John W. de Gruchy with Steve de Gruchy. The Church Struggle in . 25th Anniversary Edition. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005. xxx + 286 pp. $16.00, paper, ISBN 978-0-8006-3755-2.

Reviewed by Dawid Venter

Published on H-SAfrica (May, 2007)

John de Gruchy's The Church Struggle in against (p. xxiii). The publication of the South Africa frst appeared in 1979--a year after P. second edition (1986) coincided with the second W. Botha's ascension to power, two years after state of emergency. The only change was an ad‐ 's death, and three years after the Sowe‐ dendum discussing major criticisms (p. xi). The to uprising. Still to come were Botha's two states 25th anniversary edition with its handsome cover of emergency (1985, 1986-1990), arrests of thou‐ updates Church Struggle to 2004 (p. 243). De sands, death squads, and assassinations of ac‐ Gruchy's description of the ecumenical struggle tivists (such as , died 1985), tor‐ for justice--ironically--highlights the degree to ture of clergy (like Smangaliso Mkhatshwa, 1986), which denominations, local congregations, and destabilization of frontline states, surveillance individual afliates failed to do so. through the multilevel Joint Management Centres, The title inevitably raises questions about detentions without trial, and endless rounds of what "the church" and "struggle" may mean. For forced removals.[1] John de Gruchy "the church" is a theological term Throughout the Botha era (1978-1989) The encompassing all Christian denominations (see p. Church Struggle was widely read in South Africa 3). Not all denominations were involved in "strug‐ and abroad. The University of Stellenbosch has gle," nor does De Gruchy deal with all who were prescribed it since 1987, for example (http:// (p. 86). Instead, he concentrates on "English- tinyurl.com/38etzw). The frst edition dealt with speaking churches" of British origin (p. 18) that events up to 1977. True to John de Gruchy's prove‐ opposed apartheid policies and participated in the nance as the Professor of South African Council of Churches (p. 84). The re‐ Christian Studies (1973-2003), the book served to sultant list comprises Anglicans, Methodists, Pres‐ challenge white readers with theological refec‐ byterians, and Congregationalists (in which John tion on the social history of denominational and de Gruchy is ordained). The four denominations ecumenical pronouncements and organization are confated with major ecumenical organiza‐ H-Net Reviews tions to connote the "ecumenical church" (p. 201), is sketched in chapter 3. The Christian Institute of which by implication also incorporates "the mis‐ Southern Africa (1963-1977) unsuccessfully at‐ sion church" and "the black church." tempted to establish a Confessing movement The object of "church struggle" varies with based on the German war-time model (pp. particular periods for De Gruchy. During the colo‐ 104-105,110).[3] The Institute was radicalized nial era the "struggle" was "to make the churches through its work among black Christians such as of British origin relevant to South Africa" (p. 18). Steve Biko, and provided institutional support for Black Christians during the Union period strug‐ African independent churches. The state coun‐ gled for "justice, rights, and land," and related tered the political work of the Institute by cutting racism to "educational, economic, and political is‐ of overseas funding and banning its leaders, in‐ sues" (pp. 13, 48). Relevance during the apartheid cluding C. F. Beyers Naude, Brian Brown, Cedric era meant opposing "racism and injustice" (pp. Mayson, and Peter Randall (p. 109). 13,63). The book traces the attempts by the "ecu‐ The South African Council of Churches (SACC) menical church" to eliminate racial injustice by followed a similar trajectory to the Christian Insti‐ confronting the apartheid state through public tute according to De Gruchy. Under Archbishop statements. Less attention falls to public disobedi‐ the SACC incurred the state's wrath by ence, organizing opposition, and supporting de‐ publishing the Message to the People of South tainees and their families. The "struggle" included Africa in 1968. Burnett in the 1970s became a fg‐ but extends beyond "the black political struggle" urehead for the charismatic renewal. The World (p. 32) to the present. Council of Churches' decision to support libera‐ Chapter 1 ofers a broad account of relations tion organizations through the Program to Com‐ between South African Christians and colonized bat Racism (1970) prompted the ecumenical indigenes between 1652 and about 1946. The dis‐ movement to debate violence. Critics argued that cussion is organized around distinctions between the Program justifed guerilla warfare, ignoring mission and settler churches, Afrikaner and Eng‐ the institutional violence of the apartheid regime lish churches,[2] and white and black churches. (pp. 126, 137). The SACC called for a complete re‐ Meticulous footnotes provide a treasure of earlier jection of all forms of violence (p. 127). In 1974 the sources (some from the Journal of Theology for SACC's annual conference produced a Statement Southern Africa, founded by De Gruchy in 1972). on Conscientious Objection, which asked churches While De Gruchy duly attends to the role of the to consider whether this option was not demand‐ Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (p. 32), he also ed by Christian discipleship in South Africa. Para‐ points to the breakaway Gereformeerde Kerk as doxically, member churches were simultaneously the theological vanguard for Afrikaner national‐ urged to supply chaplains to the liberation move‐ ism (pp. 6, 31). Chapter 2 applies the dichotomies ments, as they were already doing for the South to the diferent formal responses between 1942 African Defence Force (pp. 137, 142). Conscien‐ and 1977 of denominations to racial discrimina‐ tious objection was not then legally an option tion. The Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK) within the system of compulsory military con‐ delegation's recantation of the 1960 Cottesloe res‐ scription--unlike non-combatant status, which in‐ olutions, under pressure from Prime Minister H. curred extensive penalties. The state made calling F. Verwoerd, marked the fnal crossroad (pp. for conscientious objection a crime punishable by 60-67). fne and imprisonment (pp. 134-142). The election of Archbishop in 1978 to its leader‐ The subsequent emergence of united ecu‐ ship helped the SACC to become even more in‐ menical opposition to the state from 1962 to 1977 volved with the black struggle (p. 188). In re‐

2 H-Net Reviews sponse, the state engaged in fnancial harassment turned their collective attention inward while and legal repression, as it had done with the Christian public theology adjusted to a plurality of Christian Institute.[4] belief systems. Chapter 6 urges churches to grap‐ While overt black resistance was dampened ple instead with poverty (including land redistri‐ between the Sharpeville and uprisings, bution, HIV-Aids, pp. 231, 233), gender injustice (p. black consciousness and black theology emerged 236), pluralism (p. 241), and globalization (p. 246), during this time from within the churches. Black‐ just as they had vicariously engaged with national ness was defned as including black Africans, reconciliation through clergy representatives on coloureds, and Indians (p. 152), while black theol‐ the Truth and Reconciliation Commission from ogy also addressed whites (p. 180). De Gruchy 1996 (p. 224f.). highlights the distinctiveness of black theology in John de Gruchy is particularly adept at pre‐ South Africa compared to other varieties, particu‐ senting the positions of various denominations larly that espoused by James Cone (pp. 150, 162). from within their theological and sociological per‐ Black theology arose from a broad theological spectives. He shows, for example, how the theo‐ spectrum, including the University Christian logical convictions of Lutherans prevented that Movement, Lutherans (Manas Buthelezi), Re‐ denomination from meaningfully confronting formeds (Allan Boesak), Congregationalists (Bon‐ state policies (p. 10), and why the Roman Catholic ganjalo Goba), Methodists (Khosa Mgojo), and An‐ Church did not join in until the 1970s (p. 95). De glicans (Desmond Tutu) (pp. 147-154, 187. Ironi‐ Gruchy's insights about the theological justifca‐ cally, black consciousness and black theology fu‐ tion for apartheid remains the book's strongest eled renewed protests against white rule just as points. He points out divisions within denomina‐ some black youth were abandoning churches for tions which outside observers may have viewed being irrelevant (p. 175). as monolithic. NGK theologians B. B. Keet (pp. 9, Chapter 5 replaces the theological conclusions 56) and Ben Marais (1909-1999, p. 57), for in‐ of the frst two editions, and adds descriptions of stance, are remembered for their opposition to Christian initiatives from 1976 to 2002. Examples apartheid alongside C. F. Beyers Naude. I have few include the National Initiative for Reconciliation quibbles with the book. There is the usual disre‐ (1985), The Belhar Confession (1982), The Kairos gard by foreign publishers for spelling conven‐ Document (1985), The Harare Declaration (1986), tions of surnames ("de Klerk" where it and the SACC's Standing for the Truth Campaign should be De Klerk). Other minor errors include (1988). Prior to the 1994 election, ecumenical lead‐ "Heraldtown" for Healdtown (p. 49), and "Wilge‐ ers helped to establish nationwide peace monitor‐ spruit Ecumenical Centre" for Wilgespruit Fellow‐ ing structures, both local and international (pp. ship Centre (p. 107). The racially mixed congrega‐ 217, 222). Brigalia Bam, former general secretary tion of Saint Anthony's was located in Johannes‐ of the SACC, joined the leadership of the Indepen‐ burg's Pageview suburb, not "downtown" (p. 186). dent Electoral Commission. An index reference to Tutu should point to p. 235, not p. 236. A footnote incorrectly dates The Mes‐ In chapter 6 John de Gruchy's son, Steve, con‐ sage in Perspective to "1969" instead of 1968. In a cludes that the ecumenical movement faces multi‐ postscript to the second edition John de Gruchy ple issues today without the unifed focus forged responded to major critiques, such as his a priori during the apartheid era (p. 223). The collapse of acceptance of "race" over material considerations foreign funding and the diversity of difculties (pp. xxi-xxvi). He did not incorporate his replies were contributing factors (p. 255). Confronted by a newly secular state (p. 244), denominations

3 H-Net Reviews into the revised edition, arguing that this would ent social constructions of Christianity. The de‐ have required a substantially diferent book. nominational theology of white Reformed Chris‐ John de Gruchy's dichotomies underplay the tians, for instance, had woven apartheid into their contrasting views held within and between de‐ perception of God in such a way that to reject the nominations of British origin. He acknowledges one was to forsake the Other (see p. 103 for a simi‐ that denomination leaders who opposed lar argument). The political efect was that (white) apartheid often difered from rank-and-fle afli‐ Christians exploited, oppressed, imprisoned, tor‐ ates who did not (compare p. 97). But he fails to tured, and killed (black) Christians (see volume 4, mention Anglican afliates who deserted their de‐ chapter 3 of the Truth and Reconciliation Com‐ nomination for others when Desmond Tutu be‐ mission's Final Report). Not surprisingly, Re‐ came archbishop in 1984, or who criticized Tutu formed clergy like Manas Buthelezi and Allan in 1978 when he became SACC general secretary. Boesak played a central role in declaring The dichotomies actually imply several struggles apartheid a heresy (also the title of a book co-au‐ within denominations (about power, race, and thored by John de Gruchy in 1983).[6] culture) across diferent historical periods. For The author/s' concentration on major institu‐ these reasons, Steve de Gruchy's thesis of a uni‐ tions and fgures renders some of the book's con‐ fed struggle against apartheid in chapter 6 is clusions vulnerable. Steve De Gruchy dismisses overstated. Apartheid state ofcials routinely post-apartheid pentecostal and independent challenged the churches to frst put their own churches as undermining the witness of anti- racially divided house in order. In addition, the apartheid denominations (p. 229). John de Gruchy term "English-speaking" is problematic, given that characterizes them as "conservative," without the majority of afliates neither use English as supplying the insightful theological explanations frst language nor as language of ritual. that he applied to other denominations (p. 208). The focus on "English-speaking" churches and Of course the statement is true of right-wing the South African Council of Churches may create groupings such as the Gospel Defence League (p. the impression that these entities were the only 188) or white members of the Assemblies of God. Christian agents for progressive change. Yet they But such a generalized conclusion downplays the were as little inclined as other European-derived contributions of those few progressive evangeli‐ denominations to appoint "natives" to leadership cal, pentecostal, and charismatic leaders who par‐ positions. While De Gruchy acknowledges some ticipated in regional bodies during the apartheid pioneers of racially mixed congregations (pp. era. Concerned Evangelicals in Johannesburg 185-186), he fails to mention how very reluctant (1980s) was one example. In the post-apartheid denominations of British origin were to encour‐ period, pentecostal leader Ray McAuley of Rhema age such congregations. The Methodists admitted Bible Church (which I suspect p. 208 refers to) as much to the TRC.[5] The contributions of small‐ participated in the Rustenburg Conference in er ecumenical organizations are omitted, apart 1990. Rhema made its Randburg plant available from the Wilgespruit Fellowship Centre (pp. for recruitment of faith-based election-night mon‐ 107-108). Shirley Turner's Church Women Con‐ itors by the Independent Electoral Commission in cerned (ca. 1973, Cape Town) and Nico Smith's na‐ 1994. Its Educational Centre in Klerksdorp was tionwide Koinonia movement (ca. 1979) are ab‐ used by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission sent. for amnesty hearings in 1999 (http:// www.doj.gov.za/trc/media/1999/9905/ The Church Struggle can be recast as a con‐ p990506a.htm). test for supremacy between proponents of difer‐

4 H-Net Reviews

Those who re-read Church Struggle may dis‐ does show how the apartheid regime ended be‐ cover that the impact of the frst two editions de‐ cause transnational bodies efected change in pended largely on the historical period during global norms that governed how states could treat which they were published. The events described their citizens.[7] are better known now than when the book frst Explicating linkages would have demonstrat‐ appeared. The signifcance of the text's dry focus ed how people interacted and how respective pro‐ on ecumenical declarations pales next to submis‐ grams mutually infuenced one another. Were sions to the Truth and Reconciliation Commis‐ there any connections between the Lutheran sion--particularly as relayed by in World Federation's 1977 declaration that the "Truth Commission Special Report" on SABC- apartheid was a heresy and a similar conclusion TV. By comparison, the book conveys a sense of in 1982 by the World Alliance of Reformed struggle without detailing how ecumenical lead‐ Churches? Did Manas Buthelezi's earlier eforts ers were afected. Mkhatswha's torture is not infuence those of Allan Boesak later? By outlining mentioned, for instance. Nor are the everyday re‐ such links, De Gruchy could have shown how for‐ alities of apartheid sufciently conveyed by the mer Methodist Peter Storey related to the general descriptions provided (see pp. 170, 196). South African Council of Churches, the Methodist Consequently, the struggle is largely an internal Church of Southern Africa, the World Council of afair between local agents about a racism ab‐ Churches, the United Nations, and did pioneering stracted from its human costs. The text mentions work with racially mixed congregations. In the one death, that of Biko, as well as the detentions latter regard, again, Storey was infuenced by Rob of Mkhatshwa, Father Clement Mokoto, and the Robertson, who is mentioned (p. 186, n. 5). But arrests of Bishop and Dean Gonville Robertson's struggle from 1957 to get Presbyteri‐ french-Beytagh. But neither the detention of ans to embrace racially mixed local congregations SACC feldworker Tom Manthata (1977) nor the is omitted. Robertson's creative attempts in 1986 poisoning of general secretary Frank Chikane and 1988 to re-introduce Christian activists to di‐ (1989) are revealed. rect nonviolent action through workshops con‐ Given Steve De Gruchy's challenge for church‐ ducted by Walter Wink are also absent. Wink en‐ es to address globalization, I would have liked the couraged South African clergy to become involved author/s to clarify linkages between organizations in a 1987 book, sponsored by the Fellowship of and individuals. Transnational bodies are men‐ Reconciliation (see: http:// tioned peripherally in the text to demonstrate www.westarinstitute.org/Periodicals/4RArticles/ how individual South Africans persuaded global Winkbio/wink_bio.html ).[8] The omission of actors to infuence local denominations. The glob‐ names and linkages in earlier editions is under‐ al ecumenical movement's subsequent inversion standable, given the need for secrecy about fnan‐ of apartheid's theological base allowed their local cial support for the Christian Institute by Norwe‐ counterparts to join others in declaring that the gian Church Aid, for example. But such considera‐ apartheid state was illegitimate (pp. 187, 201-202). tions do not hold true for the 25th anniversary The book anticipates the local-global interdepen‐ edition. dent interaction so characteristic of the world sys‐ While the updates to the 25th anniversary tem while revealing its rootedness in the era be‐ edition are commendable, certain elements re‐ fore globalization became a key interpretative main missing, as De Gruchy acknowledges. frame. Compare Audie Klotz' commendable ver‐ Among these, the omission of the bombing of sion of the struggle against apartheid, which Khotso House (1988) is extraordinary. Individual mostly omits the role of the churches. But Klotz

5 H-Net Reviews black church leaders and women are absent for November 2006, accessed at http://news.bbc.co.uk/ 40 and 211 pages respectively. The text omits the 2/hi/africa/6105178.stm ). Methodist Church of Southern Africa's adoption of [2]. One of the earliest references to English- an explicit development stance after 1990. Nor speaking churches in this manner is found in Pe‐ does it mention a similar debate and subsequent ter B. Hinchlif, "The Crisis for English Christianity shift in the Dutch Reformed Church, exemplifed in South Africa," Pro Veritate 1.7 (1962): 1. Hinch‐ by the fostering of a development stream at Stel‐ lif wrote, "By 'English' Christianity in South Africa lenbosch's Theological Faculty. We do not learn I mean those Churches which derive from Britain, how Dutch Reformed, Lutheran and other denom‐ who use English as their principal language of inations responded to the post-apartheid land re‐ worship, who are in communion with a 'mother' distribution issue from a brief reference (p. 227). Church in England, and some of whose clergy My biggest regret about the book is that John come from England ... [and] are probably unhap‐ de Gruchy did not insert his personal experiences py about the apartheid policy of the present gov‐ explicitly into the text. He did, after all, organize ernment" (p. 1). the launch of The Message to the People of South [3]. From a diferent perspective, the merging Africa in 1968 as Director of Publications and Ecu‐ of a South African liberation theology with the lib‐ menical Studies for the South African Council of eration struggle could be construed as a de jure Churches. I suspect that he played a role in the at‐ confessing movement, constituting "The Prophetic tempts to establish a confessing movement in Voice Within Phlegmatic Churches," as Peter Wal‐ South Africa, given his lifelong work on Dietrich she suggested in a chapter of the same name in Bonhoefer.[9] The role that De Gruchy himself The Christian Churches and the Democratisation played as a founder member of the Christian In‐ of South Africa, ed. Paul Giford (Leiden: Brill, stitute is also not revealed in the text. I met John 1995), 74-94. De Gruchy also argues that the Bel‐ de Gruchy a couple of times, once at a conference, har Confession (1982) marked the emergence of a where his integrity and prophetic intensity stood black confessing church (p. 192). out. His silence about his own involvement is a [4]. The combination of legal and fnancial tribute to his modesty, but should leave the reader pressure continued throughout apartheid history, dissatisfed. Church Struggle serves as much as a used most notably against the progressive monument to the courage of the man who wrote Afrikaans paper Die Vrye Weekblad. it, during some of the darkest days of apartheid, as to the engagement of the ecumenical move‐ [5]. H. Mvume Dandala, "The Methodist ment with the state. Church of Southern Africa. Submission to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission," 1997. Ac‐ Notes cessed on February 27, 2005 (http://web.uct.ac.za/ [1]. The outpouring of laudatory comments depts/ricsa/commiss/trc/mcsa_sub.htm). about P. W. Botha, following his death in Septem‐ [6]. John W. de Gruchy and Charles Villa-Va‐ ber 2006, was a bitter pill to swallow for those lencio, Apartheid is a Heresy (Grand Rapids, MI: who endured his regime. Struggle stalwarts like Wm. B. Erdmanns, 1983). remarked on how Botha paved the way for the demise of apartheid through initi‐ [7]. Audie Klotz, Norms in International Rela‐ ating talks with the African National Congress. tions: The Struggle against Apartheid (Ithaca: Cor‐ Others pointed to Botha's removal of the Mixed nell University Press, 1999). Marriages Act and relaxation of infux control [8]. Walter Wink, Violence and Nonviolence in (see BBC News, "PW Botha: Reaction in quotes," 1 South Africa (Philadelphia: New Society, 1987).

6 H-Net Reviews

[9]. John de Gruchy appeared in the documen‐ tary Bonhoefer, reviewed elsewhere on H-Net: http://www.h-net.org/mmreviews/showrev.cgi? path=711.

If there is additional discussion of this review, you may access it through the network, at https://networks.h-net.org/h-safrica

Citation: Dawid Venter. Review of de Gruchy, John W. de Gruchy with Steve. The Church Struggle in South Africa. H-SAfrica, H-Net Reviews. May, 2007.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=13132

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.

7