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Aluta Continua for South African Churches John W. de Gruchy with Steve de Gruchy. The Church Struggle in South Africa. 25th Anniversary Edition. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005. xxx + 286 pp. $16.00, paper, ISBN 978-0-8006-3755-2. Reviewed by Dawid Venter Published on H-SAfrica (May, 2007) John de Gruchy's The Church Struggle in against apartheid (p. xxiii). The publication of the South Africa frst appeared in 1979--a year after P. second edition (1986) coincided with the second W. Botha's ascension to power, two years after state of emergency. The only change was an ad‐ Steve Biko's death, and three years after the Sowe‐ dendum discussing major criticisms (p. xi). The to uprising. Still to come were Botha's two states 25th anniversary edition with its handsome cover of emergency (1985, 1986-1990), arrests of thou‐ updates Church Struggle to 2004 (p. 243). De sands, death squads, and assassinations of ac‐ Gruchy's description of the ecumenical struggle tivists (such as Matthew Goniwe, died 1985), tor‐ for justice--ironically--highlights the degree to ture of clergy (like Smangaliso Mkhatshwa, 1986), which denominations, local congregations, and destabilization of frontline states, surveillance individual affiliates failed to do so. through the multilevel Joint Management Centres, The title inevitably raises questions about detentions without trial, and endless rounds of what "the church" and "struggle" may mean. For forced removals.[1] John de Gruchy "the church" is a theological term Throughout the Botha era (1978-1989) The encompassing all Christian denominations (see p. Church Struggle was widely read in South Africa 3). Not all denominations were involved in "strug‐ and abroad. The University of Stellenbosch has gle," nor does De Gruchy deal with all who were prescribed it since 1987, for example (http:// (p. 86). Instead, he concentrates on "English- tinyurl.com/38etzw). The frst edition dealt with speaking churches" of British origin (p. 18) that events up to 1977. True to John de Gruchy's prove‐ opposed apartheid policies and participated in the nance as the Robert Selby Taylor Professor of South African Council of Churches (p. 84). The re‐ Christian Studies (1973-2003), the book served to sultant list comprises Anglicans, Methodists, Pres‐ challenge white readers with theological reflec‐ byterians, and Congregationalists (in which John tion on the social history of denominational and de Gruchy is ordained). The four denominations ecumenical pronouncements and organization are conflated with major ecumenical organiza‐ H-Net Reviews tions to connote the "ecumenical church" (p. 201), is sketched in chapter 3. The Christian Institute of which by implication also incorporates "the mis‐ Southern Africa (1963-1977) unsuccessfully at‐ sion church" and "the black church." tempted to establish a Confessing movement The object of "church struggle" varies with based on the German war-time model (pp. particular periods for De Gruchy. During the colo‐ 104-105,110).[3] The Institute was radicalized nial era the "struggle" was "to make the churches through its work among black Christians such as of British origin relevant to South Africa" (p. 18). Steve Biko, and provided institutional support for Black Christians during the Union period strug‐ African independent churches. The state coun‐ gled for "justice, rights, and land," and related tered the political work of the Institute by cutting racism to "educational, economic, and political is‐ off overseas funding and banning its leaders, in‐ sues" (pp. 13, 48). Relevance during the apartheid cluding C. F. Beyers Naude, Brian Brown, Cedric era meant opposing "racism and injustice" (pp. Mayson, and Peter Randall (p. 109). 13,63). The book traces the attempts by the "ecu‐ The South African Council of Churches (SACC) menical church" to eliminate racial injustice by followed a similar trajectory to the Christian Insti‐ confronting the apartheid state through public tute according to De Gruchy. Under Archbishop statements. Less attention falls to public disobedi‐ Bill Burnett the SACC incurred the state's wrath by ence, organizing opposition, and supporting de‐ publishing the Message to the People of South tainees and their families. The "struggle" included Africa in 1968. Burnett in the 1970s became a fg‐ but extends beyond "the black political struggle" urehead for the charismatic renewal. The World (p. 32) to the present. Council of Churches' decision to support libera‐ Chapter 1 offers a broad account of relations tion organizations through the Program to Com‐ between South African Christians and colonized bat Racism (1970) prompted the ecumenical indigenes between 1652 and about 1946. The dis‐ movement to debate violence. Critics argued that cussion is organized around distinctions between the Program justified guerilla warfare, ignoring mission and settler churches, Afrikaner and Eng‐ the institutional violence of the apartheid regime lish churches,[2] and white and black churches. (pp. 126, 137). The SACC called for a complete re‐ Meticulous footnotes provide a treasure of earlier jection of all forms of violence (p. 127). In 1974 the sources (some from the Journal of Theology for SACC's annual conference produced a Statement Southern Africa, founded by De Gruchy in 1972). on Conscientious Objection, which asked churches While De Gruchy duly attends to the role of the to consider whether this option was not demand‐ Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (p. 32), he also ed by Christian discipleship in South Africa. Para‐ points to the breakaway Gereformeerde Kerk as doxically, member churches were simultaneously the theological vanguard for Afrikaner national‐ urged to supply chaplains to the liberation move‐ ism (pp. 6, 31). Chapter 2 applies the dichotomies ments, as they were already doing for the South to the different formal responses between 1942 African Defence Force (pp. 137, 142). Conscien‐ and 1977 of denominations to racial discrimina‐ tious objection was not then legally an option tion. The Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK) within the system of compulsory military con‐ delegation's recantation of the 1960 Cottesloe res‐ scription--unlike non-combatant status, which in‐ olutions, under pressure from Prime Minister H. curred extensive penalties. The state made calling F. Verwoerd, marked the fnal crossroad (pp. for conscientious objection a crime punishable by 60-67). fine and imprisonment (pp. 134-142). The election of Archbishop Desmond Tutu in 1978 to its leader‐ The subsequent emergence of united ecu‐ ship helped the SACC to become even more in‐ menical opposition to the state from 1962 to 1977 volved with the black struggle (p. 188). In re‐ 2 H-Net Reviews sponse, the state engaged in fnancial harassment turned their collective attention inward while and legal repression, as it had done with the Christian public theology adjusted to a plurality of Christian Institute.[4] belief systems. Chapter 6 urges churches to grap‐ While overt black resistance was dampened ple instead with poverty (including land redistri‐ between the Sharpeville and Soweto uprisings, bution, HIV-Aids, pp. 231, 233), gender injustice (p. black consciousness and black theology emerged 236), pluralism (p. 241), and globalization (p. 246), during this time from within the churches. Black‐ just as they had vicariously engaged with national ness was defined as including black Africans, reconciliation through clergy representatives on coloureds, and Indians (p. 152), while black theol‐ the Truth and Reconciliation Commission from ogy also addressed whites (p. 180). De Gruchy 1996 (p. 224ff.). highlights the distinctiveness of black theology in John de Gruchy is particularly adept at pre‐ South Africa compared to other varieties, particu‐ senting the positions of various denominations larly that espoused by James Cone (pp. 150, 162). from within their theological and sociological per‐ Black theology arose from a broad theological spectives. He shows, for example, how the theo‐ spectrum, including the University Christian logical convictions of Lutherans prevented that Movement, Lutherans (Manas Buthelezi), Re‐ denomination from meaningfully confronting formeds (Allan Boesak), Congregationalists (Bon‐ state policies (p. 10), and why the Roman Catholic ganjalo Goba), Methodists (Khosa Mgojo), and An‐ Church did not join in until the 1970s (p. 95). De glicans (Desmond Tutu) (pp. 147-154, 187. Ironi‐ Gruchy's insights about the theological justifica‐ cally, black consciousness and black theology fu‐ tion for apartheid remains the book's strongest eled renewed protests against white rule just as points. He points out divisions within denomina‐ some black youth were abandoning churches for tions which outside observers may have viewed being irrelevant (p. 175). as monolithic. NGK theologians B. B. Keet (pp. 9, Chapter 5 replaces the theological conclusions 56) and Ben Marais (1909-1999, p. 57), for in‐ of the frst two editions, and adds descriptions of stance, are remembered for their opposition to Christian initiatives from 1976 to 2002. Examples apartheid alongside C. F. Beyers Naude. I have few include the National Initiative for Reconciliation quibbles with the book. There is the usual disre‐ (1985), The Belhar Confession (1982), The Kairos gard by foreign publishers for spelling conven‐ Document (1985), The Harare Declaration (1986), tions of Afrikaans surnames ("de Klerk" where it and the SACC's Standing for the Truth Campaign should be De Klerk). Other minor errors include (1988). Prior to the 1994 election, ecumenical lead‐ "Heraldtown" for Healdtown
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