAP are to be believed the men assembled in dribs and drabs under the cover of darkness. However, when one considers that the hostel is approximately 10 kilometres away from the squatter camp it seems highly unlikely that such a large body of heavily armed men could have gone undetected. A vast stretch of open veld surrounds Swanieville and for the attackers to have crossed this unannounced is hard to comprehend. By their own admission community patrols that night say they saw nothing. They stopped patrolling at OSh_ minutes before the attack.
The police claim that the attack on Swanieville took place while the local riot unit was busy changing shifts. This raises the question - When shifts change are all men pulled out and replaced - thus l eaving the township d uring that -24- critical shift change defenceless. Are we to believe that police stations are left empty if the replacements do not arrive on time. The police claim they went ahead with a routine shift change because there was no evidence of violence. This is despite the area being as newly declared unrest area.
Police further claim that they got the first warning of the attack at around 06h30 when they sent a casspir to the camp. All the statements in our possession clearly state that police vehicles were on the scene prior to the attack or they were seen shortly after the first shots were fired.
Further, why didn't the police immediately disarm the crowd before escorting them back to the hostel? Members of the security forces have proved on other occasions, the most recent being the May Day rally at Orlando Stadium, Soweto that they are quite capable of disarming people when the need arises. Why were there no mass arrests? considering the fact that the police have in the past used the common purpose doctrine to arrest and prosecute large numbers of political activists, the failure to use the same legal provisions against Inkatha members clearly shows the deliberate lack of an even handed approach by the police. , . ,
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One thousand men were involved in the attack on Swanieville
and yet only six people have been arrested. However, three
have subsequently been released because "they could not be
linked to the case". The remaining three are to be charged
with public violence. Almost 24 hours passed before the
hostels were searched for weapons. This would have given the
attackers ample time to rid themselves of damning evidence
linking them to the Swanieville massacre.
The Board along with the LHR and Cals have called on the
government to appoint a judicial commission of inquiry into
the events at Swanieville on May 12 1991.
4. Bekkersdal
A Board researcher was in Bekkersdal on the far west Rand on
May 5 when the Inkatha Freedom Party held a rally in the
area. Local people claim that the party only has the support
of 20 families in the area, despite this thousands upon
thousands of Inkatha members were bused into the township
from the surrounding areas. Some carne from a far a field as
Natal. This is not the first time that the IFP has bused in
supporters. I , ,
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Prior to the rally Bekkersdal had been lucky. It had escaped
the carnage of internecine war between the IFP and the ANC.
However on May 5 thousands of heavily armed men and women
many wearing Inkatha Freedom Party T-shirts descended on
Bekkersdal . The rally was held at the Bekkersdal stadium and
was addressed by Musa Myeni of the IFP's central committee.
During his address he threatened to send a 100 000 men into
Soweto to curb the violence - however, a day after this
threat, IFP president Mangosuthu Buthelezi said the "threat"
was "a cry for help". Addressing the KwaZulu Legislative
Assembly in Ulundi, Buthelezi said: "No decision has been
made as yet to take such action" - The rally was scheduled to
end at 14hOO. It was only at 16h45 that the men and women
started streaming out of the stadium. There was a large
police and SADF contingent on the main road which passes
Bekkersdal's large squatter community.
The mood was tense as the Inkatha members started to march
towards the exit. Many were armed with large pangas, carving
knives spears and at least one man was carrying a gun which
he kept firing in the air in full view of members of the SAP. -27-
As Irl~atha past the squatter camp stones were thrown over the heads of the SAP and SADF who were between Inkatha and the squatters on the other side of the road. Inkatha members retaliated and threw stones back. Members of the SAP then opened fire without warning on the squatters. A young girl was killed instantly. Teboho Mahapi a 15 year old boy was shot in the head. He died a few hours later. As Inkatha continued its march, a taxi driver was attacked and killed as was another resident. As it grew dark residents claimed that the SAP escorted members of Inkatha into the township via a back road. Several shacks were then set ali ght.
5. East Rand
The pattern of violence is constantly changing on the East
Rand. Originally the conflict was characterised by mass impi attacks on squatter camps. Now the attacks have become far more sophisticated and isolated. There have been at least two attacks on commuters in the last month as well as an attack by armed men travelling in a mini-bus. At l east six people were killed at a taxi rank opposite the Natalspruit Hospital on May Day. Police liaison officer captain Henriette Bester, said a brown Peugeot with a false registration number stooped at the taxi-rank. A number of men armed with AK 47s got out , .
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and fired at people standing at the rank. One of the dead, a
woman was wearing ANC colours. The attackers also fired in
the direction of the hospital injuring many other people.
Police say they found spent AK47 and Tokarev cartridges at
the scene.
On May 7, 11 people were killed in Thembisa, six were killed
when gunmen opened fire on a bus and a further five people
died when men in a mini-bus opened fire on residents. In the
first incident a group of armed men ambushed a bus in front
of the Snowflake hostel in the vusimuzi section of the
township at about 16h30. There are claims that a man with a
firearm stood on the road and fired shots at the driver of
the bus. The driver then stopped the vehicle, jumped out and
ran away. Five to seven men then entered the bus and opened
fire. Inside the bus the police found six bodies and spent
AK47 , shotgun and 9mm pistol cartridges. In the later attack
armed men used a mini-bus which had been stolen earlier in
Thembisa. Four of the killings occurred in the Umtambeko
Section, while the fifth death took place at a shopping
centre near the Vusimuzi hostel. -29-
On May 10 at least six people were killed and four people seriously injured during a gun battle between members of the ANC and Inkatha. It is alleged that at least 3 000 ANC supporters marched out of Sethokga hostel through Ethafeni section in the direction of Vuzimusi hostel an Inkatha stronghold. Police claim they formed a human barrier between the two groups but were unable to keep them apart. In the ensuing battle six people were killed.
6.Alexandra
Isolated attacks continue in Alexandra township north of Johannesburg. Despite 30 people being killed during the last weekend of April all were killed in separate attacks. The police say all the bodies were found away from the township's hostels, flashpoints of previous violence. On April 29, schools in the township were vacated after rumours of an impending attack, allegedly by IFP members who live in hostels in the area.
Hostels in the area are however a focal point for residents. Township dwellers have accused the hostel inmates of , .
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abducting passers-by. Some have lived to tell the tale others
have not been so lucky. Alex Shibambo and his younger brother
Foster claim they were abducted by a a group of Zulu speaking
men and taken to the second floor of the Ml Hostel. With four
others they claim they were interrogated and accused of
hating Inkatha. Alex Shibambo claims that one of the men
calmly walked up to one of them, Dick Mhlanga, and stabbed
him in the neck and stomach. Mhlanga died instantly and Alex
claims he jumped through the second-floor window, followed by
Foster. Both broke their legs but managed to escape.
Mhlanga's body was apparently thrown out of the window and
picked up by police the following day (City Press 5/5/1991).
Much of the fighting in Alexandra relates to a geographical
struggle for control of certain areas. In January, Alexandra
was an ANC stronghold and had no or very little Inkatha
presence. Members of the IFP now control at least two hostels
in the area. From there they have moved into the community
gaining control of streets which are situated near the
hostels. Blocks which previously were crammed full of shacks
are now empty. New shacks are being erected with the word
"Zulu" daubed on them (Weekly Mail 3/5/1991). · . I t
-31-
In a sequel to the night vigil massacre in Alexandra on March
27 1991 which claimed the lives of 15 people, nine members of
the IFP appeared in the Wynberg Magistrates Court. They were
not asked to plead and the case was postponed until June 5
1991 (The star 21/5/1991).
A survivor of the March 27 massacre, 18 year-old Oupa Sehume
claims that he re-lived his near death experience when police
forced him inside one of the township's biggest hostels and
called for its Inkatha affiliated residents to "come and get
him" .
Sehume said he was taken inside the Old Men's Hostel in
Alexandra at about 21h30 on Sunday April 21 by white
policemen wearing camouflage uniforms. A panga was placed in
his hands and he was warned that he would be kicked if he put
it down. He said the police then started calling out "Here's
a member of the ANC, come and get him". Sehume was told that
he must fight Inkatha with the panga. Sehume is still seeing
a psychologist as a result of his experiences during the
night vigil massacre where 15 people including a close friend
were killed. Sehume was returned home after the hostel
dwellers refused to attack him for fear of a trap . The
police are investigating. (Sunday star 5/5/91. • J
-32-
A priest based in Alexandra, the Reverend Benjamin Mzamo
claims that he saw Inkatha supporters escorted by the police
shoot five people in the area. The incident apparently
happened on May Day when a group of red banded men started
attacking residents as they moved towards the M1 hostel, more
than 2km from where they left a long convoy of taxis. Mzamo
claims he was at home when he witnessed the men attack. He
says he immediately went outside. Mzamo claims that two white
ambulancemen arrived on the scene and said they were prepared
to verify that the attack was unprovoked (City Press
5/5/1991) .
A taxi driver in the area has also claimed that several
policemen "hijacked" his mini-bus and used it in a raid on an
Alexandra civic organisation (ACO) area chairperson's home.
Dumisani Dubaza said that he was on his last trip on April 17
with four passengers when he was stopped by a group of
camouflaged policemen. When he could not produce documents
for the vehicle his passengers were told to get off and he
was placed under arrest. He claims that nine white policemen
and a black man then got into his vehicle, one of the white
men drove. The blackman was pointing out houses where
comrades were staying. They knocked at the door and windows · (
-33-
of 21 17th Avenue but there was no answer. They then broke
the door and entered the home. The house belongs to Samson
Malinga, ACO's area chairperson. Malinga was a witness to the
first attacks in Alexandra in early March (City Press
5/5/1991).
VI. NATAL
Natal's uneasy peace continues to hold despite sporadic
violence throughout the area. The most hopeful event of the
month was a joint ANC- IFP meeting at Umgababa on the South
Coast on May 12. This area has been one of those hardest hit
by the violence of the past few years. ANC Natal chairperson
Jacob Zuma and IFP national chairperson Frank Mdalose both
addressed the meeting and both announced themselves to be
extremely pleased with the outcome (The Star 13/5/1991).
VII. CONCLUSION
Hopes for a representative peace summit are growing with
state President FW de Klerk giving sanction to a church
initiative. It is clear from this month's report that the
violence in the Reef townships shows n o sign of abating . · ..
-34-
Township residents rightly or wrongly believe that the state
has been actively involved in the violence. Hence it is
imperative that a body which is independent of the state be
set up to monitor the violence and to seek solutions to the
conflict.
Land re-occupations by people who were once dispossessed is
fast becoming a volatile issue with white rightwing farmers
threatening to take the law into their own hands. At
Goedgevonden near Ventersdorp rightwing farmers have already
flexed their muscles and have threatened more action of this
type. The powerful Transvaal Agricultural Union has indicated
that it is prepared to fight the governments proposed land
reforms to the hilt.
The recent claims by Ronald Bezuidenhout about hit squad
operations at Vlakplaas has once again showed that unless
there is a complete and total disbanding of the Cl unit, and
a comprehensive investigation into its past activities,
information of this nature will continue to come out
piecemeal. It is obviously in the interest of the public, the
SAP and the SADF that full confidence be restored in the
latter institutions. Collection Number: AG2543
INDEPENDENT BOARD OF INQUIRY (IBI) Records 1989-1996
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