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nr 34 (3/2017) ISSN: 2353-7094 advisory board dr Vaclav Kapsa (Akademie věd České republiky) dr hab. Aleksandra Patalas (Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie) prof. Matthias Theodor Vogt (Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen) dr hab. Piotr Wilk (Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie) editorial staff Katarzyna Babulewicz Jolanta Bujas Marek Dolewka (Editor-in-Chief) Agnieszka Lakner Martyna Rodzeń Hubert Szczęśniak Justyna Szombara cover design and typesetting Agnieszka Bień proofreading Jolanta Bujas KMM UJ Editorial Staff abstracts’ translation Jolanta Bujas address Koło Naukowe Studentów Muzykologii UJ ul. Westerplatte 10 31–033 Kraków [email protected]

This publication is supported by the Council of Scientific Students’ Organisations of the (Rada Kół Naukowych UJ).

The participation of foreign reviewers in the evaluation of the publication was financed under the agreement No. 613/P-DUN/2017 from the funds of the Minister of Science and Higher Education for popularisation of science. Table of Contents

Introduction 5

Federica Marsico 7 A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth of in

Marta Beszterda 29 At the Intersection of Musical Culture and Historical Legacy: Feminist Musicology in

Barbora Kubečková 51 Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his Songs to Goethe: Forgotten Settings?

Clare Wilson 75 From the Inside Out: An Analytical Perspective of André Caplet’s Harmonic Evolution Through Selected Mélodies, 1915-1925 Nana Katsia 97 The Modification of the Genre of Mystery Play in the Wagner’s, Schoenberg’s and Messiaen’s Compositions

Michał Jaczyński 115 The Presence of Jewish Music in the Musical Life of Interwar Prague

Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka 135 Musical Life of the Jewish Community in Interwar Galicia. The Problem of Identity of Jewish Musicians

Katarzyna Babulewicz 159 Contemporary Music Publishing for Children in Poland

Bionotes 175

Noty biograficzne 179 Introduction

“The International Conference of Young Musicologists: Young Musicology Today: tendencies, challenges and perspectives” was held at the Institute of Musicology of the Jagiellonian University in Krakow from the 7th to the 9th of November, 2016. The event attracted BA, MA and PhD students from 10 academic centres, includ- ing , Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Georgia, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Poland and The . This particular issue of “The Jagiellonian University Young Musicologists Quarterly”, No. 34 (3/2017), combines some of the papers presented at the Conference, bringing them to the attention of wider public. Musicology is not only the study of music—it begins to perform social functions too, becoming not only a field of scientific inquiry but one of actual use to society. The aim of “The International Conference of Young Musicologists. Young Musicology Today: tendencies, chal- lenges and perspectives” was to integrate the musicological community through the creation of an international forum for exchanging ideas and research experience. We encouraged young musicologists to present the results of their ongoing studies, and to engage them in discussion of the future of musicology, its role and place in contemporary culture. During the conference, young musicologists considered new avenues of research, new methodologies for musicologists’ work, and the challenges and career prospects faced by musicologists entering the labour market. It was also an opportunity to consider the areas of interest of young musicologists, such as new research perspectives in musicology, music and science (for example, the psychology of music),

5 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017) as well as challenges of modern ethnomusicology, source studies and music editing, the issues and challenges of music librarianship, and history and theory of music. In addition, the conference programme included a discussion panel entitled “A musicologist on the labour market”. It was an opportunity for an in-depth discussion with Dr. Artur Szklener (Executive Director of The Fryderyk Chopin Institute), Andrzej Kosowski (Director of Institute of Music and Dance), Dr. Magdalena Wąsowska (The Krakow ), and Ewelina Mikluszka (Capella Cracoviensis). The topics covered included the current employment situation for musicology graduates in Poland and abroad, and a presentation of experiences in this area. The conference was also a chance to discuss and exchange opinions with experienced music practitioners, including Jerzy Stankiewicz, who gave his Master’s lecture on the Polish contexts of ’s Quatuor pour la Fin du Temps. The programme also included events such as the concert by the ensemble O CTAVA, a sightseeing trip around historic Krakow, and special exhibitions dedicated to the life and work of (curated by Justyna Szombara at The Ignacy Jan Paderewski Center for the Documentation of 19th and 20th Century Polish Music), as well as to the collection of music manuscripts in the Jagiellonian Library (curated by Michał Lewicki at The Jagiellonian Library). As the organisers of the conference, we would like to thank all of the participants and partners who helped us organize this event for their hospitality, kindness and the unique atmosphere.

Agnieszka Lakner Justyna Szombara Marek Bebak Federica Marsico

University of Pavia

A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth of Phaedra in Music

The Topic

In the second half of the 20th century, the myth of Phaedra, according to which the wife of King of Athens desperately falls in love with her stepson Hippolytus, was set to music by three homosexual compos- ers in the following works: the dramatic cantata Phaedra for mezzo- and small orchestra (1976) by (1913-1976) after a text by the American poet Robert Lowell, the opera Le Racine: pianobar pour Phèdre (1980) by Sylvano Bussotti (1931) after a drafted by the Italian himself and consisting of a prologue, three acts, and an intermezzo, and, last but not least, the two-act con- cert opera Phaedra (2007) by (1926-2012) after a libretto by the German poet Christian Lehnert.1

1 In the second half of the century, other musical adaptations of the myth were also composed, namely the one-act opera Phèdre by Marcel Mihalovici (1898–1986) after a text by Yvan Goll and consisting in a prologue and five scenes (1951), the chamber opera Syllabaire pour Phèdre by Maurice Ohana (1913–1992) after a text by Raphaël Cluzel (1968), and the monodrama Phaedra for mezzo-soprano and orchestra by (1918–2005) after a text by Gene Rosenfeld (1976).

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This paper summarizes the results of a three-year research project (2013–2015)2 that has proved that the three above-mentioned homo- sexual wilfully chose a myth consistent with an incestu- ous—and thus censored—form of love in order to portray homoerotic desire, which the coeval heteronormative society of course labelled as deviant and hence condemned.

Theoretical References

The theoretical references of this research are and queer theory. When gender studies was developed in the United States mid- way through the 70s, it led to the further evolution of gender-related research tendencies of cultural studies. The latter introduced the aca- demic reflection on the relationship between individual and social normative structures. The creative dimension can also be interpreted as a result of confrontation between collectively shared values and in- dividual visions. Gender acquired particular significance among those factors playing a crucial role in the conflict between the individual and the dominant culture. As a consequence, gender studies annihilated the essentialist vision of sexual identities and began to consider them as complex socio-cultural formations. Queer theory developed from gender studies in the 90s in the United States. It redefined the previously pejorative term “queer”, and used it as a term that embraces all non-heterosexual identities. Teresa de Lauretis, one of the pioneers of queer theory, explains the new mean- ing of the word in a famous article from 1991:

Today we have, on the one hand, the terms “lesbian” and “gay” to designate distinct kinds of life-styles, sexualities, sexual practices, communities, issues, publications, and discourses. […] In a sense, the term “Queer Theory” was arrived at the effort to avoid all of these fine distinctions in our discursive protocols, not to adhere to anyone of the given terms, not to assume their ideological liabilities, but instead to both transgress and transcend them—or at the very least problematize them.3

2 F. Marsico, Una lettura queer del mito di Fedra. Gli adattamenti di Britten, Bussotti e Henze, PhD dissertation, University of Pavia 2016. 3 T. de Lauretis, Queer theory. Lesbian and gay sexualities. An introduction, “Differences” iii (1991), 2, pp. iii-xviii: v.

8 Federica Marsico, A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth…

Together with de Lauretis’ definition, the writings by Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Judith Butler represent the theoretical grounding of queer studies. In her book Epistemology of the Closet (1990), Kosofsky Sedgwick displays the dynamics of “the closet”, i.e. the condition of a homosexual who must continuously renegotiate their individual needs with the sur- rounding heteronormative context.4 Kosofsky Sedgwick underlines that the condition of secrecy of homosexuality does not end with the act of coming out of the closet, but can persist in the individual also afterwards. As a consequence, literary writing can offer expression to the homosexual identity through the use of an intentionally ambiguous language. In the same year, Butler published a book titled Gender Trouble,5 in which the American philosopher delved into the debate about the social construction of gender. In her successive book, Bodies That Matter (1993), Butler further explained her ideas: she affirms that chauvinist hegemony is the consequence of the heterosexual hegemony that defines male and female norms. This hegemony causes the condemnation of the sexu- alities that transgress the norm, and the emergence of a homophobic regime. The existence of all excluded sexualities is, however, essential for the subsistence of heterosexuality. Namely, they define the boundaries within which the bodies that materialize the norm can be considered as “bodies that matter”, that is, as bodies that are socially recognized.6 In the 80s, American musicology opened up to gender studies and began to consider musical discourse as a space for the narration of identities. Various pioneering studies prepared the ground for the consolidation of this new critical approach. Among these, two are universally known: the papers by Philip Brett about the opera Peter Grimes (1945) by Britten, interpreted as the allegory of the oppression of a homosexual,7 and by Maynard Solomon about the dissemination of homoeroticism in the Viennese milieu frequented by Franz Schubert.8 Research outcomes in the field of the queer musicology have abundantly demonstrated that the queer approach permits shedding light on some aspects of the musical work that would be otherwise ignored by both

4 E. Kosofsky Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet, Berkeley 1990. 5 J. Butler, Gender Trouble. and the Subversion of Identity, New York 1990. 6 J. Butler, Bodies That Matter. On the Discursive Limits of “Sex”, New York 1993, p. 16. 7 P. Brett, Britten and Grimes, “The Musical Times” cxviii (1977), 1618, pp. 955-1000. 8 M. Solomon, Franz Schubert and the peacocks of Benvenuto Cellini, “19th-Century Music” xii (1989), 3, pp. 193-206.

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scholars and the audience.9 A gender-oriented approach has not yet been applied to Henze’s and Bussotti’s works. On the contrary, the ex- pression of homosexuality in Britten’s oeuvre was deeply investigated not only by Brett who, after the above-mentioned essay, wrote other numerous essays on this topic,10 but also by other scholars. In many writings about music and gender, there is evident lack of a univocal and systematic approach. Regarding this aspect, Brett proclaims one of the cornerstones of the queer musicology in his presentation to Queering the Pitch (1994), the first collection of essays that aim to eliminate the latent homophobia in the musicological research.11 Brett states that:

A reader who expects a new kind of musicology, moreover, must inevitably be disappointed by the lack of a unified approach, a single or even systematic method. To queer the pitch is to get rid of such notions.12

It is possible, however, to identify some common ideas on which queer musicology is founded. Firstly, the musical work is considered as a result of a cultural process and, consequently, the analysis of it is extended to the context in which the work is produced. Secondly, great importance is given to the subjectivity of the composer and to the ex-

9 The musicological literature on the topic is substantial. See, among others: S. McClary, Feminine Endings. Music, Gender, and Sexuality, 2nd ed., Minneapolis- London 2002; L. Kramer (ed.), “19th-Century Music” xvii (1993), 1: Schubert. Music, Sexuality, Culture; id., Franz Schubert. Sexuality, Subjectivity, Song, Cambridge 1998; R. A. Solie (ed.), Musicology and Difference. Gender and Sexuality in Music Scholarship, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 1993; P. Brett, four hands. Schubert and the performance of gay male desire, “19th-Century Music” xii (1997), 2, pp. 149-176; P. Brett, E. Wood, G. C. Thomas (eds.), Queering the Pitch. The New Gay and Lesbian Musicology, 2nd ed., New York 2006; J. Kallberg, Chopin at the Boundaries. Sex, History, and Musical Genre, Cambridge-London 1996; E. T. Harris, Handel as Orpheus. Voice and Desire in the Chamber Cantatas, Cambridge MA 2001; N. Hubbs, The Queer Composition of America’s Sound. Gay Modernists, American Music, and National Identity, Berkeley 2004; P. Attinello, D. Osmond-Smith, Gay Darmstadt. Flamboyance and rigour at the summer courses for new music, “Contemporary Music Review” xxvi (2007), 1, pp. 105-114. 10 Some of them are collected in: P. Brett, Music and Sexuality in Britten. Selected Essays, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 2006. 11 P. Brett, E. Wood, G. C. Thomas (eds.), Queering the Pitch, op. cit. 12 P. Brett, Are you musical? Is it queer to be queer? Philip Brett charts the rise of gay and lesbian musicology, “The Musical Times” ciiiv (1994), 1816, pp. 370-376: 373.

10 Federica Marsico, A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth… pression of it in their works. Finally, musical discourse is considered as more favourable in comparison to the external world for the expression of queer identities, and for bringing into question social prejudices.

Preliminary Observations

Some preliminary observations on the myth of Phaedra proved very useful in analysing the three works from a homosexual perspective. A careful review of the myth’s most famous literary elaborations makes it possible to identify the aspects of it that affect gay sensibi­ lity.13 For instance, the fact that Euripides links Phaedra’s desire with

13 In this phase of the research the reference literary studies have been: R. Barthes, Sur Racine, 1963; L. Spitzer, Linguistics and Literary History. Essays in Stylistics, 2nd ed., Princeton 1967, pp. 87-134; F. De Sanctis, La Fedra di Racine, in: G. Contini (ed.), Scelta di scritti critici e ricordi, Torino 1969, pp. 71-91; J.-P. Vernant, P. Vidal- -Naquet, Mythe et tragédie en Grèce ancienne, Paris 1972, and Mythe et tragédie deux, Paris 1986; B. Snell, Die Entdeckung des Geistes. Studien zur Entstehung des europäischen Denkens bei den Griechen, 4th ed., Göttingen 1975, pp. 95-110; R. Uglione (ed.), Atti delle Giornate di studio su Fedra (Torino, 7-9 maggio 1984), Torino 1985, pp. 33-54 (M. Guglielminetti, La Fedra di d’Annunzio, e altre Fedre), 55-77 (G. Paduano, Ippolito. La rivelazione dell’eros), 79-96 (O. Longo, Ippolito e Fedra fra parola e silenzio), 113-131 (G. Rosati, Forma elegiaca di un simbolo lette- rario. La Fedra di Ovidio), 143-212 (F. Giancotti, Poesia e filosofia in Seneca tragico. La Fedra), 213-236 (A. M. Scarcella, Gli amori di Fedra fra tragedia e romanzo), 241-254 (D. Dalla Valle, Classicità della Phèdre di Racine), 257-261 (G. Raboni, Lo statuto della reticenza); D. Dalla Valle, Il mito cristianizzato. Fedra/Ippolito e Edipo nel teatro francese del Seicento, Bern 2006; N. Fusini, La Luminosa. Genealogia di Fedra, Milano 1990; F. Orlando, Due letture freudiane. Fedra e Il misantropo, Torino 1990; V. Di Benedetto, Euripide. Teatro e società, Torino 1992; J. Starobinski, L’œil vivant. Corneille, Racine, La Bruyère, Rousseau, Stendhal, Paris 1999, pp. 71-92; M. Bettini, L’incesto di Fedra e il corto circuito della consanguineità, “Dioniso” (2002), 1, pp. 88-99; F. Carpanelli, Frammenti tragici. Euripide e l’incesto, in: G. Guidorizzi (ed.), Legami di sangue, legami proibiti. Sguardi interdisciplinari sull’incesto, Roma 2007, pp. 31-52; S. Mattiacci, Da Apuleio all’Aegritudo Perdicae. Nuove metamorfosi del tema di Fedra, in: R. Degl’Innocenti Pierini, N. Lambardi, E. Magnelli et al. (eds.), Fedra. Versioni e riscritture di un mito classico. Atti del convegno AICC (Firenze, 2-3 aprile 2003), Firenze 2007, pp. 131-156; G. Nuzzo, La Dea Bianca e il Cacciatore. Fedra tra Seneca e d’Annunzio, in: M. Blancato, G. Nuzzo (eds.), La tragedia romana. Modelli, forme, ideologia, fortuna, Palermo 2007, pp. 77-107; V. Borghetti, Fedra. La Grecia modernista di d’Annunzio e di Pizzetti, in: G. Sandrini, M. Natale (eds)., Gli antichi dei moderni. Dodici letture da Leopardi a Zanzotto, Verona 2010, pp. 139-168.

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pernicious illness (νόσος) and insanity (ἄνοια) makes Phaedra simi- lar to a homosexual whose sexuality is viewed as a disease in many modern cultures. On the other hand, in ’s version of the myth Euripides’ vision of Phaedra’s mistaken desire connects to the Christian reading of her desire as a sin, which in turn equates the protagonist to the epitome of a homosexual as demonized by homo- phobic Christianity: as in the case of Phaedra, homosexuals embody a sinful deviance and shall thus be guided through a path of penitence and redemption. The myth’s fortune throughout the centuries is fully consistent with its representation of an erotic theme transgressing bans—both ethical and legal. Phaedra’s love and homosexual love are tragically unutterable; both are viewed as obscene and indecorous, and can thus not even be mentioned. Before the three works were analysed at all, I investigated how Britten, Bussotti and Henze experienced their own homosexuality and gave utterance to it in their other compositions.14 Britten began reckoning with his homosexuality after his twenties. His decision to embark on his first and only relationship with an adult man, namely the famous Peter Pears, did not extinguish his at- traction to adolescents that was constant during his life. In a letter from 1942, the poet and Britten’s close friend Wystan Hugh Auden reflected on Britten’s self-censure of his homosexuality and defined his attraction to young boys as a symptom of it.15 Britten’s sexual prudery, which caused the breaking up of his friendship with Auden, emerged also in his relationship with Pears. Britten was so prudish that he did never use in public the term “gay” and avoided socializing with homosexual

14 The following works have been considered: L’Enfance from Quatre chansons frança- ises (1928), Antique from Les Illuminations (1940), Hymn to St. Cecilia (1942), The Trees They Grow So High (1943), The Turn of the Screw (1954), A Midsummer Night’s Dream (1960), The Burning Fiery Furnace (1968), and Who Are These Children? (1971) by Britten; (1951), König Hirsch (1956), Der Prinz von Homburg (1960), (1961), Gogo no eiko (1963), (1965), (1983), and Die Upupa und der Triumph der Sohnesliebe (2003) by Henze; Nottetempo con lo scherzo e una rosa (1953-57), Due voci (1958), Pièces de chair II n. 1 (1958), La Passion selon Sade (1965), Mit einem gewissen sprechenden Ausdruck (1965), Syro Sadun Settimino (1974), Nudi per flauto e fiati gravi (1981), and Nuit du faune (1990-1991) by Bussotti. 15 D. Mitchell, P. Reed (eds.), Letters from a Life. The Selected Letters of Benjamin Britten 1913-1976, vol. 2, London 1998, pp. 1015-1016. On the relationship between Britten and children see: J. Bridcut, Britten’s Children, London 2006.

12 Federica Marsico, A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth… couples. Pears, on the other hand, was more uninhibited and showed himself often annoyed at Britten’s vulnerability about sexual matters (for this reason, he sometimes satisfied his sexual desires elsewhere, during his tournées far from his partner).16 The overcoming of Britten’s sexual inhibition was not favoured by the coeval social context. While he was emerging as British composer, homophobia was very widespread within English public opinion, and the discriminatory law prosecuting homosexuality—that was in force until 1967—supported it. In the 50s, Britten, who was born less than twenty years after Oscar Wilde’s sentence, fell victim to homophobia of some English composers envious of his success and of some managers of nationally important cultural institutions. When he began to deal with the theme of sexuality in his , he was aware of the fact that he acted in a minefield. The government censorship was in force until 1968, and the composer had to obtain Lord Chamberlain’s approval for all his operas from Peter Grimes (1945) to Midsummer Night’s Dream (1960). Only after the decriminalisation of homosexuality Britten felt more free to deal with that theme, also by virtue of the fact that he was awarded the Order of Merit in 1965 by the Royal , who in 1967 attended the inauguration of the new theatre of the festival founded by the composer in Aldeburgh. Moreover, Britten’s collaboration with homosexual writers (such as Edward Morgan Forster, the author of ’s libretto) enabled him to treat controversial themes through a cryptographic language in order not to incur censorship. Henze experienced his adolescence during the consolidation of the Third Reich, when the pre-existing homophobic law (the debated paragraph 175 of the German Criminal Code) was tightened, and during the war many homosexuals were identified with a pink triangle and deported to the concentration camps. The penalisation of homosexu- ality was in force in West Germany until 1969 (in East Germany until 1948) and during the postwar period the composer happened to be interrogated together with his Calabrian partner by Constance’s police after their householder lodged a complaint against them.17 Henze’s

16 P. Kildea, Benjamin Britten. A Life in the Twentieth Century, London 2013. 17 The episode happened during the winter of either 1948 or 1949. See: H. W. Henze, Die Schwierigkeit, ein bundesdeutscher Komponist zu sein. Neue Musik zwischen Isolierung und Engagement (interview with Hubert Kolland), in: H. W. Henze, Musik und Politik. Schriften und Gespräche 1955-1984, new ed., Munchen 1984, pp. 300-331: 323.

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choice to definitively move to Italy in 1953 was therefore closely related to his desire to escape homophobia in his native country, according to what he explained in his autobiography, when he recalled the first hours spent in his new house on the island of Ischia in southern Italy.18 Henze’s need to live freely his homosexuality underpinned his choice to collaborate for his operas with writers sensitive to gender matters (in some cases declared as homosexual, i.e. Hans Magnus Enzensberger, Gastón Salvatore Pascal, Wystan Hugh Auden and ), and to opt for literary subjects that lend themselves to being read from a queer perspective (such as Yukio Mishima’s romances and Heinrich von Kleist’s dramas). Henze himself in an interview of 1991 explained that the theme of homosexuality is constantly present in his works.19 Moreover, he lived openly his long-lasting relationship with Fausto Moroni, his partner since the 60s. However, because of the lack of sources we can reconstruct very little about it. At the Paul Sacher Foundation of Basel, where the composer’s archive is stored, very little of the correspondence between him and his partner survives. Bussotti differs from his two colleagues because since his debut he centred his art on the expression of erotic sphere. One example will be sufficient to clarify this aspect. His operatic debut wasLa Passion selon Sade (1965), defined by him as a “mystère de chambre avec tableaux vivants”.20 Its title’s reference to the Marquis de Sade, and the use of an erotic sonnet by the sixteenth-century poetess Louise Labé21 as libretto are only some of the aspects through which the eroticism that pervades the whole composition expresses itself. In Bussotti’s reworking of the female love lament that the poem deals with, the in-love takes on the traits of some sadomasochistic romances main characters, namely Ô, the young sex slave of Pauline Réage’s erotic romance Histoire d’Ô, edited in eleven years before La Passion selon Sade,22 and the two sisters Justine and Juliette, who symbolize respectively virtue and vice in De Sade’s romances. Thanks to the overlapping of different fe-

18 H. W. Henze, Reiselieder mit böhmischen Quinten. Autobiographische Mitteilungen 1926-1995, Frankfurt am Main 1996, p. 151. 19 D. Daolmi, Henze ovvero della coerenza (interview with the composer), “Babilonia” 89 (1991), pp. 42-44. 20 S. Bussotti, La Passion selon Sade. Mystère de chambre avec Tableaux vivants, précédé de Solo avec un couple Rara et suivi une autre Phrase à trois (score), Milano 1966. 21 L. Labé, Œuvres complètes, ed. by E. Giudici, Genève 1981, p. 142. 22 P. Réage, Histoire d’O, preface by J. Paulhan, Paris 1954.

14 Federica Marsico, A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth… male roles linked to eroticism, La Passion’s main character embodies different sexual instincts that the singer interprets through different inflections of her voice. When she enters wrapped up in a cape, she is not able to pronounce words in full, but then she gradually shows her sensuality and gives free play to her rising erotic desire, while she looks lasciviously for her beloved’s body.23 The close connection between musical gesture and eroticism, as well as the theme of homoeroticism investigated in relation both to its hedonistic component and to the repression of it within the hetero­ normative social context, feature many other Bussotti’s compositions. Moreover, the artist showed a strong interest for the writings of some homosexual artists and intellectuals of his age, who often are either the dedicatees of his works or the authors of the texts set to music. Among them, we can mention Alain Daniélou (a guru of the relation between religion and eroticism in the Oriental civilizations), Aldo Braibanti (an Italian writer who was a victim of judicial persecution in 1968 because of his homosexuality), and Filippo de Pisis (pseudonym of Luigi Filippo Tibertelli, a writer and a painter who never made secret of his homosexuality, and flaunted it also during the Fascist era, when many homosexuals were interned since considered as “invert”).

The Works

Before undertaking the musical analysis of the three works, all com- positions of the three artists were examined from the perspective of connections between the mythical subject and the theme of homo- eroticism as well as of the sphere of sexuality coming to expression.24 They were compared to their historical context, marked by widespread homophobia and utterly homophobic legislation.25 In order to most

23 S. Bussotti, La Passion selon Sade, op. cit., pp. 6ff. 24 The following works have been considered:Young Apollo (1939), Calypso from Cabaret Songs (1939), Six Metamorphosen after Ovid (1951), and Death in Venice (1973) by Britten; Apollo et Hyazinthus (1949), Labyrinth (1952), (1966), Orpheus (1979), and (1997) by Henze; Früher Apollo from Quattro ricordi di Rilke (1950), Rara (1969), Nottetempo (1976), Voliera (1986-89), and Ermafrodito (1999) by Bussotti. 25 On historical context see: J. Weeks, Coming Out. Homosexual Politics in Britain from the Nineteenth Century to the Present, London-New York 1990;

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accurately detect the three artists’ longing to out their homosexual sensibility, we put the adaptations of Phaedra’s myth into the perspec- tive of artistic production in its broader sense, thus including both mythical and non-mythical subjects.

BRITTEN'S PHAEDRA

The text of Britten’s Phaedra, taken from Lowell’s translation of Racine’s tragedy Phèdre,26 consists of four confessions of Phaedra, while all other characters of the tragedy are eliminated. After the archival ma- terial from the Britten-Pears Foundation was inspected, special care was devoted to the theme of the repressed love that engenders the protagonist’s pain. Various musical motives were identified that help define the protagonist’s inner conflict between her instinct to follow her feelings and the inhibition imposed by her rationality. The motives are first presented in the prologue, where Phaedra tells how she fell in love with her stepson, and further employed in her love declara- tion to Hippolytus. One of these motives is, for instance, a five-note descending one, which is associated to the self-censure of desire and is highlighted in a box in the examples that follow:27

Ex. 1: B. Britten, Phaedra, bb. 62-65.

G. Goretti, T. Giartosio, La città e l’isola. Omosessuali al confino nell’Italia fasci- sta, Roma 2006; M. Schwartz (ed.), Homosexuelle im Nationalsozialismus. Neue Forschungsperspektiven zu Lebenssituationen von lesbischen, schwulen, bi-, trans- und intersexuellen Menschen 1933 bis 1945, München 2014. 26 R. Lowell, Racine’s Phèdre. Phaedra, Faber 1961. 27 The musical examples are taken from: B. Britten, Phaedra. Dramatic Cantata for Mezzo-Soprano and Small Orchestra Op. 93. Words from a Verse Translation of Racine’s Phèdre by Robert Lowell (score), London 1992.

16 Federica Marsico, A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth…

Ex. 2: B. Britten, Phaedra, bb. 92-97.

Ex. 3: B. Britten, Phaedra, bb. 129-134.

A musical analysis performed on those motives warranted suggesting that the composer identified with the character of Phaedra. The words of the protagonist, who is in love with a man who is much younger than she is, may have given utterance to Britten’s difficulty in freeing himself from the dynamics of the closet, which in turn fostered his interest in men much younger than himself. However, the mythical subject is a well-suited topic for drawing a universal message from Britten’s individual experience. Some obser­ vations by the French semiotician Roland Barthes proved useful in construing the myth accordingly.28 Barthes defines Racine’s hero as one who refuses his fathers’ will, and aims to establish a new nomos where each individual wish is within reach. This liberating effort is achieved through the logos, just as in the cantata, where Phaedra resorts to no tangible action, but merely gives voice to the interior conflict between her impulse to speak about her desire, and the frustration thereof. It was possible, therefore, to read Phaedra’s monologue as an expre­s­ sion of what Barthes defines “conscience parlée de la division”29 between the instinct to experience her sexual desire freely on the one hand, and self-censure on the other. This “drame panique de l’ouverture”30 unraveling within Phaedra relates her to a homosexual individual who struggles between concealing his feelings and letting them loose through the logos, i.e. through the action of coming out. 28 R. Barthes, op. cit. 29 Ibid., p. 1014. 30 Ibid., p. 1066.

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In the cantata, however, the expression of gayness is much more veiled compared to the ones that can be found in the operas deemed most indicative of Britten’s homosexual aesthetics, such as Billy Budd (1951), The Turn of the Screw (1954), or Death in Venice (1973),31 focusing on the ambiguous relationship between two men. On the contrary, in Phaedra a single female character experiences a forbidden heterosexual love. The important study by Lloyd Whitesell on Britten’s homosexual aesthetics highlights, however, Britten’s cryptographic approach to include the theme of queer sexuality into his operas, the approach aiming to extend the chance of reflecting on homosexuality to those ignoring or downplaying its existence. He writes:

I propose that Britten’s music dramatizes a deviant or marginal perspective in fundamental and unforeseen ways. […] Even if certain listeners remain una- ware of the specific queer meanings encoded in the operas, I argue, they must still come to grips with the general structures of deviant subjectivity that make the works so compelling in the first place. As I hope to show, central preoc- cupations for Britten are the confrontation of different perspectives and the possibility of creating bonds of identification across incompatible positions.32

It could therefore be maintained that the composer’s choice to encrypt his discourse on gayness in the cantata was aimed at eliciting two possible interpretations among its audience, which may either fully grasp the analogy between Phaedra’s condition and that of a gay individual, or ignore this reading but still become acquainted with the feelings of a person whose sexuality is judged as deviant.

BUSSOTTI’S PHÈDRE

As to Bussotti’s opera, also based on Racine’s tragedy, the press review of the premiere was analysed first.33 Its explicit reference to the theme of homosexuality is the main reason why the opera was little appreci- ated by its critics. Three aspects of the opera were examined in order to understand how the artist’s sexual identity comes to expression in

31 See: P. Brett, Music and Sexuality in Britten, op. cit., passim. 32 L. Whitesell, Britten’s dubious trysts, “Journal of the American Musicological Society” (2003), 66, pp. 637-694: 643. 33 It is stored in the Archivio storico documentale of the Teatro alla Scala in Milan.

18 Federica Marsico, A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth… it: the setting, the elaboration of the literary source, and some aspects of the twelve-note composition. In the opera, Racine’s tragedy unravels in a small Parisian piano bar called “Le Racine”, which is actually a brothel for male clients, Madame Phèdre being its owner and Hippolyte an alluring gigolo. Analysis of the libretto shows Racine’s verses as being de-contextualized, and acquiring a new significance within the opera.34 This elaboration is designed for various purposes: firstly, to portray Hippolyte’s character as being desired not only by his stepmother, but all of the brothel’s male clients; secondly, to describe homoerotic pleasure (for instance, the words with which Phèdre accuses Hippolyte of raping her are used in the second act to describe a male sadomasochistic orgy);35 finally, to turn the original tragedy’s heterosexual incest into a homosexual one. The latter result is achieved by adding the character of Hippolyte’s father, who is in love with his son. His name however is not Theseus, but Jean Racine, just as the author of the tragedy. Moreover, Bussotti employs some dodecaphonic devices to describe Hippolyte’s distance from women on the one hand, and his being attracted to his father and men in general on the other. For instance, Phèdre’s musical row imitates Hippolyte’s one at the beginning of the opera only to gradually distance itself from it in the episodes that follow.36 Based on the analysis of the work, it can be argued that in his elabo- ration of the myth, Bussotti portrays the carnality of homoerotic desire, and, more generally, a utopian universe where homosexuality is free to express itself. In the opera, the brothel clients’ desire towards Hippolyte takes on much greater importance in comparison to Phaedra’s desire. Moreover, homoerotic desire is represented there without any refer- ence to the ideas of abnormality or guilt. The opera Le Racine therefore

34 The libretto was never published by the composer. It is now available in: F. Marsico, Una lettura queer del mito di Fedra, op. cit., pp. 219-252. 35 Act II, scene 1. 36 For instance, if we compare Hippolyte’s row (Act I, scene 1: [C’-D’-A]-[E’-G’-F’]-[B flat-G flat-D flat-E flat-A flat-B]) with Madame Phèdre’s first row (Act I, scene 2: [A’ -D’-C’]-[E’ flat-G’ flat-F’]-[B-A’ fl a t -D’’ flat-B’ flat-G’-E’]), the derivation of the latter from the former is evident. Madame Phèdre’s row can be subdivided into two groups of three notes (a and b) and one group of six notes (c). The groupa is the retrograde form of the first group from Hippolyte’s row, while the group b derives from the second group of Hippolyte’s row, but with the first two notes lowered of a halftone. The group c links up to the previous group through a triton instead of a fifth like in Hippolyte’s row. Its opening interval (B-A’ flat) seems to herald the retrograde form of the group c from Hippolyte’s row, but it actually introduces four sounds from the diminished seventh of E minor.

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belongs to Bussotti’s musical aesthetics, focused on the visual exaltation of the carnality of desire as well as on the uninhibited exhibition of the body and its passions.37

HENZE’S PHAEDRA

Henze’s opera offers yet a third possible interpretation of the myth from the homosexual point of view. After the study of the opera’s genesis and the libretto’s sources, the feelings of the character Hippolytus were drawn from the analysis of the poetic and musical discourse, and his character was identified as the expression of a queer identity. Although the opera is called Phaedra, Hippolytus is the main character. Over the course of the story, he experiences a process of emancipation. Initially, he presents himself as a hunter who loves the woods, serves the goddess and is indifferent to love;38 yet in the second act but he is born to a new life, affirms his own autonomy, and is crowned king of the woods. Neither the tragedy of his stepmother’s guilt nor her erotic desire towards her stepchild is in the foreground here; the focus is rather put on Hippolytus’ homosexuality. Euripides’ characterisation of Hippolytus as a misogynist who is also devoted to Artemis presents Henze with an opportunity to portray an individual whose sexuality does not conform to the norms. Hippolytus’ experience as a gay man is, how- ever, positive, as he understands his gayness and manages to assert it in front of others. The happy ending (an original twist if compared to the myth) sanctions the achievement of this goal. Artemis ushers the man through this journey of self-discovery, and contributes to defin- ing her protégé’s sexuality, as her role is performed by a . The vocal role not only reflects the goddess’ masculine traits, but also highlights the fact that the relationship between her and Hippolytus is featured on stage as one between two men. Their close relationship is proved by the fact that during his first solo (Act I, scene 2) Hippolytus describes himself as deeply attached to the goddess, whose eyes follow

37 On this aesthetics see: L. Scarlini (ed.), Corpi da musica. Vita e teatro di Sylvano Bussotti, Firenze 2010. 38 His first words in the opera are the following: “Ich trete in die Schatten der Akazienbäume, | in ihre ersten langgestreckten Schatten am Morgen, | um me- inen Fluchtpunkt zu finden: den fließenden | Atem des Waldes und die Gerade des Pfeils” (Act I, episode 2).

20 Federica Marsico, A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth… him everywhere (he says “Sie schaut mich an von allen Seiten”); then, in the second act Artemis reassembles in her temple the torn pieces of Hippolytus’ body and brings him back to life, but hard upon she cages him in order to keep him close to her for ever. As in other works by Henze,39 gayness is represented in this opera by means of cryptographic language. Those among the audience who don’t understand it will interpret the opera as a mere adaptation of Phaedra’s myth. If this double interpretation seems to link Henze’s opera to Britten’s cantata, it is however clear that the former is devoid of any reference to a sexuality judged as deviant, as the purpose of the German composer, different from Britten’s, is to present gayness in rather positive terms.

Final Observations

The examination of the three works shows that the three composers chose different ways to develop the queer potentialities of the myth. Brit- ten centred his adaptation around the figure of Phaedra and, therefore, around the theme of love considered as deviant. He selected the episodes from Racine’s tragedy where Phaedra confesses her guilt to her nurse, to Hippolytus, to herself, and to Theseus, as he wanted to focus on Phae- dra’s difficulty to out her feelings because of the social condemnation of them. Differently from Britten, Bussotti wanted to give prominence to homoerotic desire in his adaptation of the myth rather than to Phaedra’s grievous inner conflict; Henze, on the other hand, chose the myth of the Cretan queen to focus on the figure of her stepson, and to deal with the theme of the heterosexual procreative love’s refusal. The examination of the musical language of these three works has revealed that the aspects of the musical scores that concur in defin- ing a homosexual dramaturgy are barely perceivable to the audience. Instead, they will most likely become apparent to a scholar actually

39 On queerness in other Henze’s operas see: F. Marsico, Il poeta e la sua elegia del desiderio inappagato, “La Fenice prima dell’opera” (season 2013-2014), 4, pp. 11-30; ead., Il conflitto fra sogno e realtà in Der Prinz von Homburg di Hans Werner Henze, in: N. Amendola, G. Sciommeri (eds.), Conflitti, vol. 2: Arte, Musica, Pensiero, Società, Roma 2017, pp. 137-147; F. Marsico, Boulevard Solitude di Hans Werner Henze. Una lettura intertestuale del libretto, “Rassegna musicale Curci” lxvii (2014), 3, pp. 37-43.

21 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

looking for them. In the three works at issue, the discourse about gay- ness namely takes shape through the interplay of numerous aspects. The elaboration of the literary sources, the organization of the libretto, the characters’ definition, and the mise-en-scène, together with the music, put the myth into that very perspective. Moreover, the research has highlighted that the three composers came to understand semantic potentials of the myth that had not yet been investigated in its previ- ous musical elaborations, and that they developed these in a way as to give utterance to their own gay identity. This study makes a contribution to the knowledge of the expression of homosexuality in the music of the 20th century. However, further studies on this topic in dialogue with other disciplines, with the aim to define the features of the queer musical aesthetics in the 20th century, would be desirable. Brett, twenty years ago, highlighted the importance of such survey, when he wrote:

In the 20th century, homosexuality becomes such a tremendous presence in music that its obliteration by silence constitutes one of the most crushing intellectual indictments of positivistic musical scholarship.40

40 P. Brett, Musicality, essentialism, and the closet, in: P. Brett, E. Wood, G. C. Thomas (eds.), Queering the Pitch, op. cit., pp. 9-26: 15.

22 Federica Marsico, A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth…

Abstract

Three musical adaptations of the myth of Phaedra, in which the wife of King Theseus of Athens desperately falls in love with her stepson Hip- polytus, were composed in the second half of the twentieth century by three homosexual composers: the dramatic cantata Phaedra for mezzo- soprano and small orchestra (1976) by Benjamin Britten (1913-1976) after a text by the American poet Robert Lowell, the opera Le Racine: pianobar pour Phèdre (1980) by Sylvano Bussotti (1931-) after a libretto drafted by the composer himself and consisting of a prologue, three acts, and an intermezzo, and, last but not least, the two-act concert opera Phaedra (2007) by Hans Werner Henze (1926-2012) after a libretto by the German poet Christian Lehnert. The aim of this paper is to prove that the three homosexual com- posers chose a myth about an incestuous—and thus censored—love in order to represent homoerotic desire, labelled as deviant by the coeval heteronormative society and hence condemned by it. The study sheds light on the aspects of the most famous literary elaborations that affect gay sensibility, and on how the three composers experienced their homosexuality and gave utterance to it in their other works. The analysis of the three works at issue demonstrates that the discourse about gayness takes shape through the interplay of numer- ous aspects. The elaboration of the literary sources, the organization of the libretto, the characters’ definition, and the mise-en-scène, together with the music, put the myth into that perspective.

Keywords

Benjamin Britten, Sylvano Bussotti, Hans Werner Henze, homosexuality, myth of Phaedra

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Abstrakt

Mit o Fedrze w muzyce a teoria queer

Trzy adaptacje mitu o Fedrze – żonie króla Aten Tezeusza, która fatalnie zakochuje się w swoim pasierbie Hipolicie – zostały skomponowane w drugiej połowie XX wieku przez trzech kompozytorów-homoseksuali- stów. Były to: kantata dramatyczna Fedra na mezzosopran i małą orkiestrę (1976) Benjamina Brittena (1913-1976) do tekstu amerykańskiego poety Roberta Lowella; następnie opera Le Racine: pianobar pour Phèdre (1980) Sylvano Bussottiego (ur. 1931) do libretta naszkicowanego przez samego kompozytora i składającego się z prologu, trzech aktów i intermezza, oraz dwuaktowa opera koncertowa Phaedra (2007) Hansa Wenera Henzego (1926-2012) do libretta niemieckiego poety Christiana Lehnerta. Celem tego artykułu jest udowodnienie, że trzech homoseksualnych kompozytorów wybrało mit o kazirodczej – a przez to zakazanej – miłości, aby ukazać homoerotyczne pragnienie uznawane przez współ- czesne im społeczeństwo heteronormatywne za zwyrodniałe i przez to potępiane. Niniejsza praca rzuca światło na ukazane w najsłynniejszych literackich opracowaniach aspekty wpływające na wrażliwość gejów, oraz wykazuje, jak trzech twórców pojmowało swoją seksualność i wyra­żało ją w swoich kompozycjach. Analiza trzech utworów pod tym względem wykazuje, że dyskurs o homoseksualizmie kształtuje się poprzez wzajemne oddziaływanie na siebie różnych aspektów dzieła, które obejmują opracowywanie źródeł literackich, uporządkowanie libretta, charakterystykę bohaterów czy inscenizację dzieła, które wraz z muzyką składają się na jego określoną interpretację.

Słowa kluczowe

Benjamin Britten, Sylvano Bussotti, Hans Werner Henze, homosek- sualizm, mit o Fedrze

24 Federica Marsico, A Queer Approach to the Classical Myth…

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University of Amsterdam

At the Intersection of Musical Culture and Historical Legacy: Feminist Musicology in Poland

At the time when feminist critique has been present in Poland in both literary and art history studies for at least 20 years, feminist perspec- tives in the field of musicology are still not only very rare, but also hold a highly problematic status. As it will be shown in this essay, the problem within Polish feminist musicology is two-sided. On the one hand, there is a great disregard for the study of intersections between sex, gender and music, and, on the other hand, significant controversy over the appropriate approach to the subject that has actually been acknow­ledged. I will argue that the reasons behind that issue are deeply immersed both in Polish musical culture and in the recent sociopolitical history of the country. Different historical, political and social factors, reaching back as far as the communist era, will be discussed in order to present how they have influenced the discourse upon women and gender in Polish musicology and rendered its status problematic. As a result, I am going to provide a critical reflection on the state of Polish feminist musicology, which could be useful for the future development of this field in the country.

29 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

In The Grove Dictionary of American Music, the influence of feminism on musical culture1 is identified by Suzanne G. Cusick as:

(…) sparking historical and cross-cultural research on women’s participation in musical culture; spurring a body of critical texts that analyze gender, sexu­ ality, and embodiment in relation to musical practices; and instigating the emergence and implementation of compositional, performative, and institu­ tional strategies that interrogate or transform hierarchical relationships based on sexual difference.2

More specifically, the feminist scholarship in musicology, music theory and ethnomusicology is characterized by Ruth A. Solie in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians as:

• dedicated to the understanding of women’s roles, experiences and contri­butions as well as the various ways in which gender as social con- struct has defined those roles in different cultural settings (…),

• concerned with the retrieval of women’s compositions and the study of their activities as composers, performers and users of music (…),3

as well as

• a body of scholarship that sees music as both product and promulgator of a gendered social order.4

During my research, I have aimed to involve and examine all available focusing on any of the problems mentioned above.5 It

1 In the context of the United States. 2 S. G. Cusick, Feminism, in: Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online [online] http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/A2240908 [accessed: 7.07.2017]. 3 R. A. Solie, Feminism, in: The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrell, vol. 8, London 2001, pp. 664-667. 4 Ibid., p. 664. 5 It should be noted here that the vast majority of available relevant literature di- scusses the field of classical music (which is also the focus of this paper). This might be a very meaningful fact itself, revealing another challenge within Polish contemporary musicology which would be to direct more attention towards both world and popular music.

30 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture… should be noted that, while the amount of adequate literature within Polish musicology is quite small, most positions focus solely on the first two points (they aim to expound the knowledge about female composers, their works and their role in the music history or current musical culture and only occasionally include references to their private lives). Taking a critical stance with regard to the interplay between music and social order is still almost non-existent in Polish literature. The subject is generally very young in Poland. The best-known major work discussing links between music, sex and gender—Danuta Gwizdalanka’s Music and sex—was published in 2001 and is considered to be the first work in this field.6 The undeveloped state of feminist studies is also visible in the context of musicology departments and limited attention given to these issues during university classes and conferences. Furthermore, the subject is very often discredited as unnecessary, non-scientific or unserious. The existing literature also reveals several weaknesses, such as: methodological confusion of the scholars (unfamiliarity with ), miscomprehension of the feminism itself and a significant reluctance towards it, or (very often unaware) perpetuating gender stereotypes when addressing gender.7 Despite this fact, certain works should be mentioned here as the examples of a successful and insightful contribution to expanding our knowledge and raising the awareness with regard to the importance of female artistic activity in both Polish and global history of music, as well as the existence, roots, role and aim of the feminist perspective in musicology studies. For example, between 2003 and 2005, Magdalena Dziadek and Lilianna M. Moll organized three exhibitions (followed by post-exhibition publications) dedicated, respectively, to Polish female classical music composers between 1816 and 1939, women in the life of Fryderyk Chopin and female music criticism in Poland between 1816 and 1939.8 The publications mention many—usually forgotten—female

6 In fact, the first reflection on women in music comes from the article published in “Ruch Muzyczny” in 1997 where Anna Maria Harley—living in North America at that time—comments on International Congress for Women in Music in Los Angeles. 7 A. Brzezicka-Kamińska, Polskie kompozytorki na Festiwalu Warszawska Jesień, MA thesis, Uniwersytet Waszawski 1998, pp. 126-129. 8 See: M. Dziadek, L. M. Moll, Odrodźmy się w muzyce! Muzyka na łamach polskich czasopism kobiecych i “kobieca” krytyka muzyczna 1881-1939, Katowice 2005; eaed., Oto artyści pełnowartościowi, którzy są kobietami… Polskie kompozytorki 1816-1939, Katowice 2003.

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artists, composers, musicians, critics and other active participants in the Polish musical culture in the 19th and 20th centuries. Another valuable contribution to cataloguing important female figures of musi- cal culture is Anna Brzezicka-Kamińska’s master thesis Polish Female Composers at the “ Autumn Festival” from 1998, in which the author provides an exhaustive overview of all female composers’ output in the Festival between 1956 and 1997. Unfortunately, the work did not resonate in Polish scholarship as any point of reference and remained unknown to the wider audience.9 Furthermore, the person who has so far done the most to familiarize Polish audiences with feminist musicology as it is in the West is a young scholar Karolina Kizińska. Her merits to Polish musicology are twofold. First, thanks to the knowledge she gained during her scholarship pro- gram at the University of California, she was able to provide a Polish reader with a comprehensive overview of the roots and aims of the field and its most important representatives (such as Susan McClary, Ruth Solie or Marcia J. Citron).10 Second, she is an author of a mini-guide called The female side of music, published in a Polish online magazine Meakultura, where she briefly presents the history of music created by women, from the Ancient times up to nowadays.11 Moreover, in her 2015’s doctoral thesis, she discusses the problem of a composer’s voice vis-à-vis gender using Francesca Caccini as her case study. Finally, one should not overlook the importance of Danuta Gwizdalanka’s aforementioned book Music and sex.12 It is the first mainstream musicological work in Poland discussing several dimensions of how music, sex and gender intersect throughout history. It provides a condensed yet quite thorough overview of the emancipation move-

9 The work has never been published and most probably the author did not proceed with an academic career. 10 K. Kizińska, Rola płci kulturowej w badaniach muzykologicznych – zarys pola ba- dawczego muzykologii feministycznej, “Kultura i edukacja” 94, No. 1 (2013), pp. 22-41. 11 Kobieca strona muzyki, parts 1-7 [online] http://meakultura.pl/tagi/kobiety-w- -muzyce [accessed: 2.06.2016]. 12 The translation of the original title, “Muzyka i płeć”, is problematic. While the Polish “płeć” for the most part means biological sex, it might also indicate gender, as there is no particular word in Polish that would signify gender understood as a culturally constructed identity (instead, one can say “a culturally constructed sex” or simply use the English term “gender”). This is important to note as the book discusses gender identities as much as it discusses sex.

32 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture… ment in music in the West during the 19th and 20th centuries, which has a great value for Polish readers, unfamiliar with Western literature. However, major controversies connected with the work should be pointed out. For instance, the author claims that feminism in musicology is no longer needed, since the contemporary classical music scene does not experience any sort of gender inequalities. At the same time, the arguments she proposes to support this statement remain rather inconsistent. For example, she attempts to answer the well-known question of why there have seemingly been “so few female com­posers”. On the one hand, she recognizes historical determinants such as inaccessibility of professional music education for women, so- cial constraints, class factors and internalization of gender stereotypes. On the other hand, some statements she makes reveal a reserved, not to say reluctant, attitude towards feminists pointing out a systematic nature of social and musical exclusion. For example, she writes: “For an unprejudiced reader, the monographs of female martyrdom are as much interesting as they are deterring, as usually regardless of the abundance of documents, they are hampered by an ideological corset”.13 She continues by bringing up the arguments suggesting that feminist scholarship is no longer necessary for musicology: “Perhaps the very phenomenon of female creativity’s is already a historical phenomenon?”14 Later, she contradicts herself once more by stating that “The repertoire canon (…) is almost exclusively male, but is this mono-gendered character even recognized?”15 Recognized by whom? By men? By women? Artists? Audience? This is something she does not explain. Not to mention that if it is indeed not recognized, would it not make the need for feminist scholarship anything but historical? All in all, while the merits of Gwizdalanka to the field of women’s (and gender) studies in Polish musicology should not be discredited, the controversies marking some of her statements are crucial for understand- ing the main issues that feminist musicological studies face in Poland. As mentioned previously, I will present here that both low interest in the subject of women in music and the problematic nature of some scientific attempts made in the field trace their roots back to the com- plex and very often ambivalent way in which classical music culture

13 D. Gwizdalanka, Muzyka i płeć, Kraków 2001, p. 126. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid.

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and feminist discourse have been shaped during the communist era in Poland. Three intertwined and equally crucial issues should be investigated in order to fully understand the problematic status of feminist musicology in Poland: 1) the challenges Polish musicology has had to face due to communist propaganda; 2) the way in which communist reality has shaped the attitude to feminism in everyday society; and 3) the way in which history of Polish classical music is influenced by the figure of Grażyna Bacewicz. In the following sections, I will characterize each of these phenomena, and present the ways in which they may have contributed to the problematic status of feminist musicology in Poland today.

Sociologizing Music

It is common to date the beginnings of feminist musicology in the West back to the second-wave feminism in the 1960s and 1970s, with its noticeable rise in late 1980s and early 1990s.16 Among other events, the 1988 annual meeting of American Musicological Society (AMS) featured a significant amount of feminist contribution,17 while Susan McClary’s groundbreaking book Feminine Endings was published in 1991. Ever since, both musicological and ethnomusicological Western research have been regularly influenced by women’s studies and femi- nist, gender and queer theory. The fact that musicologists started to shed light on intersections between musical culture and women/gen- der/sex/sexuality in this particular epoch seems to be a result of the development in women’s studies (and later in postmodern feminist and queer studies) since 1960s. Moreover, the phenomenon inevita- bly became, next to other critical approaches, an integral part of the sprouting New Musicology. During that time, the musicology field in non-Western academia, including Poland, was following its own path. In general, Polish musi­ cologists recognized the most important trends and shifts taking place in the mainstream Western musicology. Nevertheless, the state of

16 However, The Grove Dictionary of American Music mentions Sophie Drinker’s book Music and Women from 1948 as an example of a pre-second wave contribution to the field. See: S. G. Cusick, Feminism, op. cit. 17 M. Citron, Gender and the Musical Canon, Cambridge 1993, p. 15.

34 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture…

Polish musicology and its attitude towards addressing non-musical contexts were inevitably marked by communist propaganda, which is particularly conspicuous in musicological literature written in the post-war period (especially in the 1950s18). Under the communist regime, it was required to interpret reality—including music history, aesthetics, musical styles etc.—through the lens of class conflict and Marxist rhetoric. The abstract dimension of music was disassembled in official scholarship and any evaluation of a musical work was sub- jugated to strict rules of socialist realism aesthetics. This resulted in the problematic status of the increasingly sociological nature of the twentieth-century musicology—due to a certain backlash in musicol- ogy, scholars started to specifically avoid referring to any non-musical aspects of interpretation. Mieczysław Tomaszewski described this situ- ation in his article Musicology vis-a-vis contemporary times from 1979:

The sociological aspect (…), despite all the reservations, can (and should) be included in the scope of an artwork’s interpretation. The situation both here and in the East seems to resemble the “better safe than sorry” attitude, due to the memory of the years when the sociologizing was vulgar and all- -embracing. It is however difficult to imagine the history of music and the the- ory of the work without the sociological aspect. Social function is, obviously, a directly constitutive element of musical genres and types. It simply creates them (…). We live in the age when the mainstream musicology’s scope of in- terest still encompasses music dominated by only one function: the aesthetic one. Other aspects come to the fore of the research rather accidentally and marginally. Of course, sociology of music—and above all ethnomusicology— are developing very well, but they are usually practiced as separate disciplines, not methodologically coordinated with the mainstream.19

What is crucial to emphasize, this call is unfortunately not an outdated one in Polish musicology. The deep wariness with which Polish scholars approach the sociological aspect of music, despite their alleged awareness of its importance in musicology, is still very much existent in contemporary scholarship. Karolina Kizińska addresses

18 For instance, works by Zofia Lissa. 19 M. Tomaszewski, Muzykologia wobec współczesności, in: Intepretacja integralna dzieła muzycznego, ed. W. Berny-Negrey, H. Oleschko, Kraków 2000, p. 14.

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this general reluctance to acknowledge sociological factors in Polish musicology by saying:

I get the impression that the New Musicology is generally treated with scepti- cism in Poland, whether it is about the connection between music and political matters, or it is for instance about music and women’s studies. Generally speak- ing, we are traditionalists, and most musicologists in Poland are closely related to the mindset typical for music theory (…). They usually like to lean solely on “music itself” and have an allergic reaction to any attempts to explain music through its cultural context, gender, politics or anything else that is not purely musical (…). It is caused by the allegedly “soft” character of these non-musical factors, but interestingly it is not such a big problem to address them in other artistic fields. I have the impression that most of the issues that could be cat- egorized as New Musicology are taken with a grain of salt, they are perceived as a sort of light, and not necessarily serious, “humanizing music” (…).20

The citation clearly shows how omitting non-musical context, first as a kind of a backlash reaction to communist propaganda, has trans- formed into an internalized distrust towards New Musicology per- spectives among musicologists in Poland, although not necessarily an explicitly acknowledged one.

Whose Feminism?

Another crucial factor that influenced the state of feminist musicology in Poland is the specific historical context through which feminism has been interpreted in the country. As I mentioned above, the 1970s were the time when women’s studies in Western scholarship flourished. Dur- ing this time, the way of approaching issues of sex, and feminism was utterly different in Poland, again, mostly due to the influ- ence of communist propaganda. While the Western world witnessed the second-wave feminism, Polish women lived under the dictatorship of an official, institutionalized, yet deeply delusory, gender equality rule. The policy of communist authorities resulted in a entrance of women into the labor market. The assumption that both men and women should have equal rights as workers was inseparably linked to

20 K. Kizińska, interviewed by the author, April 2016.

36 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture… the communist definition of citizenship—all citizens should contribute while building the great new communist state. In that sense, the policies aiming to level out the position of women were very remote from what motivated Western feminism. In fact, the very notion of feminism was denied in the communist reality, as a product of “capitalist degenerated West”, a phenomenon specific to capitalist societies.

During the communist times the emancipationists got forgotten because their views were bourgeois and had nothing to do with the class conflict. (…) Accord- ing to the party, feminism only had a raison d’etre in capitalist—not socialist— societies, because in the latter equal rights have already existed for a long time.21

At the same time, the official political line was no guarantee of real- world emancipation. While having their rights on the labor market, women’s roles in the family still remained very traditional. Moreover, their actual agency in the public sphere was limited:

The experience of realist socialism shows that what legalizing emancipation postulates is not a clearly unequivocal emancipatory action. It may even in- fluence emancipatory discourse in a constricting, repressive way. This was the case with the common labor rights, but without the possibility to get pro- moted on an equal footing with men (…); rights not complemented by sexual education (…); legal prohibition of discrimination against women, but without the possibility of grassroots forms of protest in cases where the ban was being breached.22

Furthermore, the trap that women were caught into was two-sided, as the main alternative space within this society was anti-communist . And it was the church that attributed traditional family roles of a wife and a to women.

It was a symbol of freedom manifestation, (…) it created the opposing pole in relation to the official system. It was close to its walls where the political opposi- tion was based. (…) This tradition, however, carried the pathetic image of the “Polish Mother”, a guardian of the Polish home and national values. The Church, with its profound impact, perpetuated the pattern of a passive women (…).23

21 M. Ksieniewicz, Specyfika polskiego feminizmu, “Kultura i Historia” 6 (2004), p. 98. 22 Ibid. 23 I. Kowalczyk, Wątki feministyczne w sztuce polskiej, “Artium Quaestiones” 8 (1997), p. 136.

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The consequences of this situation for feminism in Poland were twofold. First of all, both communist system and the traditional gen- der roles promoted by the Catholic church did not leave the space for feminist awareness to emerge—not only due to the fact that the politi- cal regime generally disabled most of the grassroots activity, but also because feminism in its Western incarnation simply was not applicable to the situation and needs of women trapped between the communist regime and the prominent Catholic tradition. The general absence of feminist movements in the country obviously also found its reflection in the realm of art.24 Magdalena Dziadek and Lilianna M. Moll have pointed it out by writing:

The principles of socialism, carried out in Poland after 1945, required both creators and interpreters of the art to keep up the appearance of gender equality; in the communist period it was not in good taste to differentiate art according to gender—after all they were both doing great, and this is why no single initiative analogous to the Western “women’s movement” in music appeared between 1945 and 1989.25

Furthermore, the described situation resulted in a deeply problem- atic attitude towards feminism in Polish society, which is still present nowadays. The common, stereotypical approach to the second-wave , women’s rights, or even to gender equality in gen- eral, is a combination of two different, partly contradictory patterns of thinking inherited from the communist era. The first one is a legacy of the communist imposed “obligatory” gender equality and is built on the conviction that feminism is a part of a communist ideology and, as a symptom of the past era, should be avoided or even suppressed. This pattern also strongly leans on the opposition between the foreign, imposed, enforced communist regime and the national, familiar, “our”

24 Analogies can be traced between music and visual arts in this matter. Izabela Kowalczyk in her article Wątki feministyczne w sztuce polskiej from 1994 describes similar conditionings as a source of a late appearance of feminist critique in visual arts in Poland. She mentions for instance that for the most part art critics treat as a harmless oddity rather than a serious artistic expression and that in their utterances feminist artists cut themselves off from feminism or even sabotage it fully. 25 M. Dziadek, L. M. Moll, Oto artyści pełnowartościowi, którzy są kobietami…, op. cit., p. 8.

38 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture…

Catholic order. This opposition, deriving directly from the past political situation, clearly presents the traditional role of women as the right one. The second pattern is in turn a legacy of the long-lasting propa- ganda proliferated by communist authorities, saying that feminism is an irrelevant and unnecessary invention coming from the degenerated West. It is built on a conviction that “we”, Polish people, do not need it. In brief, the subliminal message about feminism presents it as an invention that is above all alien, external, not “ours”, and therefore should never be trusted. As a result, two attitudes usually emerge when taking a position towards women and their roles in society, both of them present in the field of musicology. One of them is a great reluctance or even hostility towards feminism and, at the same time, a fear of being called a feminist and the urge to reassure the reader that the attempt to address “women’s subjects” is not a part of any radical and dangerous ideology (usually it results in an obligatory disclaimer “I am not a feminist, but...” before making any feminist statement). The second attitude is a trivialization of the field of women’s studies and arguing that feminism is outdated, irrelevant and unnecessary, at least in our country. Anna Maria Harley wrote in 1997:

The feminist movement or the matter of women in music is often, especially in Poland, acknowledged by a shrug or a sarcastic smile, not to mention an outright hostility. In Poland, the reluctant attitude toward Western feminism is the heritage of socialist ideology: in the communist state media used to mock the excesses of aggressive and funny Americans, stressing that only in the communist movement a woman has all the rights and full equality.26

There are several cases in Polish musicological literature that these two attitudes are expressed. For instance, there is a very common practice to address the role of women in music, but at the same time to cut oneself off from the term “feminism” very explicitly. A very evident example of how some writers feel the urge to literally excuse themselves for addressing questions about female contribution to mu- sical culture is the following fragment from the article by Agnieszka Nowok, reviewing female compositions performed during Warsaw Autumn Festival in 2012. The author writes:

26 A. M. Harley, Po polsku i po babsku, “Ruch Muzyczny”, September 21, 1997, p. 15.

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The question I encountered was: How did female composers mark their pres- ence in the program of this year’s “Warsaw Autumn”? (…) What images (in- cluding the images of themselves) did they create through their works? (…) I emphasize that I have not graduated from any sort of gender studies and I am far from a feminist radicalism. That is not what interests me and not what I want to address.27

As if it was not enough for the author to emphasize her non-feminism in the beginning of the article, she makes sure it is clear once again in the course of her text by writing:

When Krikku [a piece by Kaija Saariaho] was floating across the stage carried by a wave of thunderous applause, one of the listeners noticed with genu- ine enthusiasm: “No man would write something like that”. I do not know whether it is true, because, as I indicated at the beginning, I have no intention to practice any feminist critique (…).28

Another scholar who expresses a clearly ambivalent attitude towards feminism is Danuta Gwizdalanka. One can clearly see that this fact may not be separated from the generation she represents. She writes about feminism in music:

The martyrized image of women can be easily (and not accidentally) associ- ated with the Marxist rhetoric, which depicts the exploitation of the work- ing classes in a similar way. What equally wakes up the ghosts of the past is a ruthlessly negative evaluation of music from patriarchal past, a rejection of any aesthetic evaluation for the sake of the sociological one.29

Moreover, in response to one of her book’s blog reviews published in 2011, where the reviewers accused her of a reserved attitude towards feminism, she wrote:

Let me explain the source of this declared distance towards feminism. My generation was studying history of the world as the history of class conflicts; even the literature classes would serve the purpose of debating the injustices

27 A. Nowok, Warszawskiej Jesieni portrety kobiece, “Klucz” 12 (2013), p. 20. 28 Ibid., p. 26. 29 D. Gwizdalanka, Muzyka i płeć, op. cit., p. 204.

40 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture…

experienced by peasants and proletariat. We would laugh at it, but these sorts of accents were popping up even in the music history (just take a look at some books about Bach, Beethoven and other musicians published in the 1950s). Do not be surprised then that later on so many of us felt reluctant to use another conflict, this time the gender one, as a basic tool of interpretation.30

Much harm has also been done by scholars continuously trivial- izing any feminist endeavors. Those who address feminist issues in music very often experience a significant lack of understanding from their colleagues. Gwizdalanka writes: “(…) by some colleagues, my attempt to look at the history of music from a gendered perspective was acknowledged by a sceptical and clearly disavowing question: You are not going to become a militant feminist, are you?”31 Karolina Kizińska recalls how she felt when she discovered feminist studies in musicology during her scholarship in the United States and compared it to what she had experienced during the education in Poland:

After many years of music education and so many music history classes you wouldn’t question the shape of curriculum, you take it for granted. Yes, I re- member that I was shocked when I realized that no curriculum, either at school or at university, included female composers. Even the most famous ones, even Barbara Strozzi… No one would say that it was she who created cantata. This was partly why I wrote two master’s theses and then my doctoral dissertation on this subject. (…) I had the impression that this is an unpopular subject in Poland. (…) I remember how my speech about female composers was consid- ered terribly controversial… For me it was so different from what I experienced in the States (…). It is a problem coming from, I don’t know, from such little understanding of this topic’s importance? I still don’t know where does it come from… Apart from a few people who were aware that the subject is not in any way controversial, that it is just another important topic to explore (…), most people really treated my interest as made up, enforced. (…).32

30 D. Gwizdalanka, June 22, 2011 (12:26 p.m.), comment on P. Szkudlarek, Danuta Gwizdalanka, “Muzyka i płeć, Dwie poważne damy”, May 28, 2011, [online] http://dwiepowaznedamy.blogspot.nl/2011/05/danuta-gwizdalanka-muzyka-i- -pec.html [accessed: 1.05.2016]. 31 D. Gwizdalanka, Muzyka i płeć, op. cit., p. 205. 32 K. Kizińska, interviewed by the author, April 2016.

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In the light of these words, it becomes clear that general lack of interest in the feminist standpoint among musicologists is only self- perpetuated by their noticeable unreadiness to open up for new per- spectives that they are perhaps not yet familiar with. Last but not least, in some writings focused on female musicians one can observe a great confusion in terms of how the scholars are try- ing to achieve their goal of shedding light on female composers. They make women the object of their studies, but in the end only serve to perpetuate pre-existing, detrimental gender stereotypes. I believe that this is a result of lack of the adequate methodological tools and very often unfamiliarity with feminist theory and women’s studies. These scholars seem to widely ignore that in order to do justice to women it is necessary to not only shed light on them, but most importantly to discard patriarchal perspectives and patriarchal categories of analysis.

The Legacy of Grażyna Bacewicz

The lack of will to critically reflect on female contribution to the musical culture of the country seems to have one more reason. Paradoxically, it is possible that the relatively good conditions for female composers’ professional activity after 1945 have assured many musicologists that the feminist perspective on music history would prove useless in Poland. For example, Danuta Gwizdalanka admits that she only became interested in the topic of women in music when she moved to Cologne, Germany and noted a great masculinization of musical academia there, unlike what she was used to in Poland. She suggests that living in a communist country made the composer’s profession much more accessible to women than it was to their colleagues from across the Iron Curtain. In her book Music and sex she wrote: “The gender equality rule declared by the communist regime fostered Polish women with artistic aspirations”.33 She also recalls that Polish women composers professionally active at that time were generally reluctant to identify themselves through the prism of gender. At the same time, one figure that is inevitably evoked by Polish schol- ars and women composers whenever the topic of gender emerges as

33 D. Gwizdalanka, Muzyka i płeć, op. cit., p. 203.

42 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture… someone who “set certain standards” is Grażyna Bacewicz. Paradoxically, she might be the reason why the evident masculinization of the post- war Polish composers’ canon is not addressed as problematic and the feminist perspectives in music are being overlooked. Grażyna Bacewicz, who was already a fully-fledged artist and composer in the postwar period, continued her career during the communist times and is con- sidered to be one of the most important twentieth-century creators, next to the prominent male composers such as Henryk Mikołaj Górecki, or Andrzej Panufnik. While initially her figure might appear as a perfect take-off point for a discussion about gender in Polish musicology, it seems that instead it has become an excuse for not addressing it at all. Taking the above into consideration, two crucial arguments are usu- ally given by Polish representatives of the feminism-sceptic approach in music. One of them is that successful Polish female composers always emphasize the unimportance of their gender in their profes- sional life. The other one is presenting the splendid compositional career of Grażyna Bacewicz as a self-explanatory proof for gender equality among composers in the country. As a result, some writers (like Kłaput-Wiśniewska or Gwizdalanka) risk statements like this:

It is simply a characteristic of Polish musical culture which, in the sphere of the participation of women in such an exceptional field as composition, has special position amongst European countries (…). That is why the artistic activity of women is treated here as self-evident. (…) In the 20th and 21st centuries, Polish women composers were fully acknowledged as participants in many spheres of musical culture (…).34

or:

Talking about the need for women’s emancipation in music might seem in- comprehensible to a Polish reader35 (…). Nowadays the presence of female composers in the official artistic life is only surprising to those who are also surprised that the composer is not a dead “classic” from a distant past.36

34 A. Kłaput-Wiśniewska, Artistic Work of Women – Female Works in Self Reflection of Grażyna Bacewicz, Krystyna Moszumańska-Nazar and Agata Zubel, in: The Musical Work and Its Creators, ed. A. Nowak, Bydgoszcz 2015, p. 58. 35 D. Gwizdalanka, Muzyka i płeć, op. cit., p. 187. 36 Ibid., p. 24.

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This way of thinking—taking the statements of successful female composers as an ultimate truth about the accessibility of the profession to women—is unfortunately very misleading. The relatively good situ- ation of female composers in Poland (or to be more specific, of a few of them, as we do not really know any testimonies from those who did not make it to the top) should not free musicologists (especially the ones already interested in the subject of women in music) from the responsibility to ask certain questions. For instance, representatives of the discussed approach do not make an effort to ask themselves why the alleged lack of discrimination is in no way illustrated by the proportions between female and male composers in Polish and inter- national classical music canons. And the Polish canon is very clearly masculinized, to the point that Grażyna Bacewicz is indeed the only woman included in the “top of the top” group. “Women who themselves are in a great professional position usually completely overlook the problem, because they believe that, equally to how they managed to do it, any other woman can. This is absolutely not true”.37 While the group of elite classical music composers might indeed be seen as inclusive once a woman is in it, further questions need to be asked about what was there to overcome on the way to get there. There is another reason why the example of Grażyna Bacewicz is not so self-explanatory after all. If one takes a closer look at the “standards set by Grażyna Bacewicz”, as something that allegedly redefined the perception of female composers in Poland, one can easily see that this idea is to some extent a construct rather than a fact. For instance, in 1950, Stefan Kisielewski, one of the leading figures of musical life in post-war Poland, reviewed the premiere of her for String Orchestra by writing:

One can say with a clear conscience that this time the dignity of the Pol- ish composers was saved by a woman, Grażyna Bacewicz. Her Concerto for String Orchestra, written with gusto and energy, brimming with fluent inven- tiveness and excellent instrumentation ideas, has finally woken us up from lethargy. (…) Here we have at last tasted a “red-blooded piece” of healthy and tasty music written with a male-like creative power.38

37 D. Gwizdalanka, interviewed by the author, April 2016. 38 Grażyna Bacewicz, “Koncert na orkiestrę smyczkową” [online] http://culture.pl/pl/ dzielo/grazyna-bacewicz-koncert-na-orkiestre-smyczkowa [accessed: 2.06.2016].

44 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture…

It is probably not necessary to add that what Kisielewski intended to achieve through these words was undoubtedly his great apprecia- tion for the piece and its composer. But paradoxically, he attempted to express it by reassuring that all the creative power to compose actually comes from men. I particularly like to think about this quote whenever I encounter statements about how in Poland the musical activity of women has always been “self-evident” and “obvious”39 and therefore the feminist perspective has never been relevant to the interests of Polish musicology. I am not questioning Grażyna Bacewicz’s immense role in the shifting of attitudes towards female composition in Poland, or her position as a great inspiration to the following generations of young female composers. Instead, I am arguing that her phenomenon might have unfortunately made Polish musicology wash its hands of the responsibility to take a critical stance towards the shape of the musical canon from the gender perspective.

A Look into the Future

The essential question is of course not only how to get away from this impasse we found ourselves in, but perhaps even more—why to do it in the first place. Or, to put it more bluntly—why do we, Polish musi- cologists should care about incorporating feminism into our studies. First of all, by perpetuating the silence, we deprive ourselves of the opportunity to create a space for debate about how we want to place the issues of feminism and gender in Polish music scholarship. It seems that it is time to finally open this closet full of demons of the past—as much for the sake of all forgotten and omitted female musical activity, as it is for the contemporary musicology to be insightful and capable of keeping up with most recent questions. I believe it is time to start addressing feminism and applying feminist perspectives, and it is not about just unreflectively copying Western scholarship. The sociological aspect of music, women’s studies, the post-communist legacy—they are all charged in a particular country-specific way—and the variety of meanings they hold is an integral part of Polish musical and political culture. Those meanings need to be faced instead of being systematically

39 A. Kłaput-Wiśniewska, Artistic Work of Women…, op. cit., p. 58.

45 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

ignored. Only in this way can our musicology provide a perspective to effectively explain contemporary musical culture. But it is also something we simply owe to composers. Another gen- eration of young composers is about to start their careers, many women included. I believe it is our obligation to influence the way they perceive gender and the narrative they choose to describe their professional life, as well as to make them challenge the role models they follow and choose consciously what they include into the field of their inspirations. Susan McClary’s words from 1990 seem particularly valid here:

For women writing and performing music today, the impact of feminist criti- cal methods is invaluable. Simply being able to identify where gender differ- ence has been located in music (past and present) facilitates the development of other modes of composing. I do not believe in essentialism, and thus I do not think that women compose differently automatically by sheer virtue of being female. But it seems desirable to me that at least occasionally women negotiate within their inherited discourses differently—that they have the in- formation with which to make choices and to explore alternative strategies.40

Finally, musicology is not solely accountable to the musical realm itself. It is a part of the humanities and in that sense it needs to take the responsibility for how it influences society. Scholarship holds the potential to subvert and redefine social orders—and if social justice is being threatened, all scholars, musicologists included, become respon­ sible for acknowledging it. In 1997 Izabela Kowalczyk stated:

I believe that (…) feminist art can play an important role in Poland because it can arouse interest into women’s issues among wider audience. Vis-à-vis the discrimination against women by Polish patriarchal culture, it can con- tribute to the deconstruction of meanings generated within it. It can also lead to breaking the modernist categories, still valid in Poland, through undermining the prevailing categories of art, images about the universality of art, and the myth of the artist standing above the society.41

It is already 2017 and I truly believe it is high time Polish musicol- ogists take these words to heart.

40 S. McClary, Feminine Endings: Music, Gender and Sexuality, Minneapolis 1991, p. 16. 41 I. Kowalczyk, Wątki feministyczne w sztuce polskiej, op. cit., p. 137.

46 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture…

Abstract

In Poland, feminist perspectives in the field of musicology are still not only very rare, but also hold a highly problematic status. Both an over- view of relevant Polish literature and scholars’ experiences reveal a two- sided problem within Polish feminist musicology, where there is on the one hand a great disregard for the study of intersections between sex, gender and music, and on the other hand a significant controversy over how to approach the subject once it is acknowledged. The challenges which today’s feminist musicology in Poland needs to confront, are connected with complex and very often ambivalent way in which clas- sical music culture and the feminist discourse have been shaped since the beginning of the communist era (1945-1989). Reaching back to that period, various historical, political and social factors have influenced the study of women and gender in the contemporary Polish musicology. Three equally crucial issues are investigated in order to under­stand the status of feminist musicology in Poland: 1) the challenges Polish musicology has had to face due to the communist propaganda; 2) the way in which communist reality has shaped the attitude to feminism in the society; 3) the way in which history of Polish classical music is influenced by the figure of Grażyna Bacewicz. The essay characterizes each of these phenomena and presents how they may have contributed to the problematic status of feminist musicology in Poland nowadays.

Keywords

Feminist musicology, Polish musicology, women composers, commu- nist regimes, politics and music, gender, Grażyna Bacewicz

Abstrakt

Pomiędzy kulturą muzyczną a dziedzictwem historycznym: muzy- kologia feministyczna w Polsce

Przyjmowanie perspektyw feministycznych w badaniach muzykolo- gicznych nie tylko jest w Polsce nadal wielką rzadkością, ale też ma głęboko problematyczny status. Zarówno istniejące w Polsce prace

47 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

naukowe, jak i doświadczenia badaczek i badaczy, ujawniają podwójny problem istniejący w polskiej muzykologii feministycznej: z jednej strony powiązaniom pomiędzy muzyką a płcią biologiczną i kulturową poświęca się niezwykle mało uwagi, a z drugiej strony, gdy temat już się pojawia, uchodzi za bardzo kontrowersyjny. Wyzwania, przed którymi stoi współczesna muzykologia femini- styczna w Polsce, mają swoje źródło między innymi w złożonym i często bardzo ambiwalentnym sposobie, w jaki kultura muzyczna i dyskurs feministyczny w Polsce kształtowały się już w czasach PRL (1945-1989). Sięgając aż do okresu komunistycznego, można zaobserwować jak rozmaite czynniki historyczne, polityczne i socjologiczne wpłynęły na badania nad statusem kobiet i płcią we współczesnej polskiej muzykologii. W celu wyjaśnienia statusu muzykologii feministycznej w Polsce omówione zostały trzy istotne zagadnienia: 1) wpływ propa- gandy komunistycznej na polską muzykologię; 2) wpływ rzeczywistości komunistycznej na recepcję feminizmu w polskim społeczeństwie; 3) sposób, w jaki na historię polskiej muzyki wpłynęła postać Grażyny Bacewicz. Artykuł charakteryzuje każde z tych zagadnień i omawia, w jaki sposób każde z nich mogło przyczynić się do aktualnego stanu muzykologii feministycznej w Polsce.

Słowa kluczowe

muzykologia feministyczna, muzykologia w Polsce, kobiety- -kompozytorki, komunizm, muzyka i polityka, gender, Grażyna Bacewicz

Bibliography

Brzezicka-Kamińska A., Polskie kompozytorki na Festiwalu “Warszawska Jesień”, MA thesis, Uniwersytet Warszawski 1998. Citron M. J., Feminist Approaches to Musicology, in: Cecilia Reclaimed: Feminist Perspectives on Gender and Music, ed. S. C. Cook, J. S. Tsou, Urbana and Chicago 1994, pp. 15-34. Citron M. J., Gender and the Musical Canon, New York 1993. Covach J., Popular Music, Unpopular Musicology, in: Rethinking Music, ed. N. Cook, M. Everist, Oxford 1999, pp. 452-70.

48 Marta Beszterda, At the Intersection of Musical Culture…

Cusick S. G. Feminism, in: The Grove Dictionary of American Music, 2nd edition, ed. Charles Hiroshi Garrett, Oxford 2013. Czerska T., Kobiety i twórczość muzyczna w prozie autobiograficznej, “Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica” 16 (2012), s. 194-204. Dziadek M., L. M. Moll, Chopin i kobiety, Katowice 2004. Dziadek M., L. M. Moll, Odrodźmy się w muzyce! Muzyka na łamach polskich czasopism kobiecych i “kobieca” krytyka muzyczna 1881-1939, Katowice 2005. Dziadek M., L. M. Moll, Oto artyści pełnowartościowi, którzy są kobie- tami… Polskie kompozytorki 1816-1939, Katowice 2003. Grażyna Bacewicz, “Koncert na orkiestrę smyczkową” [online] http:// culture.pl/pl/dzielo/grazyna-bacewicz-koncert-na-orkiestre-smy- czkowa [accessed: 2.06.2016]. Gwizdalanka D., Muzyka i płeć, Kraków 2001. Harley A. M., Po polsku i po babsku, “Ruch Muzyczny”, 21 September 1997. Kizińska K., Głos kompozytorski i płeć w kulturze muzycznej siedem- nastowiecznej Italii. Przykład Francesci Caccini, PhD dissertation, Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu 2015. Kizińska K., Rola płci kulturowej w badaniach muzykologicznych – zarys pola badawczego muzykologii feministycznej, “Kultura i Edukacja” 94, nr 1 (2013), pp. 22-41. Kizińska K., Gender a kultury muzyczne – kulturoznawcze spoj- rzenie na badania etnomuzykologiczne i historyczne, “Przegląd Kulturoznawczy” 4, nr 14 (2012), pp. 382-390. Kizińska K., Kompozytorka a społeczne hierarchie – próba ujęcia kul- turoznawczego, in: “Zeszyty Naukowe Centrum Badań im. Edyty Stein” nr 8, Fenomen muzyki, red. A. Grzegorczyk, Poznań 2012. Kłaput-Wiśniewska A., Artistic work of women – female works in self reflection of Grażyna Bacewicz, Krystyna Moszumańska-Nazar and Agata Zubel, in: The musical work and its creators, edited by A. Nowak, Bydgoszcz 2015, pp. 55-69. Kowalczyk I., Wątki feministyczne w sztuce polskiej, “Artium Quaestiones” 8 (1997), pp. 135-152. Ksieniewicz M., Specyfika polskiego feminizmu, “Kultura i historia” 6 (2004), pp. 90-100. McClary S., Towards a Feminist Criticism of Music, “Canadian University Music Review / Revue de musique des universités canadiennes” 10, No. 2 (1990), pp. 9-18.

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McClary S., Feminine endings: music, gender and sexuality, Minneapolis 1991. „Kobieca strona muzyki”, parts 1-7. [online] http://meakultura. pl/tagi/kobiety-w-muzyce [accessed: 2.06.2016]. Misiak I., M. Tytuła, red., Encyklopedia gender. Płeć w kulturze, Warszawa 2014. Nowok A., Warszawskiej Jesieni portrety kobiece, “Klucz” 12 (2013), pp. 20-26. Solie R. A., Feminism, in: The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. S. Sadie, J. Tyrell, vol. 8, London 2001, pp. 664-667. Tomaszewski M., Muzykologia wobec współczesności, in: Interpretacja integralna dzieła muzycznego, red. W. Berny- -Negrey, H. Oleschko, Kraków 2000, pp. 9-17.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Barbara Titus, Rutger Helmers, Karolina Kizińska and Danuta Gwizdalanka, who contributed in various ways to the creation of this article. Barbora Kubečková

Palacký University Olomouc Maynooth University

Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his Songs to Goethe: Forgotten Settings?

Goethe’s Reception among Bohemian Composers

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, considered as one of the most prolific writers of all time, stood as a literary inspiration for numerous music composers throughout the long 19th century.1 Although the largest tribute to Goethe’s words was made by German-speaking composers, attention to the poet was paid also by musicians from the Czech lands.2 Hitherto, this area of research has been neglected and yet there is need to examine how Goethe has been received in the Czech lands and perhaps also how art song developed here in comparison to Austria and Germany. All composers mentioned in this paper are primarily connected with Prague, the Bohemian capital. Jan Theobald Held (1770–1851), a reputable doctor in Prague and amateur musician was the first Czech resident that musically engaged with Goethe’s Nähe des Geliebten and Der Fischer. Fifteen years later in 1815, Václav Jan Tomášek (1774–1850) began working on forty-one musical settings published privately around 1818

1 This research paper could not be presented without the financial support of Student’s grant FF UP Olomouc, IGA 2016, “Osobnosti druhy a žánry novější české a evropské hudby”. 2 By the Czech lands I mean Bohemia and Moravia, areas constituting the state from the 11th century.

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as Gedichte von Goethe für den Gesang mit Begleitung des Piano-Forte, ops. 53-61. Interest in Goethe’s work marginally appears in compositions by Václav Jindřich Veit (1806–1864),3 who was inspired to set Totentanz (op. 14)4 and Der König in Thule (op. 37).5 The composer I will discuss more carefully, Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900), was for a long time seen as the last Bohemian composer who had undertaken Goethe’s literary legacy in the 19th century. Nonetheless, a few months back I came across a reference to settings of Heidenröslein (sine opus) and Gefunden (sine opus) by Otakar Ostrčil (1879–1935) composed in 18986 and Bohuslav Martinů’s (1890–1959) Goethe settings7 from 1914, forgotten for a long time, which bear testimony to the prevailing 19th century mood.

Fibich’s Goethe Settings

Zdeněk Fibich, born in the year of Tomášek’s death and whose name is strongly associated with opera and melodrama, made his first com- positional attempts with songs, a genre which he wrote all his creative life. Like Schubert, Fibich was inspired by German poets during his teenage years. The first song Das Hüttental wird stiller (H. 806) was created in 1863 to the text by Christoph Tiedge soon followed by those of Rückert, Heine and Eichendorff. Fibich produced almost three dozen of songs before his enrolment into Leipzig Conservatoire in October 1865. However, only four preserved songs document Fibich’s dynamic compositional activities that time. Apart from Ich will meine Seele tauchen (H. 77) published in 1901,8 manuscripts of Rückert’s Wunsch (H. 15) and two Heine settings König Wiswamitra (H. 18) and

3 A. Hnilička, Vácslav Jindřich Veit, “Světozor” 1898-99, vol. 33, No. 8, p. 92. 4 The ballade set for a low voice and piano was dedicated to a singer Strakatý, who also premiered the setting. Hoffman’s Publishing House in Prague released the setting. 5 The song, most probably originating from 1840s, was published in a collection Six Songs for Mens Chorus (6 vierstimmige Gesänge für Männerst), Breitkopf und Härtel, Leipzig 1854. 6 O. Ostrčil, Písně na texty německý básníků, ed. M. Kratochvílová, Academus Edition, Praha 2015. 7 Čtyři malé písně na Goethův text (Four little songs on Goethe’s texts), Opus No. H. 94, 1914 (unpublished), sig. PBM Ab 84. 8 Z. Fibich, Zwei Gesänge, F. A. Urbánek, Praha 1901.

52 Barbora Kubečková, Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his…

Ende (H. 22) are to be found in the book of songs dated between 1865 and 1871.9 The composer’s interest in Goethe can be traced as early as 1865 to the duet Gefunden (H. 816).10 The song is one of the first that were written during his musical studies in Leipzig, a place famous at the time for a great amount of public song concerts. The Leipzig pe- riod further prompted Fibich’s interest in German Lied.11 Apart from settings to Heine which can be traced throughout Fibich’s life, three songs for voice and piano, two duets and a composition for solo and choir to Goethe’s texts were created until the spring 1867. Regrettably, all these settings have been lost.

Date of Place of Title Form Opus No. Manuscript Composing Composing Soprano, Gefunden Bass and 1865 Leipzig Hud. 816 Unknown Piano Lebt wohl, Soprano 4 June 1866 Leipzig Hud. 820 Unknown geliebte Bäume and Tenor Incidental music Voice and 24 November to the Drama Leipzig Hud. 829 Unknown Choir 1866 Clavigo Voice and 27 February Am Flusse Leipzig Hud. 838 Unknown Piano 1867 Es ist ein Schnee Voice and 1 March 1867 Leipzig Hud. 839 Unknown gefallen Piano Voice and Erster Verlust May 1867 Libáň Hud. 846 Unknown Piano Voice and Zigeunerlied mixed 3 June 1869 Žáky Hud. 115 Unknown Choir Museum Voice and of Music An den Mond 10 June 1869 Žáky Hud. 116 Piano Prague, S80/443

9 Z. Fibich, Písně, manuscript, sig. HHO ČMH S80/433. 10 V. Hudec, Zdeněk Fibich Tématický katalog, Edition Bärenreiter, Praha 2001, p. 667. 11 Id., Fibichovo skladatelské mládí. Doba příprav, SPN, Praha 1966, p. 41.

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Voice and Nachtlied August 1869 Jilemnice Hud. 887 Destroyed Piano Voice and Von den Bergen August 1869 Jilemnice Hud. 119 Unknown Piano Nähe des Soprano 1872 Unknown Hud. 172 Unknown Geliebten and Alto Wanderers Choir 1873 Unknown Hud. 185 Unknown Nachtlied II. Sketch; Museum Melodram Mignon 1900 (?) Unknown Hud. 524 of Music (?) Prague, XLII D 221

Table 1: Fibich’s Settings to Goethe.

After a brief and for Fibich musically disappointing stay in Paris be- tween July 1868 and March 1869, the composer returned to live with his parents at the hunter’s lodge. Situated at the edge of a forest in the village of Žáky, this place offered the young musician the perfect habi- tat to compose his works. In this environment, he returned to Goethe’s literary legacy. The creation of Zigeunerlied (H. 115), a gypsy song for a solo and choir from the play Götz von Berlichingen, was followed by the setting of An den Mond (H. 116). Songs Nachtlied (H. 887) and Von den Bergen (H. 119), dating back to August 1869, correspond with Fibich’s encounter with his first wife Růžena Hanušová. During his summer vacation of 1869, the young composer stayed with the family of a miller and baker Josef Hanuš in Jilemnice, a village located at the foot of the Krkonoše Mountains. Here, Fibich met Hanuš’s daughter Růžena (1851–1874) whom he married in 1873. The stay in Jilemnice prompted Fibich’s compositional activities. Apart from number of vocal pieces, Fibich composed two piano Bagatelles, Serenade and Overture Krakonoš. All the compositions are believed to have been destroyed by the composer most probably during the time he was revising his work in 1897.12 The apex of Fibich’s song settings to Goethe

12 Id., Zdeněk Fibich, SPN, Praha 1971, p. 19.

54 Barbora Kubečková, Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his… arose in 1871. Fibich was well aware of the impending relocation of his family to Prague following his father’s retirement. Therefore, the young musician intensively worked on his compositions to be able to demonstrate to Prague’s audience his abilities and musical knowledge gained abroad.13 Just before the departure of Fibich’s family to Prague in May 1871, the composer set to music nine poems from Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre (H. 134), dated between 16 and 21 April.

Title First line Date Book and Main Chapter Key Lied der Mignon Heiß mich nicht reden 16 April Book 5, Chap. B♭ major 16 Lied der Mignon So lasst mich scheinen 17 April Book 8, Chap. 2 G major Lied der Mignon Kennst du das Land 17 April Book 3, Chap. 1 A♭ major Lied der Mignon Nur wer die Sehnsucht 18 April Book 4, Chap. C major kennt 11 Lied des Harfners An die Türen will ich 18 April Book 5, Chap. F# minor schleichen 14 Lied des Harfners Wer nie sein Brot mit 19 April Book 8, Chap. 8 E minor Tränen aß

Philines Lied Singet nicht in 19 April Book 5, Chap. D major Trauertönen 10 Des Harfners Wer sich der Einsamkeit 20 April Book 1, Chap. 3 F# minor Lied ergibt Des Harfners Was hör‘ ich draußen von 21 April Book 1, Chap. 8 B♭ major Ballade dem Tor

Table 2: Fibich’s Settings Aus Goethes Wilhelm Meister Lehrjahren, 16-21 April 1871.

13 Ibid., p. 13.

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As Fibich’s first encounter with Goethe reflects the beginning of his concentrated musical studies abroad, the creation of Fibich’s first song cycle matches his farewell to these years. Only two more settings to the German poet appeared after the cycle. Song Nähe des Geliebten better known in its Czech translation Myslím na Tebe (H. 172/7),14 produced in 1872, and the second Wanderers Lied “Über allen Gipfeln ist Ruh” (H. 185). The latter setting, for male or mixed choir, composed at the year of Fibich’s marriage to Růžena Hanušová in 1873, concluded the composer’s adolescent life and his musical adaptations to Goethe’s poems for good. Overall, twenty-one Fibich’s vocal pieces were inspired by Goethe’s literary work. Among them are fifteen songs, four duets, two settings for voice and choir and one piece for mixed choir. For his settings Fibich chose mostly intimate lyrical texts, already set to music by Schubert, Schumann and Robert Franz.15 14 out of 21 vocal compositions to Goethe were set by Schubert and 11 by Schumann. The inspiration from these two composers is noticeable in two aspects: firstly, in the choice of poems and secondly, in the compositional approach which I will discuss later. Initially, poems with regular strophic patterns were chosen to train Fibich’s early compositional approach. Fibich also worked with a wide range of poems by diverse authors, what taught him to musically differentiate various genres of songs. He often chose lyrical and love themes, poems celebrating nature as well as folk motives, literary themes which were characteristic for his time. Throughout the song settings, Fibich broadened his melodic invention and imaginative thinking, alongside his understanding of the need for unity between words and music. Like his predecessors, Fibich inclined to express melodically poetic meanings, and set out to capture the pinnacle of the mood and poetic atmosphere. According to Fibich himself, this was “the highest task of a modern composition in the genre of song”.16

14 The Czech translation corresponds to the first line of the verse “Ich denke dein”, a title under which this song is known even in the Fibich’s Thematic Catalogue ed. by Vladimír Hudec, p. 220. 15 V. Hudec, Zdeněk Fibich…, op. cit., p. 25. 16 Z. Fibich, V Přírodě, “Dalibor” 1860, III., No. 16, pp. 123-4, in: V. Hudec, Zdeněk Fibich…, op. cit., p. 41.

56 Barbora Kubečková, Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his…

Aus Goethes Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahren

To show some examples of Fibich’s Lieder, I am going to talk about Fibich’s settings to Goethe’s Wilhelm Meister Lehrjahre. As already mentioned, Fibich chose to compose nine songs from Goethe’s Bil- dungsroman as he drew to the end of his student years. His decision to first set a unified group of songs to Goethe was not unusual among composers in the 19th century. For example, Schubert and Wagner composed their opus 1 to texts by Goethe. Like Schumann more than two decades earlier, Fibich selected the same poems for his series and omitted the Spottlied as a part of the novel. The settings, with the exception of two Mignon’s songs, were never published before or after the composer’s death nor are there any audio recordings of the settings. Only the handwritten transcript by Fibich leaves us with hope that these songs might have been performed in public, perhaps by a soprano singer Betty Hanušová-Fibichová, the composer’s wife, and the bass singer Karel Čech, who often performed Fibich’s music.17 Nonetheless, unlike characters from his operas which were often writ- ten for particular performers, none of the settings to Wilhelm Meister reveal a dedication or a comment suggesting an intended performer. Furthermore, the composer never effusively enforced his work. In fact, to publish or compose at any cost was a feature truly unfamiliar to Fibich who believed that quality would reveal itself.18 His afore mentioned comment, “unsuitable for print”, from the transcript of his collection of Songs, does not suggest any intentions to perform it widely or distribute these settings even in his later days. Lied was a form highly popular at the time which provided Fibich with the unnecessary intermediate step on his journey to the creation of more extensive vocal compositions, most notably opera. Fibich was aware of the need to compose greater compositions to Bohemian themes and in the original language in order to be able to approach Prague, the veritable musical centre, and more importantly define his identity as a Czech composer. Therefore, as a part of a first opera to Czech libretto

17 V. Hudec, Fibichovo skladatelské mládí…, op. cit., p. 39. 18 J. Kopecký, Fibich, Zdeněk, in: Český hudební slovník osob a institucí, [online] http://www.ceskyhudebnislovnik.cz/slovnik/index.php?option=com_mdictiona- ry&action=record_detail&id=7521 [accessed: 20.10.2015].

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Bukovín, also appear songs composed to their initial Czech texts or to translations from German.19 The first question to be raised in relation to the Wilhelm Meister settings is whether Fibich meant to create a song cycle as claimed by the Czech musicologist Vladimír Hudec or it was intended as a song set. As obvious from the table two, the timeline of the creation of these settings does not follow the order of the poems in Goethe’s book. In fact, first of the Mignon’s songs were set followed by the four settings of Harper. Philines Lied was placed between the four Harper’s settings. Additionally for Lied der Mignon “Nur wer die Sehnsucht kennt”, written as a duet sung by Mignon and Harper in the novel, Fibich set it for solo voice and piano as with the rest of the songs. The song was published in Sborník skladeb skladatelův českoslovanských in 1883.20 In the 1890s, when preparing a selection of songs The Spring Rays (H. 300), the only one to be chosen from Wilhelm Meister song set was Mignon’s Lied “Kennst du das Land”. 21 By publishing these songs outside the cycle, Fibich made it clear that he valued these Mignon’s Lieder more than the others and that he did not intend to rework the series in order to publish it as a cycle. On the other hand, the song set is unified by Bb major key employed for the initial and final songs. Fibich composed the three Harper’s songs, which speak about his sorrow and guilt, with minor keys, while his female counterpart Mignon is represented in major as a means of creating contrast between both characters. Two Harper’s songs are set in the F# minor, a key in the 18th century related with death and afterlife22 as “peace in a silent grave” is what Harper wishes for in Wer sich des Einsamkeit (Ex. 1).

19 Ibid. 20 Z. Fibich, Sborník skladeb skladatelův českoslovanských, F. A. Urbánek, Praha 1883–1884, No. 1. 21 Id., The Spring Rays (H. 300), F. A. Urbánek, Praha 1893. 22 S. Youens, Mendelssohn’s Songs, in: The Cambridge Companion to Mendelssohn, Cambridge 2011, pp. 189-205.

58 Barbora Kubečková, Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his…

Ex. 1: Z. Fibich, Wer sich des Einsamkeit, bb. 1-6.

Fibich employs an accompaniment to show Harper’s con- stant rumination from which he cannot escape. In a similar manner is a repetitive pattern in piano employed in Mignon’s song So lasst mich scheinen (Ex. 2).

Ex. 2: Z. Fibich, So lasst mich scheinen, bb. 10-12.

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Song, set in G major key, pinpoints Mignon’s reconciliation when she speaks of leaving all her toil and sorrow behind. As a mantra or a prayer repeats the ostinato pattern which carries Mignon’s hope to be as untroubled as a child again once her life’s pilgrimage reaches its end. Another aspect Fibich uses to underline the simplicity of a setting is doubling the vocal melody in the piano part as is demonstrated on the earlier song of An den Mond (Ex. 3).

Ex. 3: Z. Fibich, An den Mond, bb. 1-10.

Although the poem is not a part of the Wilhelm Meister’s book, the setting deserves a note. Here Fibich set to music only first three out of the nine stanzas, a sole feature in his Goethe settings.

60 Barbora Kubečková, Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his…

The best known and very often set Lied der Mignon “Kennst du das Land” proves Fibich’s major strength; his ability to combine musical drama with a lyrical melody (Ex. 4).

Ex. 4: Z. Fibich, Lied der Mignon “Kennst du das Land”.

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Ex. 4: Z. Fibich, Lied der Mignon “Kennst du das Land”.

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Ex. 4: Z. Fibich, Lied der Mignon “Kennst du das Land”.

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Ex. 4: Z. Fibich, Lied der Mignon “Kennst du das Land”.

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Ex. 4: Z. Fibich, Lied der Mignon “Kennst du das Land”.

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Ex. 4: Z. Fibich, Lied der Mignon “Kennst du das Land”.

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Ex. 4: Z. Fibich, Lied der Mignon “Kennst du das Land”.

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Fibich was a melodic composer. His understanding of singing, which mirrors in his songs, was perhaps based on his initial knowledge of folk songs which was subsequently broadened when studying the 19th century Lied composers. The mid-register span of the vocal line al- lows the singer to employ various colours in order to grasp Mignon’s evolution. It is interesting to see how Fibich responded to the drama of the poem. The mood of the initial two stanzas is outlined by the major key of A♭. The broken chord at the beginning induces an impression of a dream which takes Mignon back to her childhood. Sweet memories briefly suggest bitterness with the sudden switch to minor chords on the words “dunkeln Laub” (“dark leafage”), an anticipation of Mignon’s grief. The tension softens on the repetitive questioning “Kennst du das Land” (“Do you know the land”) so it can find its apex on the words “There I would like to go with you, my beloved”. To emphasise Mignon’s urgency and expectation for an answer which does not come, Fibich repeats both lines twice. The poem finds its pinnacle in the third stanza. As a contrast, Fibich places the last part in the parallel A♭ minor key which corresponds with the growing darkness of the poem. Unhappy Mignon recalls her journey from Italy and pleads with Wilhelm to take her there. In a contrasting way to previous settings Fibich shows his ability to use the piano independently in order to create the exalted atmosphere of the poem. The patterns in the accompaniment change throughout the setting to mirror Mignon’s confusion as she fluctuates between the past and present. Marked “con orrore” (“with horror”), the third stanza brings darkness on the second line which recalls a myste- rious but surely painful reminiscence from Mignon’s past. Above the distressed piano figure of thirty-second notes, the tension culminates to the melodic apex on a fortissimo E♭ prolonged for two and half bars above the word “Fluth”. Then the appeasement follows to quietly ask “Do you know it, indeed?” for the last time. On 21 April 1871, Fibich created the last setting to Wilhelm Meister. The poem in Goethe’s collected poetry known as Der Sänger which Schumann entitled Ballade des Harfners, a title taken over by Fibich for his setting. Occupied with the final poem, the young composer decided to take a challenge and close the song set with a through composed setting, for Fibich an unexplored form even outside this cycle. Perhaps not as confident with his own compositional skills or resonating with Schumann’s Lied, Fibich in his adaptation alters the setting of his pre- decessor to create his own version. Both settings use the B♭ major key, 4/4 metre and the harp-like arpeggio effect, to frame the song (Ex. 5a).

68 Barbora Kubečková, Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his…

Ex. 5a: Z. Fibich, Ballade des Harfners “Was hör ich draußen”, bb. 1-8.

Ex. 5b: Z. Fibich, Ballade des Harfners “Was hör ich draußen”, bb. 16-27.

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Since there are three characters in the ballade, Fibich musically depicts each of them in a different manner (Ex. 5b). The king’s questioning is raised in the piano tacet after hearing music from the outside depicted by the arpeggio piano introduction. His short motif reappears when the narrator describes the king’s ap- preciation of the singer’s music in the stanza 3. Throughout the setting the vocal line oscillates between the elemental intervals of the narrator who guides us through the tale and cantabile singing of the protago- nist. His entrance before the king is accompanied with a -like fanfare combining a semiquaver with a crotchet repeated three times each a third higher (bars 20-22). Alteration of the pattern to a dotted quaver and semiquaver motif reappears above the word “knights” in the stanza 4. Fibich’s inspiration from Schumann’s and Schubert’s set- tings mirrors the constant change of the accompaniment similar to the one we have seen in the setting of “Kennst du das Land”. Arpeggios alternate with blocks of chords or broken chords sometimes changed to melodic treble. In the third and repetitively sixth stanza appear sex- tuplets running through both piano hands underscoring the Harper’s performance. This figuration was a commonly used feature in settings of this poem by diverse composers. By combining the accompanimental patterns, Fibich underscores differences between the three characters of the setting.

Conclusion

Fibich’s romantic personality is reflected in his Lieder. In the twenty-one Goethe settings composed between 1865 and 1873, we can trace the early compositional approach of the young music student, his development and, finally, the rise of his first song set on the threshold of his new life as a composer. Regardless that, the song cycle Aus Goethes Wilhelm Meister Lehrjahren represents the peak of Fibich’s preparation in the genre of Lied, they remind in the shadow of his larger compositions. This brief paper is a starting point when capturing Fibich’s Goethe settings. A broader research on Fibich and the Lied needs to be done in order to clarify ongoing questions and to contribute to a broader perception of the 19th century song studies.

70 Barbora Kubečková, Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his…

Abstract

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832) is considered as one of the most influential cultural figures of his age. His literary work attracted composers throughout the 19th century and beyond. Goethe himself appreciated musical settings of his literary works, as, in his opinion, lyrical poetry without music did not seem complete. One of the numerous composers who tackled Goethe’s words was Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900), a Bohemian composer whose name is strongly associated with the genres of opera and melodrama. However, only little is known about his primary compositional attempts in the area of songs. Inspired by settings of Schubert and Schumann the composer was addressed by German poets such as Rückert, Heine, Eichendorff and Goethe. Moreover, song settings to both German and Czech literary models were emerging throughout Fibich’s life. Similarly to Schubert, Fibich’s first Lieder are dated back to his teen hood. Gefunden, Fibich’s first musical encounter with Goethe, was written as early as 1865. In my paper, I have examined nine settings to Wilhelm Meister Lehrjahren, which originated between 16 and 21 April 1871. Numerous reasons led me to examine these particular songs. Firstly, Fibich’s Goethe settings have been neglected by musicologists as well as performers. None of eleven vocal pieces have been published or recorded to date. Secondly, there is need for a comparative study of these songs with other settings to Goethe. My research addresses the lacuna in the 19th century song studies while asking the following questions: Do the songs have much to offer in comparison to songs by Schubert, Schumann, Wolf and others? What stands behind the omission of the songs? This paper is a starting point in uncovering the significance of forgotten Fibich’s Goethe settings.

Keywords

19th Century Song, Zdeněk Fibich, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Czech Lands

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Abstrakt

Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) i jego pieśni do słów Goethego – opracowania zapomniane?

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832) jest uważany za jedną z najbar- dziej wpływowych postaci kultury swego czasu, a jego dorobek literacki inspirował wielu kompozytorów dziewiętnastowiecznych i późniejszych. Sam Goethe cenił muzyczne opracowania swoich dzieł, gdyż jego zda- niem poezja bez muzyki nie wydawała się kompletna. Jednym z wielu kompozytorów, którzy inspirowali się wierszami Goethego, był Zdeněk Fibich (1850-1900), czeski kompozytor, którego nazwisko mocno związane jest z gatunkami opery i melodra­matu. Niewiele jednak wiadomo o jego pierwszych próbach kompozy­ torskich w dziedzinie pieśni. Zainspirowany opracowaniami Schuberta i Schumanna kompozytor cenił takich niemieckich poetów, jak Rückert, Heine, Eichendorff i Goethe. Ponadto podczas całego życia Fibich sięgał po teksty poetów niemieckich i czeskich. Podobnie jak w przy- padku Schuberta, pierwsze Lieder Fibicha pochodzą z czasów, kie- dy kompo­zytor był nastolatkiem. Gefunden, jego pierwsze muzyczne opraco­wanie tekstu Goethego, powstało już w 1865 roku. W niniejszym arty­kule przestu­diowałem dziewięć opracowań tekstu Wilhelm Meister Lehrjahren, które powstały między 16 a 21 kwietnia 1871 roku. Do zbada- nia tych konkretnych pieśni skłoniły mnie liczne powody. Po pierwsze, utwory Fibicha do tekstów Goethego były długo zaniedby­wane zarówno przez muzykologów, jak i wykonawców – dotychczas żaden z jedenastu utworów wokalnych nie został wydany ani zarejestrowany. Po drugie, potrzebne jest przeprowadzenie porównawczych studiów zestawia­ jących te pieśni z innymi opracowaniami tekstów Goethego. Moje badania mają na celu wypełnić lukę, jaka powstała w badaniach nad gatunkiem pieśni w XIX wieku oraz odpowiedzieć na zaistniałe pyta- nia: Jak pieśni Fibicha wypadają w porównaniu z pieśniami Schuberta, Schumanna, Wolfa i innych? Dlaczego dotychczas nie zostały przeba- dane? Ten arty­kuł został zamierzony jako punkt wyjścia dla ustalenia znaczenia zapomnianych pieśni Fibicha do tekstów Goethego.

72 Barbora Kubečková, Zdeněk Fibich (1850–1900) and his…

Słowa kluczowe pieśń w XIX wieku, Zdeněk Fibich, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, kraje czeskie

Bibliography

Byrne Bodley L., Schubert’s Goethe Settings, Routledge 2003. DeLong K., Tomášek’s Goethe Lieder, “Kosmas” 1988, vol. 7, pp. 71-90. Fibich Z., Písně, sig. S80/433 MČH HHO, Czech Museum of Music, Praha. Finson J. W., Robert Schumann: The Book of Songs, Cambridge 2007. Kopecký J., Fibich, Zdeněk, in: Český hudební slovník osob a institucí, [online] http://www.ceskyhudebnislovnik.cz/slovnik/index. php?option=com_mdictionary&action=record_detail&id=7521 [accessed 20.10.2015]. Hudec V., Fibichovo skladatelské mládí. Doba příprav, SPN, Praha 1966. Hudec V., Zdeněk Fibich, SPN, Praha 1971. Hudec V., Zdeněk Fibich Tématický katalog, Praha 2001. Hnilička A., Vácslav Jindřich Veit, “Světozor” 1898-99, vol. 33, No. 8. Němec Z., Vlastní životopis Václava Jana Tomáška, Praha 1941. Ostrčil O., Písně na texty německý básníků, ed. M. Kratochvílová, Praha 2015. Richter C. L., Zdenko Fibich, Eine Musikalische Silhouette, Fr. A. Urbánek, Prag 1900. Smaczny J., Goethe and the Czechs, in: Goethe: Musical Poet, Musical Catalyst, ed. by L. Byrne, Dublin 2004, pp. 159-184. Tarantová M., V. J. Tomášek, Praha, 1946. Youens S., Mendelssohn’s Songs, in: The Cambridge Companion to Mendelssohn, 2011, pp. 189-205.

Clare Wilson

Ulster University

From the Inside Out: An Analytical Perspective of André Caplet’s Harmonic Evolution Through Selected Mélodies, 1915-1925

André Caplet’s legacy is modest. He was not a prolific composer and a significant body of his compositional output is not widely known today. Upon closer consideration of Caplet’s place in musical society, however, a portrait of an artist both respected by his contemporaries and in possession of a progressive attitude towards modern music begins to emerge. Through his modest legacy of works, Caplet’s com- positional language exhibits an extensive exploration to the boundaries of tonal language, and it is into this language that he infuses a richness of modality and . Detailed analytical exploration on the music of Caplet is still in its infancy and past research focusing specifically on Caplet is not abundant. Significant works considering Caplet’s place in historical and musicological contexts include Denis Huneau’s1 valuable project in two volumes cataloging Caplet’s opus, informative articles such as

1 D. Huneau, André Caplet (1878-1925) Debussyste indépendant, Weinsberg 2007.

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those published by Williametta Spencer2 and Lucien Durosoir3 and a small number of theses. Most recently, in 2015, a dissertation entitled The Mélodies of André Caplet: A Guide to Performance was published by Joel Harder. Although not focused on rigorous analysis, this work includes suggestions on programming and recital detailing beneficial to musicians performing the mélodies. As Harder states,

the overall purpose of the dissertation is to provide song enthusiasts and per- forming musicians alike detailed information… in the hope that his [Caplet’s] music may appear more frequently in concert halls.4

This article strives to build on past research by offering an analyti- cal perspective on three aspects of Caplet’s harmonic language as it developed during the years of the Great War and beyond. The chosen examples demonstrate an analytically and poetically informed ex- ploration of the following areas of Caplet’s evolving modal practice: modal juxtaposition and connectivity, the use of the acoustic scale, and mixing of synthetic scale structure with standard modal practice. Détresse (Distress), composed in 1915, Fôret (Forest), composed in 1917, are examples from the mélodie genre, and Écoute (Listen), composed in 1924, is a small-scale work for and voice. To properly contextualise these pieces, a brief biographical sketch follows. Caplet’s formal musical education began at a young age under the tutelage of Henri Woollett in Le Havre. Upon entering the Paris Conservatoire at the age of eighteen, Caplet’s striking musical aptitude was nourished and in 1901 he won the Prix du . This success had a positive impact on furthering the young composer’s musical develop- ment, affording him the opportunity to reside in the creative environ- ment of the Villa de Medici, Italy. Caplet used this time to produce some early mélodies, but also travelled further afield to Germany, where he attended performances by famous conductors Mottl and Nikish in

2 See: W. Spencer, The Relationship between André Caplet and , “The Musical Quarterly” 1980, 66 (1); W. Spencer, André Caplet, Aussi Musicien Français, “Revue Bege de Musicologie” 1982-84, 36 (38); W. Spencer, The melodies of André Caplet, “Journal of National Association of Teachers of Singing” 1984, 40 (4). 3 See in: F. de Maindreville, S. Etcharry, La Grande Guerre en musique: vie et creation musicales en France pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, Bruxelles 2014. 4 J. Harder, The Mélodies of André Caplet: A Guide to Performance, DMA Thesis, The Juilliard School, 2015, p. xii.

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Berlin. Upon making the decision to return to France early, Caplet ar- rived back in Paris to participate fully in musical life there. He became involved with the group Les Apaches alongside Ricardo Viñes, Manuel de Falla, and Paul Sourdes and gained recognition on several different levels: as a conductor, an orchestrator, and composer. Caplet soon became acquainted with Debussy. The precise date of their introduction is unclear, but it most likely occurred between 1907 and 1908 through a letter by the poet and music critic Georges Jean-Aubry. Debussy was impressed by Caplet’s talent, and a friendship and professional collaboration blossomed. It was after 1908 that Caplet soon became an assistant to Debussy. As Williametta Spencer outlines:

Often during this time, Debussy’s poor health did not allow him to com- plete his work, and Caplet assisted in correcting proofs from the publish- ers, making transcriptions, and completing the orchestration for Gigues and Le Martyre de Saint Sebastien. Caplet also orchestrated the Children’s Corner suite and Pagodes, and finished the orchestration of La Boîte a joujoux, and reorchestrated Le Jet d’eau.5

The relationship between Caplet and Debussy lasted until Debussy’s death in 1918, and thanks to the prolific nature of Debussy’s letter writing, there is evidence that the two artists corresponded regularly throughout the war. Caplet’s active involvement in music making was extensive. The Société Musicale Independent (SMI) championed his work through several concerts. Nancy Toff describes:

The second concert, on March 9, devoted exclusively to the woks of the ris- ing star André Caplet: the Quintet for piano and winds; the premiere of Suite Persane, a three-movement work on Perisan themes for double quintet; and the premiere of the complete Feuillets d’album, a set of five pieces for flute and piano, with the composer at the keyboard.6

The SMI further premiered Septuor for and three female in 1910, and the vocal work Le Pain Quotidian in 1922. Caplet’s involvement with these groups, and his advocacy of new music,

5 W. Spencer, The Relationship…, op. cit., p. 112. 6 N. Toff, Monarch of the Flute, Oxford 2005, p. 59.

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significantly demonstrates his penchant for contemporary and new musical advancements. In addition, Caplet held the conductor’s baton at the French premiere of Schoenberg’s Five Orchestral Pieces in 1922. This premiere was controversial. The modern sound of Schoenberg’s music elicited a response of turbulent proportions that led to policemen on horseback being dispatched to control the crowd. Reactions such as this did not deter Caplet’s involvement in promoting modern music, or even his associations with the progressive SMI. Webern, speaking of the SMI, in a letter to Ravel dated 1927, mentions:

Such an international embrace of new works signifies theSMI ’s high standards for compositional excellence, where a composer’s worth is based not on nation- ality but on style, aesthetic, and quality. This truth grants composers the reward- ing knowledge that should their works be selected by the SMI, it is because their craft is deemed valuable, not because their piece fulfills a national stereotype.7

Caplet was certainly at the centre of musical affairs in Paris, where he “shared the values of this generation, and projected these in his ac- tivities as an internationally acclaimed conductor.”8 During his role of principal conductor of the Boston Opera between 1910 and 1914, Caplet was a driving force in the introduction of his native music abroad. As Spencer states, “he lost no opportunity of directing the works of Debussy as soon as he began to conduct in America.”9 Perhaps the demands of musical life in Boston explain the lack of substantial compositions by Caplet from this period and furthermore his magnetism as a conductor perhaps contributed to his popularity there. Denis Huneau mentions:

For all witnesses, Caplet exerts a fascination both on the orchestra and on the public who listen, he possesses a veritable aura.10

7 See: [online] http://musicalgeography.org/fictional-letter-societe-musicale-inde- pendante/ [accessed: 03.10.2016]. 8 B. L. Kelly, Music and Ultra in France: A Fragile Consensus, 1913-1939, Woodbridge 2013, p. 194. 9 W. Spencer, André Caplet…, op. cit., p. 171. 10 D. Huneau, op. cit., p. 283: “Pour les témoins, Caplet exerce une fascination à la fois sur l’orchestre et sur le public qui l’écoute, il possède une veritable aura.”

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The war years saw an increase in composition, however, as there is a significant body ofmélodies surviving from Caplet’s time at the front. Caplet composed melodies inspired by his personal response to the war, but also perhaps for other strategic reasons. Lucien Durosoir elaborates:

Anxious to maintain good relations with the military hierarchy, Caplet of- ten works with a view to profitability: He composes, arranges, plays or tran- scribes in order to obtain a few days of permission, better conditions of accommodation or work.11

Post 1918, Caplet fully returned to composition. His health was weakened by exposure to gas during the war, and we can surmise that the exertion of undertaking frequent conducting engagements might have been too much of a challenge. The years 1919 to 1925 witnessed the creation of Cinq Ballades Française (Five French Ballads), La cloche fêlée and La mort des pauvres—two Baudelaire settings, Epiphanie—a fresque for and orchestra, and Le Miroir de Jesus for voice, chorus, string quartet and harp, to name just a few. Some of his larger-scale later works earnestly embraced themes of faith and religion at a time when it was still not fully fashionable to do so. Mélodies such as Les Prières and Prière Normande can be seen as precursors to some of these larger religious orchestral works. Caplet’s life was tragically cut short as he was entering his compo- sitional prime. A simple cold caught on a train between Paris and Le Havre turned into pleurisy and his lungs, weakened by the war, failed. Caplet died on 22 April 1925, at the young age of forty-six.

Détresse (Distress) 1915

Détresse, composed in late 1915 for piano and voice, is a setting of a poem by Henriette Charsson. The stimulus for Charasson’s poem is an ac- count of a wounded soldier who went missing in action after the battle at Neuville St Waast en Artois on 28 September 1915. Caplet’s mélodie

11 F. de Maindreville, S. Etcharry, op. cit., p. 99: “Soucieux de maintenir de bonnes relations avec la hiérarchie militaire, Caplet travaille souvent dans une optique de rentabilité: il compose, arrange, joue ou transcrit dans le but d’obtenir quelques jours de permission, de meilleurs conditions d’hébergement ou de travail.”

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is significant, as it is the only work he would set to a text concerning a specific event in the war. Charasson’s text evoked a war experience to which Caplet could relate on a personal level, as during his participa- tion in the war it is likely that he witnessed many soldiers go missing in action. The other works Caplet set to poetry reflecting themes of war may be interpreted as his personal reflections and responses to the armed conflict. As Marie-Christine Catherine Allen explains:

This, along with the fact that […it…] was written both during and about the war gives it a compelling sense of immediacy. The widely irregular metre and phrase lengths, and the lack of a rhyme scheme, create a spontaneous rhythm that defies any attempt at neatly packaging the chaos and horror of war.12

Charasson’s text does not conform to a structured poetic form. It unfolds in a manner comparable to prose. And perhaps it is this prose- like narrative that heightens the sense of intimacy as the poet appeals to God’s mercy, as well as a sense of despair mingled with hope as it becomes clear towards the end of the poem that faith is the poet’s solace. Allen further elaborates:

The length of “Détresse”, its volatile and rich emotional life, and its irregu- lar, imparisyllabic verse well-suited to the depiction of instability and anxie- ty, give it the character of a dramatic monologue. Set musically, it becomes a small scene with alternating recitative and arioso.13

Charasson’s poem first outlines the sense of anguish and pain, be- seeching God’s mercy. We feel a strong sense of hopelessness as God is referred to as the “Eternal Hunter”. But the poet’s cognisance of mortality and relentless faith in God leads to the concluding thoughts that God can perform miracles and he is all encompassing. Faith is a powerful lifeline for the poet.

12 M.-C. C. Allen, The Wartime Melodies of Andre Caplet, PhD Thesis, University of Arizona, 1994, p. 101. 13 Ibid., p. 102.

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The poem unfolds:

Le main qui serre la coeur The hand that presses the heart has tightened slightly, s’est encore un peu refermée, and we stifle in the silence Et l’on étouffe dans le silence as we look at each other with wide-open eyes, en se regardant avec des yeux and we hardly dare listen, agrandis, tandis que les voix se taisent, as the voices fall silent, De peur d’entendre glisser les pas from fear of hearing the soft feutrés de Celle… steps of Her… qu’il ne faut point nommer. who must not be named.

Seigneur, de votre main trop lourde, Lord, with your too heavy hand Vous pesez sur nos têtes, You weight down our heads, N’appuyez pas si fort, Press not too hard, ou ma tête penchée sur ma poitrine or my head bowed down over my breast ne pourra plus se relever! will no longer be able to rise!

Seigneur, qu’est-ce qu’il faut que Lord, what must we give you l’on vous donne pour que vous ayez pitié For you to have pity et… que vous rendiez… votre proie, and… for you to give back… your prey, O Terrible Chasseur Eternel Oh Awesome Eternal Hunter Qui me nez l’hallali You who sound the death flourish au son des canons formidables, with the terrible canon de des gueules de lourd métal? and who makes your barking dogs out of these gaping jaws of ponderous metal?

Sa vie est dans vos mains, His life is in your hands, et mon bonheur est dans vos mains, and my happiness is in your hands, et je sais qu’il me faut par vous and I know that I need miracles des miracles, from you, Il me faut des miracles, I need miracles, et je vous les demande avec and I ask them of you with Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

la simplicité du désespoir, the simplicity of despair, vers la lune d’or pâles dans like children stretching their little le ciel sombre, trembling hands towards Quand ils croient encore que leur the moon of pale gold père est tout puissant in the dark sky, et qu’il dispose du ciel.14 still believing that their father is all-powerful and that he rules the heavens.15

Caplet’s setting suggests a faithful musical interpretation of the poetic expression of despair, fear and hope in God. Détresse embod- ies a harmonic language that through its wealth of colour, tritone usage, extended tertian chordal structures, through-composed form, and recitative-like vocal line, fully reflects the anguished tone and prose-like nature of Charasson’s poem. This discussion will highlight one compositional aspect that Caplet employs to musically reflect the theme of despair: the use of the locrian-natural-two and octatonic modes juxtaposed in the work as a harmonic reflection of the image of tension leading to anguish in the text. The of this work is D minor, and although the piece does not conform to standard tonal movement, the does re- main relatively functional through the retention of D minor as a tonal centre. The music is brought “home” to D minor in the final bars, and it is possible to interpret a perfect in the final section. The juxtaposition of the locrian-natural-two and octatonic modes within the work might suggest that Caplet draws upon the half diminished sonorities of the locrian-natural-two as a stepping stone for creating a tonal shift from diatonic to fully diminished harmony. Thus, this progression of half diminished to fully diminished modality could be regarded as a musical reflection of the tense feeling in the poem as it moves from a prickle of fear and apprehension to an unprevent- able and threatening impression of doom. In Example 1, this may be observed as the vocal entry begins in bar 10:

14 H. Charasson, Détresse, in: A. Caplet, Détresse (score), Durand & Cie., Paris 1918. 15 L. Pientre, A. Jacquon, André Caplet Mélodies, Timpani Records 2001, p. 18 (English translation in booklet by J. Drake).

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Ex. 1: A. Caplet, Détresse, bb. 10-13.

The text, “The hand that squeezes the heart has again tightened”, suggests a painful situation becoming further distressing as painful pressure seizes the heart. The pp chord over the word coeur (“heart”) is outlined by the D locrian-natural-two, but upon moving to the end of the line as the poet describes the tightening sensation, the music transitions to D octatonic. Perhaps the pp dynamic at the locrian- natural-two point helps musically reflect the fragility of the heart, as the sf dynamic over the octatonic chord reinforces the painful clutch. The fully diminished nature of the octatonic at this point serves as a musical affirmation of the ache the poet feels at this stage. As the poem further unfolds, it speaks of the way in which voices fall silent in fear of oncoming hushed steps of her who must not be named. The music in this passage outlines the locrian-natural-two over the reference to “Her… who must not be named”, and in the next line, as the poet speaks of the Lord’s heavy hand upon their heads, Caplet moves to the octatonic mode. There are two images here: first, that of the fear associated with footsteps, and second, that of the weight of the pressing Lord’s hand. As with the previous example, the half-diminished sonority of the locrian-natural-two mode musically illustrates a fear- ful moment which, when followed by a more anguished poetic image, develops into the fully diminished octatonic mode. In Example 2, bar 25 outlines B locrian-natural-two and E flat locrian-natural-two. A D minor piano linking passage leads the music to C octatonic at bar 30:

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Ex. 2: A. Caplet, Détresse, bb. 25-31.

Further to the juxtaposing of the locrian-natural-two and octatonic modes, the use of the is so embedded into the fabric of this piece that it is possible to suggest a link between the root tones of the octatonic scales and the overall key of the song. The triad (including seventh) of this key is D minor: D F A C/C#. Except for A, Caplet uses each of these tones as root tone building blocks for the octatonic scale as it returns throughout the piece. The interpreta- tion of the diminished nature of the octatonic scale as an essential component of the harmonic fabric aligns with the theme of anguish as an essential component at the core of the poem. Caplet’s use of the octatonic mode musically represents his recognition of Charasson’s literary intent, and this is heightened when juxtaposed with the half- diminished form of the locrian-natural-two mode.

Fôret (Forest) 1917

By 1917, Caplet had experienced much action at the front. He was badly wounded twice, and we can only imagine the emotional impact the horrors of war had on the composer. Fôret is the fourth and final mélodie of Le vieux coffret (The Old Chest), a set of poems by Remy de Gourmont. Pierre Bernac, student and faithful interpreter of the mélodies of Caplet, describes Fôret as:

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One of the most beautiful melodies of all the French concert repertoire: a per- fect alloy of poem and music, the lyricism as well as the refinement of the music make its interpretation a delight for the performers.16

This is high praise, and perhaps in Fôret we find an example of Caplet’s lyricism and beauty in the interpretation of a text unrelated to the horrors of war. Perhaps the mystery, beauty, and serene nature of the forest was an escape for Caplet. In Fôret, the poet addresses the forest directly, speaking of lovers who have passed through the trees, those who have sought shade and comfort of the leaves and mossy grass, and the kisses and passions that blossomed against the backdrop of the forest’s green ferns. The poet’s alexandrine verse structure ac- commodates a recurring invocation of the joy and gratitude the poet feels towards the forest. Caplet recognises the warmth and ardour in the poem, and his lyricism, flowing melodic line, instrumental-like piano parts, strophic setting, and rich tonal movement allow, as Joel Harder succinctly describes, “certain musical elements to establish a sense of recall, but also… musical ideas to develop organically.”17 The poem follows:

Ô Forêt, toi qui vis passer bien Oh Forest, you who have seen many des amants lovers pass by Le long de tes sentiers, sous tes Along your paths, under your profonds feuillages, heavy foliage, Confidente des jeux, des cris, The confidant of their games, their cries, et des serment and their pledges, Témoin à qui les âmes avouaient Witness to whom souls confessed their leurs orages. tempests.

Ô Forêt, souviens-toi de ceux qui Oh Forest, remember those who sont venus have come Un jour d’été fouler tes mousses On a summer’s day treading your moss et tes herbes, and grass, Car ils ont trouvé là des baisers For there they found innocent ingénus kisses Couleur de feuilles, couleur d’écores, The colour of leaves, the colour of bark, couleur de rêves. the colour of dreams.

16 P. Bernac, The Interpretation of French Song, London 1970, p. 226. 17 J. Harder, op. cit., p. 86.

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Ô Forêt, tu fus bonne, en laissant Oh Forest, it was good of you to le désir let desire Fleurir, ardente fleur, au sein de Bloom, an ardent flower, within ta verdure. your greenery. L’ombre devint plus fraîche: The shadow becomes more fresh; un frisson de plaisir a thrill of pleasure Enchanta les deux coeurs et Enchanted the two hearts and toute la nature. all nature.

Ô Forêt, souviens-toi de ceux qui Oh Forest, remember those sont venus who came Un jour d’été fouler tes herbes On a summer’s day treading your solitaires lonely grass Et contempler, distraits, tes arbres And meditating, plunged in thought, ingénus on the innocent trees Et le pâle océan de tes vertes And the pale ocean of your fougères.18 green ferns.19

Since an in-depth discussion of the full compositional processes at play in this work surpass the boundaries of this article, it will consider only a few instances of Caplet’s treatment of the acoustic scale in Fôret. The acoustic scale, or lydian-dominant, is an interesting mode. It can be interpreted as a superimposition of the lydian and myxolydian modes, and the resulting of the scale evoke a wider range of chordal structures due to the extensions of the sharpened fourth and flattened seventh within the scale. Historically, as can be seen in work of Debussy, this scale has been used as a modulatory device. For example, Dimitri Tymoczko’s discussion of Des pas sur le neige draws attention to the acoustic scale as a characteristic modulatory device by Debussy.

The transition back to D natural minor [in Des pas sur le neige] illustrates one of Debussy’s characteristic modulatory devices, the use of an acoustic scale as an intermediary between the whole-tone and diatonic collections.20

18 R. de Gourmont, Fôret, in: A. Caplet, Quatre Poèmes de Rémy de Gourmont “Le vieux coffret” (score), Durand & Cie., Paris 1918. 19 L. Pientre, A. Jacquon, op. cit., p. 17 (English translation in booklet by J. Drake). 20 D. Tymoczko, A Geometry of Music: Harmony and in the Extended Common Practice, New York 2011, p. 322.

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Caplet’s use of the acoustic scale is different, because it does not ap- pear to function as a modulatory technique. In Fôret, the mode occurs several times, usually in a chordal texture that recalls the opening motif. Example 3 demonstrates this chordal motif:

Ex. 3: A. Caplet, Fôret, bb. 1-3.

The acoustic scale appears frequently throughout the setting of the first stanza of the poem. In this stanza, the poet addresses the forest directly, speaking of lovers who pass through the forest and their confident games throughout the leafy foliage, then ends the stanza with a reference to those who have confessed their passions to the forest. The primary imagery is that of the lovers in the forest. Caplet evokes the sense of space created by a tall canopy of trees through the wide-ranging, stately chordal introduction, and throughout this first stanza, the acoustic scale appears connected to incarnations of this opening chordal motif. Interpreting the precise reason Caplet uses the acoustic scale at these chordal points is difficult. But considering the text’s description of lovers coming together in the forest, it is feasible to suggest that the nature of the acoustic scale’s construction—two modes superimposed that create a new set of harmonic possibilities—could rep- resent the two lovers. This interpretation, combined with the shape of the chordal structure, outlines and reaffirms the lovers situated in the forest. Throughout bars 8-11 in Example 4, the music passes through ♭D acoustic moving to E♭ acoustic. This harmonic movement appears in conjunction with the chordal texture recalling the opening, and the poetic text at this point describes the confident games the lovers play in the forest.

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Ex. 4: A. Caplet, Fôret, bb. 8-11.

The use of the acoustic scale as harmonically and texturally repre- senting the forest could be further affirmed in bar 30, where the poet addresses the forest directly once more. The wide-ranging chordal texture appears as the poet mentions the word “forest”, and the D♭ acoustic scale returns at this precise point.

Ex. 5: A. Caplet, Fôret, b. 30.

Throughout the mélodie, Caplet’s use of the modally—superimposed nature of the acoustic scale can be interpreted as a means to identify the two lovers in the forest. He then further uses this tonality in com- bination with texture in the music that evokes the breadth of the forest. This use of the acoustic scale might suggest that rather than using it either as a functional tonal building block in the harmonic language or modulatory technique, Caplet observed the nature of the scale’s construction, and chose to use this as a colouristic device to enhance his interpretation of the imagery in the poem.

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Écoute (Listen) 1924

In the years following the First World War, Caplet found himself back in Paris actively composing and immersing himself into the musical culture there. His interest in the promotion of music from outside France was strong, and along with Ravel, Dukas, Roussel, Messager and Roland-Manuel, Caplet was involved in the penning of a strong letter to Le courier musical in response to the ongoing dispute between Jean Wéiner and Louis Vuillemin. Weiner had promoted a concert featuring Schoenberg’s Pierrot Lunaire, but Vuillemin publicly resisted this, calling it an “invasion of foreign and Jewish music in France.”21 Caplet was fully supportive of the promotion of foreign modern music in French society and he was happy to sign his name to the letter to Le courier musicale, an extract of which follows:

They affirm their delight of having been able to hear ’s Pierrot Lunaire, thanks to Monsieur Jean Wéiner, as well as a series of new works, French and foreign, whose tendencies are open to discussion, but whose interest is certainly not. They would like to take this occasion to ex- press the hope that patriotism err a bit less in an area where it has nothing to gain, but everything to lose.22

Actions such as this reveal that Caplet’s attitudes and standing within musical society were highly receptive to creativity and new ways of interpretation. He possessed a strong openness to music from outside France, and was interested in the musical world around him. Caplet’s approach to musical composition around this time reflected this openness. Écoute, composed just one year before his premature death, is a setting for voice and flute rather than, like the previous examples, voice and piano. This piece is significant in that the harmonic language features a progressive mixing of synthetic scales with standard modal and tonal practice. The inspiration for this work is a poem by Rabindranath Tagore which describes a flute singing a melody evocative of wildflowers and water. The poem is brief but fully evokes imagery of nature and song:

21 B. L. Kelly, op. cit., p. 73. 22 A. Orenstein (ed.), A Ravel Reader: Correspondence, Articles, Interviews, New York 1990, p. 240.

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Écoute, mon coeur, Listen, heart of mine, dans cette flûte chante in this flute sings la musique du parfum the perfumed music of des fleurs sauvages, wild flowers, des feuilles étincelantes et of shimmering leaves and of de l’eau qui brille; shining water; la musique d’ombres sonores, the music of shadows, d’un bruit d’ailes et d’abeilles. of the sounds of wings and of bees. La flûte a ravi son sourire The flute has stolen its smile from des lèvres de mon ami the lips of my friend et le répand sur ma vie.23 and pours it over my life.24

The poetic imagery is reminiscent of nature, and Caplet’s flute line in Écoute thoroughly embraces this. The flute part is full of runs, tremolos, trills and grace-notes as it describes the water, flowers, and bees portrayed in the poem. The vocal line provides a contrast to the vivid and lively nature of the flute, as longer and more sustained lines with a serene nature establish the perfect balance for the dual nature of the work. The poem is free from the restrictions of regular metre and rhythms, and this structural aspect is reflected by the freely unfolding, almost improvisatory character in Caplet’s musical setting. Écoute is infused with modal and synthetic colour, including dorian, phrygian, and lydian modes, octatonic scales, as well as palindromic pat- terns and chromatic patterns. Caplet uses these modes and experimental patterns as a means of describing the sounds of nature in the poem. For example, in bars 50-59 in Example 6, the poet speaks of the music of shadows, clouds, wings, and bees. The vocal line can be interpreted as an E phrygian scalar pattern. But simultaneously contrasting this pattern, the flute line moves in chromatic demisemiquaver patterns suggestive of the shadows, that, when connected by two sharp staccato demisemiquavers, transforms into a tremolo chromatic scalar pattern. The simultaneous use of the chromatic line in the flute with the E phrygian scale in the vocal line could also be interpreted as an example of polytonality.

23 R. Tagore, Écoute (French translation by H. du Pasquier), in: A. Caplet, Écoute, mon coeur (score), Durand & Cie., Paris 1925. 24 L. Pientre, A. Jacquon, op. cit., p. 19 (English translation in booklet by J. Drake).

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Ex. 6: A. Caplet, Écoute, bb. 50-59.

Écoute allows the virtuosic quality of the flute to be fully explored. There are passages where the flute is unaccompanied by the voice, al- lowing a full evocation of the sights and sounds of nature. For example, in the flute solo in bars 20-31, there are three collections, stating three different textures through which the music passes. As Example 7 shows below, the first collection (bars 20 -22) is almost whole tone except for the F♮. Then there is a chromatic pattern in bars 24-25, after which an E trill leads the music to an E phrygian collection beginning at bar 26. The textures of these collections could represent the swirl of the wind through the whole tone flourish, the buzzing of the bees through the sharply chromatic staccato and trill textures, and the gentle song of the wildflowers through the flowing E phrygian scale.

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Ex. 7: A. Caplet, Écoute, bb. 20-31.

In her discussion of Caplet’s prominence, Sanaé Kanda remarks that:

The shadow of Fauré, Duparc, Hahan, and most particularly Debussy and Ravel, kept Caplet in the background for much of his tragically short life. His role as conductor, orchestrator and facilitator for these very people occupied enough of his time to interfere with the propagation of his own music.25

Despite a small compositional output and relatively modest post- humous musical fame and renown, however, Caplet’s harmonic ex- perimentation reveals that he was forging a compositional voice of his own. His individual and distinct harmonic language can be in- terpreted, especially as it evolved in mature works such as Écoute, as a foreshadowing of the inventive language of Messiaen, in religious themes, modality, and synthetic scalar contexts. This article has presented a small snapshot of some of the devices which Caplet employs to saturate his harmonic language with modal colour and texture. His mélodies display a richness of harmonic lan- guage, which through the processes of compositional inventiveness and experimentation offer a valuable contribution to the genre of the

25 S. Kanda, The Role of the Piano in the Mélodie of André Caplet, PhD Thesis, Boston University, 2002.

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French mélodie. Détresse, Fôret, and Écoute demonstrate some of the different ways in which Caplet employs modality, often non-functional and coloristic, to describe and interpret poetic themes and imagery. His use of such harmonic devices as juxtaposing half-diminished and diminished modes to paint a harmonic portrait of despair and anguish, using modally superimposed constructs to illustrate the marriage of musical texture and poetic subjects, and even embracing an interweav- ing of whole tone and chromatic tonalities with modality to describe pictures and reflections of nature, demonstrate that he was a significant figure of early French musical modernism whose harmonic language evolved and became more modally experimental as he matured. And exploring Caplet’s compositional voice helps illuminate the compo- sitional tendencies, thought processes, and artistic reactions of active musicians to the social, cultural and artistic trends in the tightly woven musical fabric of Third Republic France.

Abstract

André Caplet is a noteworthy figure in the early years of the 20th century French music. A founding member of the Société Musicale Indépendante and advocate of new contemporary music, Caplet is also remembered for his contributions to Debussy’s Le Martyre de Saint-Sébastien and La boîte à joujoux. Caplet’s musical output from the years pertaining to the Great War and beyond demonstrates a colourful harmonic language. This authentic harmonic language presents itself as a highly complex and sophisticated interweaving of modality and diatonicism, and there are numerous instances of progressive use of modal structures within these mélodies. This article presents a reflection upon some of the developments within Caplet’s exploration of tonality through the lens of selected works, from 1914 to his death in 1925. Supporting examples of Caplet’s distinctive approach to the fusion of diatonicism and modality, and the usage of synthetic scale structures will be considered. Caplet’s inventive harmonic language offers much richness in terms of creativity and imagination. He was a composer who favoured differ- ent musical processes and conventions. Exploring his compositional approach will help illuminate André Caplet’s individual harmonic language, and place within the field of French musical modernism.

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Keywords

André Caplet, twentieth-century French music, analysis, music theory, modality, harmonic language

Abstrakt

Perspektywa analityczna ewolucji harmonicznej André Capleta na wybranych Mélodies, 1915-1925

André Caplet jest ważną postacią muzyki francuskiej początku XX wieku. Był założycielem Société Musicale Indépendante i orędownikiem muzyki nowej. Został zapamiętany także dzięki swojemu wkładowi w powstanie Le Martyre de Saint-Sébastien i La boîte à joujoux Claude’a Debussy’ego. Cechą charakterystyczną dorobku twórczego Capleta z lat poprze- dzających I wojnę światową i późniejszych jest bogaty język harmonicz- ny, będący mieszanką harmoniki modalnej i diatoniki, przeplatających się w wyszukany i skomplikowany sposób. Także w Mélodies można odnaleźć wiele przykładów nowatorskiego użycia struktur modalnych. Niniejszy artykuł jest refleksją nad niektórymi z odkryć na polu tonalności dokonanych przez Capleta w jego wybranych dziełach z lat 1914-1925. Przedstawiono także przykłady innowatorskiego podejścia Capleta do łączenia modalizmów z diatonizmami, zwracając uwagę na użycie struktur powstałych w wyniku ich syntezy. Nowoczesny język harmoniczny Capleta oferuje bogactwo rozwią- zań na polu kreatywności i wyobraźni muzycznej. Był to kompozytor, który używał różnych konwencji i technik kompozytorskich. Analiza jego warsztatu pomoże zrozumieć indywidualny język harmoniczny André Capleta i umieścić go w kręgu francuskiego modernizmu.

Słowa kluczowe

André Caplet, muzyka XX wieku we Francji, analiza, teoria muzyki, modalność, harmonika, język muzyczny

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Bibliography

Allen M.-C. C., The Wartime Melodies of Andre Caplet, PhD Thesis, University of Arizona, 1994. Bernac P., The Interpretation of French Song, London 1970. Harder J., The Mélodies of André Caplet: A Guide to Performance, DMA Thesis, The Juilliard School, 2015. Huneau D., André Caplet (1878-1925) Debussyste indépendant, Weinsberg 2007. Kanda S., The Role of the Piano in the Mélodie of André Caplet, PhD Thesis, Boston University, 2002. Kelly B., Music and Ultra Modernism in France: A Fragile Consensus, 1913-1939, Woodbridge 2013. Maindreville F de., Etcharry S., La Grande Guerre en musique: vie et creation musicales en France pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, Bruxelles 2014. Orenstein A., (ed.), A Ravel Reader: Correspondence, Articles, Interviews, New York 1990. Spencer W., André Caplet, Aussi Musicien Français, “Revue Bege de Musicologie” 1982-84, 36(38). Spencer W., The Relationship between André Caplet and Claude Debussy, “The Musical Quarterly” 1980, 66(1). Toff N., Monarch of the Flute, Oxford 2005. Tymoczko D., A Geometry of Music: Harmony and Counterpoint in the Extended Common Practice, New York 2011.

Poems and translations:

Charasson H., Détresse, in: Caplet A., Détresse (score), Durand & Cie., Paris 1918. Gourmont R. de, Fôret, in: Caplet A., Quatre Poèmes de Rémy de Gourmont “Le vieux coffret” (score), Durand & Cie., Paris 1918. Pientre L., Jacquon A., André Caplet Mélodies, Timpani Records 2001 (English translation in booklet by J. Drake). Tagore R., Écoute (French translation by H. du Pasquier), in: Caplet A., Écoute, mon coeur (score), Durand & Cie., Paris 1925.

Nana Katsia

Tbilisi Vano Sarajishvili State Conservatoire

The Modification of the Genre of Mystery Play in the Wagner’s, Schoenberg’s and Messiaen’s Compositions

The aim of this essay is to understand the role and variety of the main theatrical genre, mystery play,1 in the theatrical art of the 19th and the 20th century, by examining Wagner’s Parsifal, Schoenberg’s Moses und Aron and Messiaen’s Saint François d’Assise.2 In the historical perspective, the genre has never preserved its first pure features, especially when social and cultural context is changed; however, during developing process, some features of a genre might be revealed in a different context and with different characters. In case of mystery play, we can observe the reincarnation of the genre or synthesis of mystery play with another genre such as opera, where the last one has also not preserved its “pure” stylistic features, and as

1 The many Latin terms used by medieval writers to refer to dramatic representa- tion include ordo, officium, ludus, festum, miraclum (rare), misterium and, most frequently, representatio. Each vernacular has an equivalent variety. None of these terms is used consistently, nor is any used exclusively (cf. English “play”) to denote a drama. The terms tragedy and comedy are very rare and are not applicable in their traditional meanings. Of the above terms, ordo and officium are commonly used to describe liturgical ceremonies as well as plays; this draws attention to a fundamentally important but elusive distinction between ritual and drama. J. Stevens, R. Rastall, Medieval Drama, Oxford 2001. 2 All titles and names of heroes in the whole article are used in original heading.

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a result, the mixed genre—opera-mystery play—was created. The main stylistic sign of this mixed genre is religious plot and phenomenon of ritual. Therefore, all religious rituals (which are the main features of mystery play) such as faith, stigmatization, preaching, resurrection etc., are modeled on the opera stage. The mystery play was a medieval musical-dramatic genre established on the basis of European religious theatre. When describing vernacular plays, medieval writers used the terms “miracle” and “mystery” without distinction; in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, in the article about Medieval Drama,3 the term “miracle” denotes a play based on the life of a saint, and “mystery”—a play on a biblical or apocryphal subject. These may both be categorized as “historical” as opposed to the “fictional” character of the morality plays.4 The main goals of mystery plays were to invoke the spiritual-religious categories, strengthen faith and reach catharsis. Therefore, the main character of them was Christ and his life: the birth, preaching, crucifixion, death and resurrection. Our aim is to determine the role of the mystery play genre in the musical culture of the 20th century and to sort out the most impor- tant stable characteristics of the genre of mystery play that became dominant in the end of the 19th and in the 20th century, according to different national schools. There are a lot of works about the phenomenon of the genre of mystery play in the West European musicological literature which could be divided into two groups. In the first group, there are works particularly about medieval drama. Scholars describe medieval drama from the context of historical development, revealing the problem of terminology, as in, for example: J. Stevenson’s Medieval Drama; R. Rastall’s The Heaven Singing: Music in Early English Religious Drama; P. King’s Coventry Mystery Plays etc. In the second group, there are books and materials about specific model of the genre in accordance with the composer’s ideology, social context and the specifics of the genre, for example: R. ’s Wagner’s Parsifal: An appreciation in the

3 The corpus of medieval drama in Latin and the major European vernaculars is huge. Essentially, there are two types of religious drama. In the first one, traditionally called the “liturgical drama”, the whole text of the play is sung monophonically in Latin. In the second one, vernacular drama, the main action is conducted in the spoken vernacular, with songs and instrumental music, plainchant and polyphony, introduced as appropriate. 4 J. Stevens, R. Rastall, op. cit.

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Light of His Theological Journey, S. A. Weor’s Parsifal Unveiled: The Meaning of Richard Wagner’s Masterpiece, W. Kinderman’s Wagner’s Parsifal, C. Dingle’s Messian’s Final Works, K. Wörner’s Schoenberg’s Moses and Aaron etc. In my opinion, the best models demonstrating the stable charac- teristics of the genre of mystery play in the 19th and 20th century are: • Wagner’s Parsifal—the idea of transfiguration and ascension, redemption; • Schoenberg’s Moses and Aron—the mystery as a way of solving the social conflict; • Messiaen’s Saint François d’Assise—apotheosis of Catholic faith, kenosis of Christ. The important issues were outlined during the research: • What type of mystery is being created in the theatrical art of this period? • What stable characteristics do the composers invoke? • What type of dramaturgy do they use? The following instructions would be the leading stable characteristics of the genre of mystery play. 1. Foresee the myth from the religious point of view. 2. Consider the essence of religion in the social context. 3. Perceive the universe from the perspective of the concrete religious faith. What is outlined is the unity of necessary components of the genre of the mystery play: multidimensional sources of libretto; a mission of the main hero; the author’s interpretation of the mystery; the abundance of ritual scenes; the relationship between the internal and external dramaturgical processes; synthesis of the different theatrical genres; static dramaturgy. All of these features suggest a specific type of musi- cal dramaturgy, where the categories of time and space contain three main mystic spheres: divine, terrestrial and demonic. Consequently, the dramaturgy of opera staging contains three levels of activity: super­ ficial, inner and upon time.

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Foreseeing the Myth from the Religious Context

At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the pro- cesses in the European artistic thinking, the new review of religious, ethical and esthetical issues, Schopenhauer’s philosophy and existen- tial sadness recovered the genre of mystery play. General religious themes, multi-layer dramaturgy and theatrical stage, simultaneity of the categories of time and space became essential in the opera staging of that period. The European musical culture looked back to the past once more and called forth the most important medieval musical- dramaturgical genre—mystery play.5 Richard Wagner writes:

When a religion loses potential, it seems to become a refugee and causes spir- itual expression. At such time, only art can return the lost function to the religion. The use of religious or sacral symbols in the artistic pieces makes the art equal to the truth and enables it to preach in such a persuasive way as only religion can.6

It is remarkable that in his last years the composer wrote the opera Parsifal, in which the idea of the Christian religion is generalized by the medieval legend. Wagner created his own myth about Parsifal that he called “a story about the European civilization in front of destruction”.7 The uniqueness of Parsifal derives from its philosophical-symbolic content and the definition of the genre: Wagner called the operas “Scenic Action for Celebration”, although the drama is a real mystery play. Like the medieval mysteries, the composer used different sources in his libretto: the medieval legend about the Holy Grail, Eschenbach’s, Kyot the Provencal’s mythological histories about Holy Grail, concep- tions of Eastern and Western religions, historical facts about knights’ lives, the Song of Nibelungs. Like medieval mysteries, the dramaturgy of Parsifal includes the following main mystic spheres of the time and space aspects: divine, terrestrial and demonic. Each one is embodied in the concrete character of the opera. The Grail is connected with

5 We can call the whole process the neomedievalism. 6 S. Weor, Parsifal Unveiled: The Meaning of Richard Wagner’s Masterpiece, New York 2013. 7 A. Batta, Opera: Composers, Works, Performers, Germany 2009.

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Titurel and Amfortas, magic gardens with Klingsor and Kundry, ter- restrial sphere with Parsifal. The historic time and space in the opera are tightly connected with knightly life, meetings and rituals. They affect the author’s time and space. The actuality of the mystery in the reality of the composer is apparent as in the words of Gurnemanz: “Du siehst, mein Sohn, zum Raum wird hier die Zeit” (“Do you see, my son, in this realm time becomes space”).8 The specific combination of time components helps the audience foresee the eternity on the whole, eternity inside themselves and thus, realize the essence of the universe. The dramaturgy of operatic production includes three levels: 1. External—fight for the mission of Grail; fight with Klingsor’s world; destruction of Klingsor’s kingdom by Parsifal; life of the Grail Knights; 2. Internal—ethical, religious-philosophical: Parsifal’s understand- ing of the essence of life; lyrical-psychological: Amforta’s regret, passion and Kundri’s transfiguration. 3. Timeless: Mystic ritual of the Grail and its symbolism. For ex- ample, the Holy Grail is not just a symbol of divine existence, but also the main attribute of the Grail mystery it is dedicated to Eucharist. Like in medieval mysteries, the understanding of the truth in the opera derives from the idea of self-sacrifice. However, the composer discusses the divine world from the mythological point of view that causes the illusionary percep- tion of the Christian mission. The German philosopher and sociologist Theodor Adorno writes:

The idea of mystery—it is the idea of the religion of art, as modern people think about it. Such perception itself—the religion of art—is an old term and belongs to Hegel. By its essence, the esthetical consciousness is committed to awake the essential being by following the secret regularities of its style. This is a kind of metaphysical essence which is unable to substantially reach the prosaically loaded, enchanted world. Parsifal is conceived in a way to create a sacred atmosphere. The aura of music and characters are subject to this. The piece of work believes in the strength of redemption that according to Schopenhauer is

8 R. Wagner, Parsifal Libretti, Bayreuth 2013.

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characteristic to the artistic expression of the essence of the universe. It believes in glorification of Quietism, prevention of will by union with God—blind will. But we can say that the vanity of exactly these hopes stipulates the implausibil- ity of Parsifal and gives him a common religious character.9

The Social Context of Religion

The artistic aim of Schoenberg’s opera Moses und Aron is different from Parsifal. According to Schoenberg:

Modern man, who has passed through materialism, socialism, anarchy, who is an atheist yet has held on to a residue of his old faith (in the form of su- perstition); this modern man strives with God (in The Wrestling Jacob by Strindberg), and eventually finds God and becomes religious. He learns to pray! A change of heart [is] not to be brought about by a dramatic event, or a calamity, or least of all, a love story. […] Above all, it should be in modern man’s idiom of speech, thought, and expression; it should show the problems that oppress us. For those in the Bible who strive with God also express them- selves as people of their age; they speak of their affairs and conform to the social and mental standards of their environment. They are therefore good artistic subjects; yet they cannot be characterized by a present day composer who is committed to his task.10

The main basis of the dramaturgy of the opera is a conception of a philosophical-religious tragedy with several outlined aspects: 1. Theological, mystic—that is connected to “sacred” time and is built in mythological space with the categories of sacrifice, belief, divinity and miracle; 2. Ritual, the cult ceremony—where the dance around the golden calf is a secret of understanding the divine essence of being. 3. Social—a conflict between people and their spiritual leader, an artist and his contemporary society.

9 T. Адорно, Krotov library [online:] http://krotov.info/library/01_a/do/orno203. html#Заметки о партитуре “Парсифаля” [accessed: 8.10.2016], English transla- tion by N. Katsia. 10 K. H. Wörner, Schoenberg’s “Moses and Aaron”, London 1963.

102 Nana Katsia, The modification of the genre of mystery…

The musical dramaturgy and composition of the work is built around one universal idea. The idea of true God that Moses has to revive in the consciousness of the chosen people. The German researcher, Karl Worner writes in his book Moses und Aron that Schoenberg shows special interest in the Old Testament Scriptures11 during the last period of his artistic work.12 The composer managed to finish the two acts and the first scene of the third act of the opera, the dramaturgy of which contains three levels: • Conflict between God and people; • Conflict between God and a person; • Conflict between a person and a society. The dialogue between Moses and Aron starts and reaches its culmina- tion in the episode of collision with people. The mystic sphere and time is broken through the dramatization of the conflict. We can say there are three types of similar time and space “breakthrough” in the opera: • Present continuity—time-space continuity: in the culminating moment of the first act, where Aron carries out a miracle to make the people believe in God, who is the one and almighty God, unknown to them; • Hope for the future—dreaming about a new life, being on earth, true God; • Sphere of the past—people’s memory, land of Egypt, where years have passed in slavery, a miracle and ritual. Unlike in the Wagner’s composition, here the accent is made on the transformation of one universal idea into dramaturgical and musical

11 Assaman thinks that Schoenberg treats the Bible matter as a canonical text in the classical sense. Schonberg’s opera is not exegesis or midrash. The Bible texts are not interpreted, but re-thought as figures of remembrance, in line with the liberation of the biblical texts by the Enlightenment and by historicism, for the purpose of de-mythologizing them, on the one hand, and for the artistic work with mythos, on the other. See: A. Bø-Rygg, The Finished Fragment: Arnold Schoenberg’s Moses und Aron, in: Transcendence and Sensoriness. Perceptions, Revelation, and the Arts, S. A. Christoffersen et al. (ed.), Boston 2015, p. 265. 12 K. H. Wörner, op. cit.

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parameters. In particular, the opera is based on one 12-tone series which symbolically reflects that one true, sacral idea.13 The fight of different models of belief and their modifications in the consciousness of the characters determine the different levels of the concrete religious mission. Particularly, Moses strived for being in the service of only one God. Aron tried to make God real, tangible. The dialogue-dispute between Moses and Aron should be ended with Aron’s death and Moses’ long monologue. The social context of the opera and the inclusion of the details of autobiography were typical for the late medieval genres: miracle, allegori- cal moralities, folk farces, etc. Mainly, the social problems and didactic issues were presented in the productions of this type. Therefore, unlike Wagner’s Parsifal which foresees the universe from the religious context, Schoenberg’s Moses und Aron are similar to such mystic productions.

Foreseeing the Universe through the Concrete Religion

The Messiaen’s opera Saint François d’Assise pays special attention to Christian view and religion. The two main aspects of the composer’s ideology, time and Christian belief, are presented from two different perspectives in the opera: the diversity of religious-literal sources of the libretto gives a general nature to the piece, while the essence of music is unified and is reflected with different intensity at the levels of genre, form, harmony, dynamics and rhythm. The main essence of religious concept of the opera derives from the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas, who thought of music as the supreme form of art. Thomas Aquinas followed the idea of St. Augustine of Hippo about the essence and destination of music on the way to God and considered music as the language of God and angels. Therefore, an angel and his musi- cal “word” becomes the companion of St. Francis on his way to the acknowledgement of the truth. The words of St. Thomas about the importance and power of art that are the leitmotif of the libretto express Messian’s artistic faith. According to the researcher examining Messiaen works, philosopher S.V. Maas, the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas had a deeper effect on the

13 The whole composition based on the one single Twelve-tone row: C#, D, G#, F#, G, F, B, A, B♭, C, E♭, E. This row is first heard when Aron enters in act 1, scene 2.

104 Nana Katsia, The modification of the genre of mystery… composer’s works, as it touched the fundamental side of Messiaen’s consciousness. Maas outlines three analogs of Aquinas’ esthetics in Messiaen’s works:14 1. Gothic theology of light; 2. Striving for structural details; 3. Sequence of logic. An Angel’s phrase in the fifth tableau “God blinds us with the sparks of truth” is derived from the understanding of Concordantia that St. Thomas gave him. Aquinas speaks about three levels of beauty: proportion (pro- portio), clarity (claritas), and integrity (integritas). Therefore, it is clear that for Thomas Aquinas the category of light is connected with the truth. The complex, multidimensional musical-scenic idea of the composer causes the genre diversity of the work: mystery, liturgy, and symbolic drama. Franciscan scenes are transformed into opera genre with liturgi- cal nature that is presented in the opera with a row of genres and forms of catholic traditions: continuous alteration of narrative scenes and the worship ritual stipulates the feeling of impersonal preach and embraces the universum. Besides the catholic-liturgical tradition, Messiaen uses elements of non-European ritual theatre—Japanese Noh drama and Balinese religious performances. As a result, the genre of opera is enlarged and presented in a new quality—a genre of spiritual opera is revived. Like medieval mysteries that contained all existing genres and forms, the Olivier Messiaen’s opera Saint François d’Assise represents the universal model of the 20th century mystery from the perspec- tive of action, word and music, ritual syncretism. Like spiritual opera, the libretto of Saint François d’Assise is based on the Bible, the Holy Scriptures, theological works and ecclesiastic allegoric texts. Preaching and static time in the Messiaen’s opera dominate over action and pro- cessuality. These genre-characteristics cause the alteration of scenic action with the worship ritual in the opera, where the second picture Lauds is a morning Mass.15

14 S. Maas, The Reinvention of Religious Music, Fordham 2009. 15 See: Example 3.

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Conclusion

So, the stable characteristics of the genre of mystery play remain in the operas of all three composers in point of view libretto: —— Wagner includes particularly multidimensional sources: myth, monotheist, Christian sources, as well as the facts from history and present time according to the legend of Parsifal; —— Schoenberg does it according to the story of Moses and Aaron from the Old Testament; —— Messiaen—from the book Fioretti about the life of Saint Francis. Meanwhile, these basic sources are enriched with the conceptions of Christian and Buddhist religions in case of Wagner. Schoenberg presents the abstraction of the contemporary social conflict, whereas Messiaen uses the theology of Thomas Aquinas about the comprehen- sion of God with art and beauty; the unity of story and the mission of the hero. Also, in all of three operas we can see following stable features of the mystery play genre: • the story unified by the exposition of the importance of the hero’s spiritual mission; • libretto shown in the author’s point of view; • abundance of ritual scenes: confession, preaching, prayer, miracle; • complexity of internal and external dramaturgical actions: sim- ultaneity of processes, revealing the main hero and his feelings at the expense of shortening the scenic time; • synthesis of different theatrical genres on the stage and paral- lelism during action; • epic and lyrical dramaturgy; • foreseeing the myth from the religious point of view; foresee- ing the religion from the social point of view; foreseeing the universe from the concrete religious point of view.

106 Nana Katsia, The modification of the genre of mystery…

Finally, three different types of mystery play are created that truly express the religious, philosophical and ethical problems of the epoch and are in the close relationship with the medieval genre of mystery play. In Moses und Aron Schoenberg left the open conflict between a person and the society, God and people; Wagner created Parsifal, an illusory hero fighting for an idea; Messiaen’s hero,Saint François d’Assise, shared the Thomistic ideas with his ascetic life and found the truth with the help of art and nature.

Abstract

The purpose of my paper is to reveal the main features of the mystery genre in the European musical culture of the 19th and the 20th century on the basis of the genre features established in the Antiquity and the Middle Ages. The mystery play genre, as we know, in essence means the firm unity of certain stable features. The complexity of those features consists of two specific elements—religion and social, and a general one—the model of the world for a certain epoch. If in the mysteries of Ancient civilizations and the Middle Ages, the aforementioned components operated as a firm unity of inseparable elements; later, in the period after the “new times”, especially at the end of the 19th century and in the 20th century, the stable elements were disintegrated from each other. This process is discussed on the examples of the following operas: • The common religion and ethical model—Wagner’s Parsifal; • The code of moral rules and principles in the social context— Schoenberg’s Moses und Aron; • The explication of Thomistic ideas in the modern world— Messiaen’s Saint François d’Assise. What is outlined is the unity of necessary components of the genre of the mystery play: multidimensional sources of libretto; a mission of the main hero; the author’s interpretation of the mystery; the abundance of ritual scenes; the relationship between the internal and external dramaturgical processes; synthesis of the different theatrical genres; static dramaturgy. All of these features suggest a specific type of musical

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dramaturgy, in which the categories of time and space contain three main mystic spheres: divine, terrestrial and demonic. Consequently, the dramaturgy of opera staging has three levels of activity: superficial, inner and upon time.

Keywords

mystery play, social context, musical dramaturgy, Arnold Schoenberg, Richard Wagner, Olivier Messiaen, 20th century music

Abstrakt

Modyfikacja gatunku misterium w kompozycjach Wagnera, Schoenberga i Messiaena

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie głównych cech gatunku misterium­ w kulturze muzycznej Europy XIX i XX wieku na podstawie jego podstawowych wyznaczników, które ukształtowały się w staro- żytności i średniowieczu. Gatunek misterium opiera się przede wszystkim na kilku zasa- dach. Na złożoność jego cech charakterystycznych składają się: przede wszystkim model świata z danej epoki, a także dwa dodatkowe czynniki – religijny i społeczny. W misteriach powstałych w starożytności i średniowieczu wymie- nione komponenty funkcjonowały jako spójna całość współtworzo- na przez nierozłączne elementy; następnie, w epokach późniejszych, a zwłaszcza pod koniec XIX i na początku XX wieku, stałe części skła- dowe misterium uległy dezintegracji. Proces ten został omówiony na przykładach z następujących oper: —— wspólna religia i model etyczny: Parsifal Richarda Wagnera; —— kodeks zasad moralnych w kontekście społecznym: Moses und Aron Arnolda Schoenberga; —— rozwinięcie myśli św. Tomasza z Akwinu w świecie współcze- snym: Saint François d’Assise Oliviera Messiaena.

108 Nana Katsia, The modification of the genre of mystery…

W moim artykule została podkreślona jedność elementów niezbęd- nych dla powstania gatunku misterium; wielorakie źródła libretta; misja głównego bohatera; interpretacja samej tajemnicy przez autora; obfitość scen rytuału; relacja pomiędzy wewnętrznymi a zewnętrznymi procesa- mi zachodzącymi w dramaturgii dzieła; synteza wielorakich gatunków teatralnych; statyczna dramaturgia. Wszystkie te cechy nasuwają na myśl specyficzny typ dramaturgii muzycznej, w której kategorie czasu i przestrzeni tworzą trzy główne sfery mistyczne: boską, ziemską i dia- belską. W konsekwencji dramaturgia inscenizacji operowej dzieli się na trzy poziomy aktywności: powierzchowny, wewnętrzny i ponadczasowy.

Słowa kluczowe misterium, kontekst społeczny, dramaturgia muzyczna, Arnold Schoenberg, Richard Wagner, Olivier Messiaen, muzyka XX wieku

Bibliography

Batta A., Opera: Composers, Works, Performers, Germany 2009. Bø-Rygg A., The Finished Fragment: Arnold Schoenberg’s Moses und Aron, in: Transcendence and Sensoriness. Perceptions, Revelation, and the Arts, S. A. Christoffersen et al. (ed.), Boston 2015. Britannica, [online] https://www.britannica.com/art/ottava-rima [accessed: 18.10.2016]. Dingle C., N. Simeone, Olivier Messiaen: Music, Art and Literature, Hants 2007. Maas S., The Reinvention of Religious Music, Fordham 2009. Pietro E., Adaptation and Adaptability in Arnold Schoenberg’s Moses und Aron, “Forum for Modern Language Studies” 1 April 2012 (vol. 48, issue 2). Stevens J., R. Rastall, Medieval Drama, Oxford 2001. Wagner R., Parsifal Libretti, Bayreuth 2013. Weor S., Parsifal Unveiled: The Meaning of Richard Wagner’s Masterpiece, New York 2013. Wörner K. H., Schoenberg’s “Moses and Aaron”, London 1963. Адорно Т., Krotov library [online] http://krotov.info/library/01_a/do/ orno203.html#Заметки о партитуре “Парсифаля” [accessed: 8.10.2016]. Власова Н. Н., Творчество Арнольда Шёнберга, Москва 2007. 109 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

Appendix

Wagner Schoenberg Messiaen

Multidimensional Myth Monotheist Christian source Sources

The unity of the story Exposition of the importance of the hero’s spir- and the mission of the itual mission hero

Mystery with the Moses und Saint François Parsifal author’s interpretation Aron d'Assise

Abundance of ritual Miracle Confession Preach Prayer scenes Confession

Complexity of internal Simultaneity of process; revealing the main hero and external dramatur- and his feelings at the expense of shortening gical actions scenic time

Epic and lyrical Synthesis of different theatrical genres on the dramaturgy stage and parallelism during action

Table 1: The stable characteristics of the genre of mystery play in the operas of all three composers.

110 Nana Katsia, The modification of the genre of mystery…

Ex. 1: R. Wagner, Parsifal, act 1: “Recht so! Habt Dank!” (Ed. Broude Brothers, New York).

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Ex. 2: A. Schoenberg, Moses und Aron, The golden culf and Altar (Ed. B. Schoot and Co.).

112 Nana Katsia, The modification of the genre of mystery…

Ex. 3: O. Messiaen, Saint François d’Assise, Morning Mass (Ed. Leduc).

Michał Jaczyński

Jagiellonian University in Kraków

The Presence of Jewish Music in the Musical Life of Interwar Prague

The subject matter of this article is the history of Jewish music’s pres- ence in the general culture of the interwar Prague. Both concepts—of the Jewish music and the general culture—require clarification. As for the latter issue, the author means the culture represented by the multinational audience of the leading concert halls and the readers of the high-volume Prague press, who for various reasons after 1918 became intensely interested in Jewish music, earlier cultivated mainly (though not only) within the diaspora. It cannot be assumed that the participants of the general music culture were exclusively members of non-Jewish audience; nevertheless, the meaning of the presence of Jewish music in this culture can be reduced to the mechanism of cultural exchange between Jewish and non-Jewish society, analogous to the one identified by Philip Bohlman, who described the career of Jewish music in the neighboring centers: and Budapest.1 Bohlman focused on these currents and genres of music that represent Jewish ethnos as the aim of his work was to enter the title issue into the modern discourse. The topic of his book is the connection between the expansion of Jewish music and the migration of rural Jews from Eastern to modern Western metropolises. For this reason, the East-West relationship appears as Bohlman’s leading analytical issue,

1 See: P. V. Bohlman, Jewish Music and Modernity, New York 2008.

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and it is illustrated by such phenomena as the birth of Jewish folk music, Jewish cabaret, operetta and film, and development of historical research on the Orient-associated Hebrew music. In this paper, the area of source research was extended mainly to the professional concert movement, where the offer of widely under- stood Jewish music appeared in response to the demand of trans- national audience, caused possibly by the fad, and then effectively used by the organizers of musical life. This “wide understanding”— establi­shed in the European culture already in the 19th century—was defined, in the context of Russian culture, by Jascha Nemtsov. He suggested that the practicing of Jewish music in the general concert movement meant performing this kind of music “in which there was simply something Jewish: it may have been the music of Jewish composers such as Mendelssohn, Halevy or Meyerbeer, the works of Jewish character by Russian composers (Musorgsky, Rimsky- -Korsakov, Balakiriev), various Jewish folk music, synagogue music, Jewish operetta, etc.”2 This wide and flexible definition fairly serves for the purpose of this article, as the source material that interests its author concerns the very different phenomena: organizing concerts in synagogues, which were open for non-Jewish audience (there are evidences that already at the very beginning of the 20th century the Christian listeners were attending there), the cantors’ performances (which were initiated even before World War I) presenting synagogue music on “secular” stages, the appearances on the interwar stages of Jewish performers of folk and artistic songs, who were coming both from Eastern and Western Europe, and finally—the emergence of professionally organized environment of Jewish composers (the so-called “New Jewish School”), who aspired to take a place among other European national schools and whose works were promoted by professional publishing houses and concert agencies.3 The sources on which this article is based were collected during the study of three periodicals published in Prague: “Prager Tagblatt”,

2 “Zu jüdische Musik zählte man einfach alles, was irgendwie jüdisch war: die Musik von Komponisten jüdischer Abstammung, wie Mendelssohn, Halevy oder Meyerbeer, Werke jüdischen Charakters vie Mussorgski, Rimski-Korsakow oder Bałakiriew, jüdische Folklore verschiedenster Art, synagogale Musik, jüdische Operette, usw”. J. Nemtsov, Die Neue Jüdische Schule in der Musik, Wiesbaden 2004, p. 51. 3 It is mainly about the Viennese Universal Edition and its press organ “Musikblätter des Anbruch”, whose offer reached Prague as a satellite center in relation to Vienna.

116 Michał Jaczyński, The Presence of Jewish Music…

“Prager Presse” (both are in German, both had a democratic program and were open to the matters of Jewish circle) and a leading Czech musical magazine “Listy Hudební Matice”, which represented the soci- ety of professional Czech musicians who were active in Prague. These different sources are rather complementing each other, nor duplicating the information, and what is more important, they give us quite a broad picture of the issue, but far from the exhaustion. Ipso facto, the author treats this paper as a preliminary reconnaissance and focuses on the presentation of the sources itself. The comprehensive interpretation of their significance will only be possible after confronting the Prague’s findings with the materials concerning other centers: Vienna, Berlin or Budapest. There is no doubt that, as in the 19th century, the musical activity of Jewish circles in the interwar was international, and its basis was the circulation of people, works and ideas.

The “Open” Musical Activity of Synagogues

In the musical life of Prague, the leaders were these synagogues under which auspices the singing societies existed. In the field of organizing concerts dedicated both to Jewish society and the audience “from the city”, the great role—since the end of the 19th century—played Vinohrady Synagogue, where the Czech-language Jews attended. In the years 1922–1939, the main cantor in this synagogue was Šaje Sud, while the conductor of the Jewish choir was Erich Wachtel—the gradu- ate of the German conservatory in Prague who was considered as the leading proponent of Jewish music in the capital on the Vltava river. Each year, Vinohrady Synagogue organized open concerts to the cos- mopolitan listeners. As we know from the preserved correspondence of Sud, on his ordinance during these concerts the performers were singing in languages understandable for the wide audience—in Czech and German (instead of Yiddish).4 The concerts open for non-Jewish audience were organized also by the Synagogue in Karlin (Karolinenthaler Synagoge), the Maisel Synagogue (Meisselssynagoge) and the Jerusalem Synagogue. The

4 The letter is dated at 12th of November 1926. [online] http://www.praha2.cz/Stopy- -Zidu-v-Praze-2.html [accessed: 13.03.2017].

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festive Passover concerts from Jerusalem Synagogue were broadcasted by the Radio Prague in 1930s. From 1929, the institution on the name Beth-Haam became a center of Jewish culture movement. Numerous concerts and lectures in the field of Jewish music took place there. In the spring of 1930, the symphonic orchestra and the choir were established in Beth-Haam. The activity of the orchestra turned out to be ephemeral, but the choir survived until 1938. From 1933, the ensemble was conducted by Erich Wachtel; both synagogue music, Jewish folk songs and secular pieces—mostly by Felix Mendelssohn, Salomon Rossi and other composers of Jewish origin—were in its repertoire. In May 1934, Wachtel and his choir performed the first concert defined as “open” (“öffentliches Konzert”) in the prestigious hall of the Lucerna Palace, which is placed in the very center of Prague on the Wenceslas Square.5 A set of musical pieces by Salomon Rossi, Mendelssohn and Palestinian folk songs arranged for the piano were presented. The courteous gesture—very distinctive for the multicultural atmosphere of Prague—was made during the evening: Hallelujah by František Škroup, the composer regarded as a father of Czech national music and the author of music to the Czech’s anthem Kde domov muj, was added to the concert program. By performing this song, the Jewish musicians paid tribute to Tomasz Masaryk, who was already elected again for the post of President of Czechoslovakia. One year later, in the Hall of Lucerna the following open concert of Jewish music—thanks to the efforts of Erich Wachtel—took place. The audience heard a famous work entitledServizio sacro (Avodath Hakodesh) by , as well as the Cantata Op. 103 by to the texts from The Book of Psalms.6 The third open concert of Jewish liturgical music took place in Prague in February 1936.7 As a main soloist appeared Max Kriener, a famous performer of Jewish songs. From the short review published in “Prager Presse” we learn that some “treasures of synagogue music” were performed during the evening. In December 1936, Erich Wachtel organized the performance of oratorio Elias by Mendelssohn in the most elegant concert location in Czech—Smetana Hall. The last open choral event, which took place

5 Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 06.05.1934, p. 7. 6 O. B[aum]., Musikalische Uraufführungen, “Prager Presse” 04.04.1935, p. 8. 7 Kunstchronik, “Prager Presse” 28.02.1936, p. 8.

118 Michał Jaczyński, The Presence of Jewish Music… under the supervision of Beth-Haam, was a concert of Jewish Singing Association “Juwal” in May 1938. It is known that a part of the program were “Palestinian choruses”.8

The Reception of Works by New Jewish School in Music

In the interwar period, the musical works of composers who declared themselves as representatives of the so-called “New Jewish School” in music reached Prague. The group was created just after the first World War in Vienna, and was established mostly by the Jewish artists who had emigrated from Russia. They were aspiring to create a modern Jewish national school in music. The main ideologists of the movement were: a cellist Joachim Stutschewsky, and a pianist, pedagogue—working in Vienna, but born in Warsaw—Juliusz Wolfsohn. The last mentioned musician arrived in Prague for the first time in 1922, when he performed his own composition Paraphrases On Old Jewish Folk Songs.9 The artist made also this musical piece a part of his following concert, which took place in December 1924.10 Two years later, Wolfsohn presented in Prague his next work—Hebrew Rhapsody, which was stylistically influenced by Jewish folk songs.11 Just before the concert, this musical piece had been published by the Viennese famous publishing house—Universal Edition, which was at that time interested in publishing works of mod- ern composers of different nationalities, among others Slavs and Jews. Until 1931—thus until this eminent company was threatened with the bankruptcy because of the world economic crisis, and in the result it stopped publishing new pieces—it was fulfilling, by its media campaigns, the role of the main promoter of Jewish music in the mainstream of music culture. In the concert life of Prague, as in the music culture of other European countries, mainly those works by composers of New Jewish School were performed that had been published by Universal before. Thanks to the activity of this company, the next meeting of Prague audience with the modern professional Jewish music took place

8 Konzerte, “Prager Presse” 17.05.1938, p. 9. 9 Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 03.03.1922, p. 5. 10 E. R[ychnowsky]., Konzerte. Klavierabend Juliusz Wolfsohn, “Prager Tagblatt” 04.12.1924, p. 7. 11 V. P., Konzerte, “Prager Tagblatt” 26.03.1926, p. 6.

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during the ISCM World New Music Days in 1924. The work by Ernest Bloch, Psalm for and orchestra became a part of the program and was performed by the orchestra of Czech Philharmonic conducted by Vaclav Talich.12 In the following years, the instrumental and vocal- instrumental pieces by Bloch—who was considered as a leading rep- resentative of Jewish school—were performed quite often. However, differently than in Vienna or Warsaw, where only his popular small chamber pieces were played, the audience in Prague heard cantatas and orchestral works. Already in 1925, Czech musicians gathered in the group “Spolek pro moderni hudbu” organized the performance of Sonata for and piano by Bloch.13 Additionally, in 1929 his Psalms No. 114 and No. 137 for soprano and orchestra were conducted by Oskar Nedbal in the Czech Philharmonic.14 The same musical pieces became a part of subscription concerts of Czech Philharmonic in the spring of season 1930/1931. At the same time, Hebrew Songs by Maurice Ravel and Hebrew Rhapsody “Shelomo” for cello and orchestra by Bloch were introduced as novelties to the concert programs of Radiojournal.15 In September 1930, String Quartet by Bloch was performed very often on a series of concerts of Ceske Spolku pro Komorni Hudbu. This work, as well as other Bloch’s musical piece, , was built into the repertoire of the Prague Quartet.16 The great opportunity for the Prague audience to explore works of the New Jewish School were also guest performances of soloists and cham- ber ensembles. In 1923, the concert of Rhenish Quartet took place; this ensemble came to Prague for the invitation of the synagogue choir from Vinohrady and for this reason added to its program a work based on the Hebrew melodies—String Quartet “Hebraicon” by Paul (Jean Paul) Ertel.17 Subsequent chapters of the Jewish music’s presence on the Prague concert stages are linked to the activity of Frank Pollak—the pianist and composer, graduate of the German conservatory in Prague. In 1930,

12 See: Interational Society for Contemporary Music, [online] http://www.iscm.org/ activities/wmds/iscm-wmd-1924-prague-salzburg [accessed: 10.03.2017]. 13 Z hudebniho zivota ceskoslovenskeho, “Listy Hudební Matice” 1929, No. 2, p. 61. 14 bv, Z hudebniho zivota ceskoslovenskeho, “. Listy Hudební Matice” 1929, No. 4, p. 150. 15 Z hudebniho zivota ceskoslovenskeho, “Tempo. Listy Hudební Matice” 1931, No. 6, p. 207. 16 Ibid. 17 E. R[ychnowsky]., Konzert des Rheinischen Streichquartetts, “Prager Tagblatt” 30.10.1923, p. 8.

120 Michał Jaczyński, The Presence of Jewish Music… he participated in the “Evening of Jewish Art” organized in the Hall of Beth-Haam. The evening had a propaganda character, and musical performances were settings for the exhibition of Jewish visual arts.18 December 18, 1934, the concert of young Jewish composers active in Prague (Konzert junger Prager jüdischen Komponisten) was held by Frank Pollak in the French Institute. There were presented works by Walter Süskind, M[ieczysław]. Kolinski, Berthold Kobias, Hermann Weiss and also Frank Pollak.19 The following composers’ concerts organized by Pollak had no Jewish label—e.g. in 1936, the “Evening of young Prague composers”20 and the “Chamber concert of Czech composers” took place. In late 30s, the Jewish music was represented mostly by the musical pieces of , Ernest Bloch and Joachim Stutschewsky, who were promoted by the Universal Edition Publishing House, at this time those works were already recorded and broadcasted by the radio stations in the whole of Europe. Unknown string pieces by Bloch and Achron were presented in Prague by Lea Lipszyc (Lubszyc/ Luboszyc—this famous artist was formerly a student of Emil Młynarski in Odessa) during her recital, which was held in March 1936;21 at the end of October 1937 the American violinist, Jacques Margolies, performed the unknown piece of Bloch,22 while in February 1938 the Swiss cellist Regina Schein (the wife of Joachim Stutschewsky) played works by Achron and her husband.23 A few presentations of instrumental pieces by Jewish composers living in USSR, like Aleksandr Veprik or Samuel Feinberg, occurred as part of Soviet composers’ concerts which were organized quite frequently in Prague.

Jewish Synagogue, Folk and Artistic Songs in the Concert Halls of Prague

Prague familiarized with the art of performing Jewish songs even before World War I—in the years 1910-1912, the concert singer from Berlin and favourite of the audience of the whole of Europe, Leo Gollanin,

18 Abend jüdischer Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 21.10.1930, p. 8. 19 W. S[eidl]., Konzert jüdischen Komponisten, “Prager Tagblatt” 20.12.1934, p. 6. 20 W. S[eidl]., Abend junger Prager Komponisten, “Prager Tagblatt” 27.03 1936, p. 8. 21 Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 1.04 1936, p. 5; Der Tag in Prag, “Prager Presse” 30.03.1936, p. 8. 22 Der Tag in Prag, “Prager Presse” 27.10.1937, p. 7. 23 o.b. [O. Baum], Bühne und Musik. Konzert Regina Schein, “Prager Presse” 13.02.1938, p. 7.

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performed here with great success. In 1920, Max Kriener—a singer from Leipzig—appeared in Prague for the first time. After the war, he specialized in Jewish vocal repertoire (in 1923, Jewish songs performed by him enriched the propaganda movie about the Jews, which was pro- duced in Vienna and entitled Opfer des Hasses—“Victims of Hatred”, dir. Hans Marschal). In the program of Kriener’s concert, which was held in the leading Prague entertainment hall Uranie, the audience heard Eastern Jewish folk songs in Yiddish.24 In 1921, another concert of Max Kriener took place; in the advertisement published in “Prager Tagblatt” it was noted that it had been the first concert of Jewish songs in Prague open to the wide audience.25 At the end of this year, it was possible to hear the Jewish folk songs in Prague, performed by a baritone from the Kyiv Opera, Lew Jefimowicz Karenin,26 while at the beginning of 1922—by Boris Matufis, who was associated with the St. Petersburg Conservatory.27 We can mention that at the moment of Matufis’s con- cert, at the Mozarteum—where this evening was held—the first Prague exhibition of graphics by Jewish artist took place. In October 1923, Jakob Lehrmann, introduced in the press as a Russian main cantor and a concert singer, had his recital in the aforementioned concert hall.28 From the second half of the 1920s, the increasing number of concerts of Jewish folk songs as a part of the activity of Jewish artists from the Western Europe can be noticed. This phenomenon can be considered as a reflection of the increased interests in a folk song as the numer- ous performers of these concerts specialized in the so called “mixed programs”, combining Jewish songs with songs of different nations, especially Slavic (Polish, Russian). Other artists gathered only Jewish songs (both folk and artistic ones) in their programs. The distinct kind of performing were concerts of cantors who presented the religious repertoire, combining it sometimes with folk songs. In February 1926, the Bratislava cantor, composer, famous collector and researcher of Hebrew music Josef Kijewski appeared in Prague; he gave a lecture entitled “Old Hebrew musical pieces” (“Althebräische Musikwerke”) in the Hall Urania. As a part of the lecture, the performance of earlier

24 Ostjüdischer Liederabend Max Kriener, “Prager Tagblatt” 14.12.1920, p. 6. 25 “zum erstenmal auf diesem Gebiete vor die Öffentlichkeit treten”. Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 01.01.1921, p. 7. 26 Ibid. 27 Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 14.01.1922, p. 6; ibid. 21.01.1922, p. 6. 28 Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 30.09.1923, p. 10.

122 Michał Jaczyński, The Presence of Jewish Music… discussed musical pieces took place. The soloists were two main can- tors: Frankl from Vienna and Alter from Hannover.29 In early June of the same year, Raval Stromfeld, who had been unknown to the local audience, arrived in Prague. He combined the presentation of Jewish folk songs with his rendition of 2 Hebrew Songs Op. 15 by ; moreover, he gave a speech on the psychology of Jewish po- etry.30 In February 1928, the main cantor from Karlsbad, M. Perlman, came to Prague with a concert of Jewish songs. He performed religious (Chasidic) and folk songs. The concert took place in Mozarteum and gained—as the reviewer of “Prager Tagblatt” reported—warm reception from the audience.31 In the winter season of 1929, three evenings of Jewish songs took place: Josef Ringel’s (the artist was introduced as a folk singer),32 Alexius Drach’s (the main cantor of Jerusalem Synagogue),33 and Max Feder’s (the main cantor from Marienbad).34 Jewish female singers also took advantage of the popularity of Jewish folk songs in Prague. In March 1929, Hilda Dulinskaya arrived in the capital of Czechoslovakia. She sang in the Stock Exchange House, where concerts were organized very often at that time.35 After her, in March 1931, the Polish star of Vienna stages and movies, Dela Lipinskaya, arrived in Prague. Her first concert was held in the Hall of Beth-Haam and contained a set of theatre scenes, Jewish, Polish and Russian folk songs, as well as early German songs and French chansons.36 The following performances of Dela Lipinskaya took place in March 1933, in April 1934, in January 1935 and in October 1937. Unfortunately, the programs of concerts from the years 1936-1937 were not noted in the press. From the review of Dela Lipinskaya’s performance, which was held in 1935, we find out that its program was politicized, as the artist presented—apart from early and folk songs—the poems of Kurt Tucholski, an iconic journalist of Berlin, who was manifesting his anti-Nazi attitude; however, in the opinion of the critic from “Prager Presse” “[Lipinskaya] is not making politics, she gains the satirical

29 Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 18.02.1926, p. 6. 30 p., Judischer Liederabend Raval Stromfeld, “Prager Tagblatt” 04.06.1926, p. 6. 31 Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 04.02.1928, p. 7. 32 Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 12.02.1929, p. 7. 33 Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 20.01.1929, p. 8. 34 Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 06.04.1929, p. 8. 35 Jüdisches Konzert Hilda Dulinskaja, “Prager Tagblatt” 12.03.1929, p. 6. 36 Ein Abend jüdischer Lieder und Figurinnen, “Prager Tagblatt” 02.03.1931.

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impact by mocking of this, what—in a common sense—is worthy of ridicule”.37 In February 1933, the next female singer with a Slavic Name— Sarah Tomaschoff—debuted in Prague. It was none other than Frank Pollak who accompanied her during the show, the program of which contained the arrangements of religious songs. The following concert with the participation of Frank Pollak as a pianist, who was this time cooperating with the singer Irene Zoltay, took place in Beth-Haam in April 1933.38 In February 1934, Segal-Rosenbach, one of the best performers of Jewish songs (but also a musicologist) had his recital in the Mozarteum Hall. Not surprisingly, this event was initiated by Frank Pollak. The singer presented Hebrew, Palestinian, Arabic-Yemenite and folk (i.e. Central European in Yiddish) songs in the arrangement of S. Alman, Rosowski-Seira, M. Milner, J. Achron and W. Binder. The concert reached a little press note in “Listy Hudební Matice”39 where we can find the information that its program was complemented by few piano pieces of Joachim Stutschewsky as well as the composition of Joel Engel, the title of which unfortunately did not come out. To complement our narration, we should also mention that the “jargon” songs were part of the recital of different nations’ folk songs, which was presented by Dutch artist Lisbet Sanders in November 1935.40 In the late 30s, female singers performing Jewish songs as a part of pro- grams consisting folk songs of different nations appeared several more times in Prague. In 1937, three evenings of this kind took place—two of them (in spring and in autumn) were concerts of Engel Lund, the artist from Iceland,41 one—of Sarah Goldstein, described in the press as a Romanian singer. Goldstein gave the next performance in Prague in February 1938 in the City Library. It was—as “Prager Presse” men- tioned—her last concert in Europe before she emigrated to America.42

37 “Sie politisiert nicht, aber sie ruft durch Verulkung des dem gesunden Menschenverstand ulkig Erscheinenden nachhaltige satirische Wirkungen hervor”. Kulturchronik, “Prager Presse” 16.01.1935, p. 7. 38 Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 23.03.1933, p. 7. 39 (fb),Koncerty , “Listy Hudební Matice” 1934, No. 7, p. 263. 40 jbk, Koncerty, “Tempo. List pro Hudební kulturu”, 1935, No. 4, p. 44. 41 O. B[aum], Bühne und Musik, “Prager Presse” 21.10.1937, p. 8. 42 Sarah Goldstein, “Prager Presse” 05.02.1938, p. 5.

124 Michał Jaczyński, The Presence of Jewish Music…

Jewish Musical Theater

It would be no exaggeration to say that in the interwar period the Jewish theater gained as great popularity as Jewish songs. The local and visiting troupes presenting this kind of art usually performed in hotels and cafés (mainly in Café Aschermann, which played the role of Jewish stage “willingly welcoming the guests”43); however, at the be- ginning of 1922, the series of performances of American-Jewish theater troupe—well known from its shows at Jewish stages in Prague-Karlín and in Vienna—was announced to take place in the biggest public entertainment hall of Prague—Urania. The group presented Jewish operettas, famous play The Dybbuk, songs and dances.44 In February 1922, an amateur group Haor arrived in Prague; it was founded in 1879 by the well-known Jewish poet Abraham Goldfaden in the most Jewish—in the view of the reporter of “Prager Tagblatt”—corner of Europe, Jassy in Carpathian Ruthenia.45 Before arriving in Prague, the artists visited Slovakia, where for the first time they were allowed to play their repertoire in Yiddish and Hebrew (what had been for- bidden before 1918 in Hungary, a part of which Slovakia was at that time). The above-mentioned author described the troupe as amateurs, but having an experience in cooperation with the professional theatre (Max Reinhardt’s experimental theater of Berlin was named). What is important, he also assured his readers that the audience coming to the performances of the group were not only Jews. Haor had dramatic plays in its repertoire, composed by both Jewish and worldwide authors (e.g. Henrik Ibsen), evenings of songs, operettas and even operas. In 1924, on the small stage of Neues Deutsches Theater (German the- atre, which was hosting both dramatic and opera productions) a series of guest performances of the prominent Moscow group “Habimah” took place. They were founded in 1917 by Nachum Zemach and Menahem Gnessin, and functioned from 1918 under the auspices of none other than Konstanty Stanisławski. The Moscow guests presented speaking plays (Höre, Israel, Der Gott, der Rache), plays with music (Der Golem 43 “Gäste willkommen”—“guests welcomed willingly”—those words were part of the announcement of O. Donat‘s lecture entitled “From the History of Prague Jews” (Aus der Geschichte der Prager Juden), which took place in Prague in 1934 (Vorträge, “Prager Tagblatt” 08.12.1934, p. 7). 44 Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 15.12.1921, p. 6. 45 Dr Stefanecky, Haor. Judisches Theater auf Tournée, “Prager Tagblatt” 20.01.1922, p. 7.

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von Prag, defined as a “musical legend”) and the operetta Sulamit by Goldfaden. The invited non-Jewish audience was assured before the show that the repertoire would be presented in a “mitigated” stage jargon to let the listeners understand the lyrics.46 The same thing was promised few months later, when the Artistic Jewish Stage (Jüdische Künstlerbühne) started performing theater scenes written by popular Jewish (Goldfaden, Hirschbein, Schalom Asch, Scholem Aleichem etc.) and European (among others Gogol) authors in café Aschermann: “The actors speak in easily understandable jargon”47 (it was, of course, understandable to the German-speaking listeners). The following “Habimah”’s performance took place in autumn of 1925 in the Hotel Palace; this time, the hits were such plays like Gott, Mensch und Teufel and Die weisse Sklavin which was described as a “picture from the Jewish life” (“jüdisches Lebensbild”).48 The memorable event of Prague musical life was the Moscow group “Habimah”’s next series of performances in February 1928. This time, the group presented iconic plays, those that were admired and liked by the audience of the whole of Central Europe: The Dybbuk, Der Golem and Der ewige Jude; what needs to be added: with a very rich scenery and musical settings (as precise reconstruction of religious rituals, e.g. Jewish wedding).49 The “Habimah” visited Czechoslovakia two more times: in August 1934 and in January 1938. During the second tournée—which was organized just after its success on the World Exhibition in Paris in 1937, when the troupe was awarded with the gold medal—the heart of the program was again The Dybbuk.50

46 “Um Ihr Spiel einem weiteren Publikum verständlich zu machen, werden die Gäste einen gemilderten Bühnenjargon sprechen”. Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 18.09.1924, p. 7. 47 “Die Künstler sprechen […] in einem leicht verständlichen Jargon”. Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 22.04.1925, p. 7. 48 Bühne und Kunst. “Prager Tagblatt” 30.09.1925, p. 8. 49 M. B[rod]., Die Moskauer “Habimah”, “Prager Tagblatt” 25.02.1928, p. 7; id., Der Golem, “Prager Tagblatt” 26.02.1928, p. 7. 50 Habima-Gastspiel, “Prager Presse” 26.01.1938, p. 8.

126 Michał Jaczyński, The Presence of Jewish Music… Writing about Jewish Music

Most of the authors of books and press publications devoted to Jewish music (its presence and history) accessible in Prague of the interwar period were, in fact, created by local writers of Jewish origin. One of the most known and prominent of them was Max Brod—journalist, playwright and a composer-amateur, whose musical reviews, very often containing notes about Jewish spirituality, were published in “Prager Tagblatt” from 1924 to 1938. In 1923, by an effort made by the most im- portant Prague bookselling company “Orbis”, the collection of pre-war works by Brod was released. In this set entitled Sternenhimmel. Musik- und Theatererlebnisse51 (“Constellation. The Musical and Theatrical Experiences”), among others articles we can find the one dedicated to the father of dodecaphony and composer of Gurrelieder. Max Brod emphasizes there the issue of the dependence of Arnold Schönberg’s music from his “race”. The manner of author’s dealing with this matter is similar to his previous reflections on the Jewish element in music of Mahler, which were published before the war in the magazine “Der Jude” edited by Martin Buber, and then reprinted in “Musikblättler des Anbruch” in 1920. In the year 1923, the book of Paul Nettl (Jewish lawyer and musicologist, from 1927 an independent docent in the Institute of Musicology of the German University in Prague), enti- tled Alte jüdische Spielleute und Musiker52 (Old Jewish Buskers and Musicians) was published. In its introductory part, we can find a re- capitulation of typical views on the problem of “Jewish soul”, which were spreading out in Germany of that time. Nettl lights out the issue of leaving by Jews their cultural ghetto and the assimilation with the European culture. In further part of his dilatation, the author presents the history of music created for the synagogue by Jews from Italy and German-language countries; in this story, Nettl clearly highlights the leading role of Salomone Rossi and decides to devote much space of the book to show the output of this composer. The Prague citizens’ way of thinking about the Jewish music was distinctly influenced by the widely discussed—among others in the magazine “Tempo. Listy Hudební Matice”—article entitled K problému zidovske hudby by Nettl, which was published in the magazine of Prague Jewish community “Die

51 M. Brod, Sternenhimmel. Musik- und Theatererlebnisse, Prague 1923. 52 P. Nettl, Alte jüdische Spielleute und Musiker, Prague 1923.

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Wahrheit”, containing the historical overview of the forms of Jewish music’s participation in the musical culture of Slavic from the Middle Ages to the 20th century and including important comments about the presence of Jewish influences in Polish and Czech folk music.53 The certain role in promoting Jewish music and spreading the knowledge about it played the above mentioned Czech-language musical magazine “Listy Hudební Matice” (from 1928: “Tempo. Listy Hudební Matice”; from 1934: “Tempo. List pro Hudební Kulturu”), edited by Boleslav Vomacek and Stanislav Hanus, and from 1934 by Jaroslav Tomasek. However, it should be mentioned that the magazine, which was an actual voice of the society of Czech musicians (formally it belonged to the publishing house Hudební matice Umělecké besedy in Prage) focused rather on the activity of Czech musical institutions, not the events organized by the closed Jewish circles. Thus, it was possible to read in “Listy Hudební Matice” about the performances of works by composers who belonged to the New Jewish School in music, as well as to find announcements of newly published Jewish musical pieces. A benevolent attitude of the editorial staff to the “Jewish matter” can be confirmed by the publication from February 1926—an extensive article by Jaroslav Vogel, Zidovstvi v moderni hudbe.54 The author not only considered the position of Jewish composers in European music and declared a desire to study the issue of Jewish influences on a new Czechoslovak music, but he also expressed the hope that the music of artists affiliated with a New Jewish School would soon put down the roots in Prague, and that the new Czechoslovak music should derive from its attitudes so as to face the challenge to create its own national school in the nearest future. The issues concerning Jewish music showed up also in the daily German-language press, mostly in single articles on the history of music, e.g. the role of music in the Bible, or the impact of Jewish composers on the modern European music. What is more, Richard Wagner’s position on Jewish music was also discussed several times. After Hitler came to power, both German- and Czech-language magazines were trying to track and stigmatize the acts of oppression and discrimination against Jewish musicians in Europe. The rising of Jewish musical culture in Palestine also became a matter of concern.

53 Lch [Lovenbach], O cem se pise, “Listy Hudebni Matice” 1926, No. 5, p. 15. 54 J. Vogel, Zidovstvi v moderni hudbe, “Listy Hudebni Matice” 1926, No. 5.

128 Michał Jaczyński, The Presence of Jewish Music…

Finally, the luck of a language barrier resulted in the fact that not only local publishing houses, but also those from Vienna and Germany (e.g. Berlin, Munich), had an influence on the awareness of common readers from Prague in the field of “Jewish matter” in music; it applies to books, music publishing (including religious and school songbooks) and record releases—in the interwar period the foreign editions were in a constant use, which could be evidenced by the rich musical col- lection of the Library of Jewish Museum in Prague.

***

As it has been already highlighted, the material presented in this paper is a result of the preliminary reconnaissance. In order to explore the problem of the participation of Jewish music in the general culture of the interwar Prague comprehensively, it would be necessary to exam- ine also the contents of Czech-language daily newspapers, browse the archives of musical institutions and radio broadcasts. However, all facts collected so far by the author of this article complement our knowledge of the musical life in Prague, show us its diversity and richness as well as the variety of Jewish musical art, which has been presented with the aim to cross this formerly closed and tight borders of diaspora, guarded once by both Jewish and non-Jewish music creators, critics, concert organizers and listeners. The more petite facts of musical life we know, the closer we are to the answer to fundamental question about the most significant determinant of Jewish music’s dissemination beyond the diaspora. If this “hidden factor” was simply a market mechanism (e.g. the result of demands for the Jewish element, considered as an “exotic” by non-Jewish music lovers), or maybe we should consider this process as more profound—what Leonid Sabaneyev, Russian musicologist and composer, suggested already in the late 1920s55—as a step towards the acquisition of “Jewish self-awareness”? Is to be hoped that further study on Central European music culture of the interwar period will enable us to find an unequivocal answer.

55 L. Sabaneyev, The Jewish National School in Music, “Musical Quarterly” 1929, vol. XV, No. 3, pp. 448-468.

129 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

Abstract

The interbellum was a period when the spontaneous popularity of Jewish music was born. Its expansion in the area of general culture coincided with the rise of a strong institutional and media backing for the musical activities (which means that this music had to have a market value), and on the other hand—with the revival of the na- tional Jewish movement in its various ideological forms, all of which acknowledged a significant role for fostering their own culture. At that time, Prague was the third most important (after Vienna and Berlin) center of Jewish culture in Central Europe, and it strongly influenced the neighboring centers such as Bratislava, Budapest, or—the closest to the author of this abstract—Warsaw. In this paper, various aspects of the Jewish music’s presence in the general musical life of the interwar Prague are being discussed, namely: the open musical activity of Jewish organizations and synagogues, Jewish instrumental and choral music, as well as Jewish songs (synagogal, folk and artistic) performed in the concert halls of Prague, the activity of the group of young Jewish com- posers (among others: Walter Süskind, Mieczysław Kolinski, Berthold Kobias, Hermann Weiss and Frank Pollak) who formed the so-called “New Jewish School” in music, and finally, writing about Jewish music.

Keywords

Jewish music, Jewish song, New Jewish School, musical life in Prague, interwar period

Abstrakt

Obecność muzyki żydowskiej w powszechnej kulturze muzycznej międzywojennej Pragi

Okres międzywojenny był czasem wielkiej popularności muzyki żydo­wskiej; jej ekspansja na grunt kultury ogólnoeuropejskiej łączyła się z rozwojem zaplecza instytucjonalnego dla działań kulturalnych, szczególnie zaś ruchu medialnego (co oznaczało, że muzyka zaczęła

130 Michał Jaczyński, The Presence of Jewish Music… mieć znacznie rynkowe), z drugiej zaś strony – z odradzaniem się ży- dowskiego ruchu narodowego, w jego różnorodnych ideologicznych odmianach, z których każda podkreślała ważną rolę wspierania i pro- mowania kultury niematerialnej, stanowiącej jeden z filarów tożsamości żydowskiej. W okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego Praga pełniła funkcję trzeciego co do znaczenia (po Wiedniu i Berlinie) ośrodka ży- dowskiej kultury muzycznej w Środkowej Europie, wywierała znaczny wpływ na inne centra kulturowe, takie jak Bratysława, Budapeszt, czy też najbliższa autorowi niniejszego tekstu – Warszawa. W artykule zaprezentowane zostały kolejno różnorodne aspekty obecności mu- zyki żydowskiej w tzw. powszechnym życiu muzycznym międzywo- jennej Pragi, wśród których wymienić należy: działalność muzyczną żydowskich organizacji oraz synagog, prezentacje żydowskiej muzyki instrumentalnej, chóralnej i pieśni (synagogalnej, ludowej i artystycznej) w praskich salach koncertowych, aktywność grupy młodych kompozy- torów żydowskich, czyli reprezentantów tzw. Nowej Szkoły Żydowskiej (m.in. Walter Süskind, Mieczysław Kolinski, Berthold Kobias, Hermann Weiss i Frank Pollak) oraz refleksje na temat muzyki żydowskiej obecną w publikacjach książkowych i na łamach prasy.

Słowa kluczowe muzyka żydowska, pieśń żydowska, nowa szkoła żydowska, życie mu- zyczne w Pradze, okres międzywojenny

Bibliography

Bohlman P. V., Jewish Music and Modernity, New York 2008. Brod M., Sternenhimmel. Musik- und Theatererlebnisse, Prague 1923. Nemtsov J., Die Neue Jüdische Schule in der Musik, Wiesbaden 2004. Nettl P., Alte jüdische Spielleute und Musiker, Prague 1923. Sabaneyev L., The Jewish National School in Music, “Musical Quarterly” 1929, vol. XV, No. 3, pp. 448-468.

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Press sources:

[Author unknown], Abend jüdischer Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 21.10.1930, p. 8. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 01.01.1921, p. 7. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 03.03.1922, p. 5. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 12.02.1929, p. 7. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 14.01.1922, p. 6. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 15.12.1921, p. 6. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 18.02.1926, p. 6. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 18.09.1924, p. 7. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 21.01.1922, p. 6. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 22.04.1925, p. 7. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 30.09.1925, p. 8. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 04.02.1928, p. 7. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 06.04.1929, p. 8. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 20.01.1929, p. 8. [Author unknown], Bühne und Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 30.09.1923, p. 10. [Author unknown], Der Tag in Prag, “Prager Presse” 30.03.1936, p. 8. [Author unknown], Der Tag in Prag, “Prager Presse” 27.10.1937, p. 7. [Author unknown], Ein Abend jüdischer Lieder und Figurinnen, “Prager Tagblatt” 02.03.1931. [Author unknown], Habima-Gastspiel, “Prager Presse” 26.01.1938, p. 8. [Author unknown], Jüdisches Konzert Hilda Dulinskaja, “Prager Tagblatt” 12.03.1929, p. 6. [Author unknown], Konzerte, “Prager Presse” 17.05.1938, p. 9. [Author unknown], Kulturchronik, “Prager Presse” 16.01.1935, p. 7. [Author unknown], Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 06.05.1934, p. 7. [Author unknown], Kunst, “Prager Tagblatt” 23.03.1933, p. 7. [Author unknown], Kunstchronik, “Prager Presse” 28.02.1936, p. 8. [Author unknown], Ostjüdischer Liederabend Max Kriener, “Prager Tagblatt” 14.12.1920, p. 6. [Author unknown], Sarah Goldstein, “Prager Presse” 05.02.1938, p. 5. [Author unknown], Vorträge, “Prager Tagblatt” 08.12.1934, p. 7. [Author unknown], Z hudebniho zivota ceskoslovenskeho, “Listy Hudebni Matice” 1929, No. 2, p. 61. [Author unknown], Z hudebniho zivota ceskoslovenskeho, “Tempo. Listy Hudebni Matice” 1931, No. 6, p. 207.

132 Michał Jaczyński, The Presence of Jewish Music…

B[aum]. O., Bühne und Musik, “Prager Presse” 21.10.1937, p. 8. [Baum O.] o.b., Bühne und Musik. Konzert Regina Schein, “Prager Presse” 13.02.1938, p. 7. B[aum]. O., Musikalische Uraufführungen, “Prager Presse” 04.04.1935, p. 8. [Brod M.], Der Golem, “Prager Tagblatt” 26.02.1928, p. 7. B[rod]. M., Die Moskauer “Habimah”, “Prager Tagblatt” 25.02.1928, p. 7. bv, Z hudebniho zivota ceskoslovenskeho, “Tempo. Listy Hudebni Matice” 1929, No. 4, p. 150. (fb), Koncerty, “Listy Hudebni Matice” 1934, No. 7, p. 263. jbk, Koncerty, “Tempo. List pro hudebni kulturu” 1935, No. 4, p. 44. Lch [Lovenbach], O cem se pise, ”Listy Hudebni Matice” 1926, No. 5, p. 15. p., Judischer Liederabend Raval Stromfeld, “Prager Tagblatt” 04.06.1926, p. 6. R[ychnowsky]. E., Konzert des Rheinischen Streichquartetts, “Prager Tagblatt” 30.10.1923, p. 8. R[ychnowsky]. E., Konzerte. Klavierabend Juliusz Wolfsohn, “Prager Tagblatt” 04.12.1924, p. 7. S[eidl]. W., Abend junger Prager Komponisten, “Prager Tagblatt” 27.03.1936, p. 8. S[eidl]. W., Konzert jüdischen Komponisten, “Prager Tagblatt” 20.12.1934, p. 6. Stefanecky, Haor. Judisches Theater auf Tournée, “Prager Tagblatt” 20.01.1922, p. 7. Vogel J., Zidovstvi v moderni hudbe, “Listy Hudebni Matice” 1926, No. 5. P[?]. V., Konzerte, “Prager Tagblatt” 26.03.1926, p. 6.

Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka

Jagiellonian University in Kraków

Musical Life of the Jewish Community in Interwar Galicia. The Problem of Identity of Jewish Musicians

Introduction

The current musicological literature is of view that it is necessary to choose only one identity for a particular musician, which is some- thing rooted probably in the nationalist idea. However, it does not take into account the historical, political, or social context, so this concept is definitely faulty. A prime example is the fact that the Polish musicological­ literature describes Jewish musicians engaged in Pol- ish musical life and working in Polish cultural institutions as Poles,1 while the Jewish musicological literature tries to claim that com- posers like Giacomo Meyerbeer, Jacques Halévy, Jacques Offenbach, Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy and as well as many 20th-century composers, e.g. , Ernst Bloch, Arnold Schönberg etc. as Jews.2 This way, all the authors try to convince of the high value of their national music culture.

1 Examples: E. Dziębowska, entry Lissa Zofia, in: Encyklopedia muzyczna PWM, vol. 5, ed. E. Dziębowska, Kraków 1997; Z. Helman, entry Bronisław Huberman, in: Encyklopedia muzyczna PWM, vol. 4, ed. E. Dziębowska, Kraków 1997; J. Weber, entry Gimpel Bronisław, in: Encyklopedia muzyczna PWM, vol. 3, ed. E. Dziębowska, Kraków 1987. 2 H. Avenary, B. Bayer, entry Music, in: Encyclopedia Judaica, vol. 14, ed. F. Skolnik, Jerusalem 2007; M. Brod, Israel’s Music, Tel-Aviv 1951; H. Fromm, On Jewish Music.

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In her work Jewish Identities: Nationalism, Racism, and Utopianism in Twentieth-Century Music Klára Móricz considers individually Schönberg’s and Bloch’s attitude towards their Jewish identity and resigns from unequivocal and simplified classifications. She draws attention to the complexity of the issue. The Karol Rathaus’ biographer Martin Schüssler presents the changing identities of the composer and does not provide clear answer to the question of Rathaus’ national identity. The identity of Józef Koffler as a Pole was constructed by his biographer Maciej Gołąb in the article Garść informacji o Józefie Kofflerze i jego rodzinie z ksiąg metrykalnych gminy żydowskiej w Stryju.3 However, Gołąb did not use any Jewish sources in his research that may have led him to different conclusions. In Polish musical historiography, the interest in this problem is also noticeable: in 2015, there was published a new lexicon entitled Jews in the Music Culture on the Polish Lands in 19th and 20th Century by Leon Tadeusz Błaszczyk.4 An inspiring look at the issue of Jewish national music culture can be seen in Esther Schmidt’s work Nationalism and the Creation of Jewish Music: The Politicization of Music and Language in the German-Jewish Press Prior to the Second World War. The author writes:

The formation of a specifically Jewish music, which was part of the Jewish national movement, originated in Eastern Europe around 1900 and became popular in Austria and Germany about two decades later. As such, the currently much-discussed notion of Jewish art or music is not a perennial, but needs to be considered in the contextual socio-political reality of the early twentieth century.5

A Composer’s View, USA 1978; P. Gradenwitz, Gustav Mahler and Arnold Schonberg, in: Contributions to a Historical Study of Jewish Music, USA 1976; I. Heskes, Passport to Jewish Music. Its History, Traditions, and Culture, New York, Maryland, Israel 1994; A. Knapp, entry Jewish music, in: The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 13, ed. S. Sadie, London 2001; Mahler and His World, ed. K. Painter, Princeton, New Jersey 2002; A. M. Rothmüller, The Music of the Jews. An Historical Appreciation, Cranbury, New Jersey 1975; E. Rubin, J. H. Baron, Music in Jewish History and Culture, Sterling Heights, Michigan 2006; D. M. Schiller, Bloch, Schoenberg, and Berstein. Assimilating Jewish Music, New York 2003; L. Stevens, Composers of Classical Music of Jewish Descent, London, Portland, Oregon 2003. 3 M. Gołąb, Garść informacji o Józefie Kofflerze i jego rodzinie z ksiąg metrykalnych gminy żydowskiej w Stryju, “Muzyka” 2007, No. 2. 4 L. T. Błaszczyk, Żydzi w kulturze muzycznej ziem polskich w XIX i XX wieku: słownik biograficzny, Warszawa 2014. 5 E. Schmidt, Nationalism and the Creation of Jewish Music: The Politicization of Music and Language in the German-Jewish Press Prior to the Second World War, “Musica Judaica” 2000-2001, No. 15.

136 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish…

Similarly, the discussion about Jewish musicians’ identity must in- clude the historical and socio-political conditions which affected the choices made by individual people and also should take into account the perspective of the whole Jewish community as well as ideologically diverse groups functioning within it.

Jewish Musical Environments: Assimilators, Liberals, Nationalists and Socialists

Diversification of the Jewish worldview led to a division of traditional and essentially homogeneous culture into separate fractions. This divi- sion happened over the course of several generations, beginning with integration and, among the more radical, assimilation. Integration was a part of the Haskalah movement which appeared in Germany at the end of the 18th century. Moses Mendelssohn (grandfather of Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy) and others promoters of the Jewish Enlight- enment advanced integration of the Jews into European society. They recommended their coreligionists blend into non-Jewish environment by using the same language, dressing up in a similar way, adapting the rules and customs conventional in the public sphere. Galician Jews eager to integrate into Austrian society in Galicia abandoned Yiddish for German, were educated in German culture, and became part of the Austrian and German artistic environment. In the mid-19th century, the political view here was pro-Austrian. On the basis of Haskalah ideals, radical Reform Judaism was cre- ated. Synagogue liturgy was shortened and, in some cases, abandoned completely. They introduced sermons in German, and in many instan­ ces employed the organ on Sabbath and Holidays and most radically mixed-gender choirs; these more radical reformers changed the music of the liturgy which henceforth became shorter, simpler (excess of ornaments, repetitions of words, long coloraturas were abandoned) and similar to Protestant chorale.6 Integration opened the public sphere for Jews. Professionally edu- cated Jewish musicians joined in the work of European music institu- tions and local concert life. Musical life of Europe was enriched by

6 M. Edelman, Discovering Jewish Music, Philadelphia 2003; H. Fromm, op. cit.; A. M. Rothmüller, op. cit.; E. Rubin, J. H. Baron, op. cit.; E. Werner, A Voice Still Heard…: The Sacred Songs of the Ashkenazic Jews, University Park and London 1976.

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musicians like Giacomo Meyerbeer, Jacques Halévy, Jacques Offenbach, Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy and Gustav Mahler. Galician Jewry at- tempted to imitate the new Western European music and adapted the so-called “Vienna Rite,” a conservative reform that preserved Jewish prayer both textually and musically, which was the liturgical music of Salomon Sulzer. A generation later, they would adopt also the music of Louis Lewandowski from Berlin, and Samuel Naumbourg of Paris. They spoke German, were educated in German culture, cooperated with the Austrian and German artistic environment. Until the mid-19th century the direction of both integration and assimilation here was pro-Austrian. The turn towards Polish culture took place in the 1860s. Since 1863, Krakow Jews organized Polish patriotic celebrations in Temple Synagogue. On such occasions, they held a solemn service that in- cluded organ and choirs, a patriotic sermon, and singing patriotic anthems. There were also patriotic academies with Polish literature and music.7 In the 1880s, the Association “Agudas Achim” (“Convenant of Brothers”) was established. Its members were Jews from Lvov, Krakow and some other Galician cities where they promoted the idea of national unification of Polish and Jewish nations. They used a special anthem Boże, coś Judę to call for brotherhood of Poles and Jews. The song was a contrafactum of the famous Polish patriotic anthem, Boże, coś Polskę. Lasting impact of the assimilation movement was noticable in many spheres of social life of Galician Jews in the interwar period. The assimi­lators considered themselves as Poles of Jewish faith or of Jewish origin. They spoke Polish, published Jewish press in Polish, worked in Polish institutions, lived in Polish quarters of Galician cities, felt the heirs of Polish culture. However, as Ezra Mendelsohn noted: “The Jews who were accul- turated, who claimed to be of Polish nationality were by no means

7 A. Maślak-Maciejewska, Wydarzenia patriotyczne organizowane w synagodze Tempel w Krakowie, in: Synagoga Tempel i środowisko krakowskich Żydów postę­ powych, ed. M. Galas, Kraków-Budapest 2012; id., Działalność Towarzystwa Agudas Achim i jego związki z synagogami postępowymi we Lwowie i Krakowie, “Kwartalnik Historii Żydów” 2014, No. 1; id., The Association of Progressive Jews in Kraków and its Synagogue in the Last Quarter of the 19th Century, “Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia” 2015, vol. 13; id., Z dziejów judaizmu w XIX-wiecznym Krakowie – tożsamość, poglądy religijne i instytucje środowiska Żydów postępowych, PhD dissertation, Jagiellonian University 2015.

138 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish… completely assimilated”.8 There were two reasons why total assimilation was impossible. The first one lays in the national idea itself. Ethnic, cultural, religious distinctiveness did not allow full unification of two nations. The national concept emphasized the differences between “nations”, it did not serve to unite them. Most Poles and Polish Jews were convinced that the social experiment would be the failure of the assimilators. The second reason lays in the utopian conviction that such a large Jewish community would renounce its own identity. As Leo Strauss noted, assimiliation can include individual people, but not the whole community.9 In order to overcome these obstacles and become a full-fledged members of the European society, Galician Jews rejected the idea of assimilation for liberal and national ones. Liberal ideas assumed cooperation of all the members of the society in the public life and preservation of groups’ distinctness in the private sphere. Jewish liberals regarded their community as an ethnic group and mantained that there was no need to transform it into political one, i.e. nation. As Tomasz Gąsowski characterized this group: “Their pur- pose was that Jews would be non-adjectival citizen of the country of residence”.10 Liberal Jews, inspired by the ideals of the French Revolution, were also expected to be non-religious and to base their culture solely on secular values. Acceptance of liberal attitudes allowed Jewish musi- cians to engage fully in the public life and relieved their necessity to define or manifest their national or religious identity. By exempting themselves from religious duties and obligations they could get work in any musical environment or genre. They were no longer subject to state’s cultural policy, service to the nation or religious law. However, as Strauss rightly observes, the freedom of the different groups in the private sphere always results in divisions: “liberal society necessarily makes possible, permits, and even fosters […] discrimination”.11 These differences are then reflected in public activities of members

8 E. Mendelsohn, Żydzi Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w okresie międzywojennym, Warszawa 1992, p. 56. 9 L. Strauss, Why We Remain Jews: Can Jewish Faith and History Still Speak to Us?, A lecture given on February 4, 1962 at the B’nai B’rith Hillel Foundation of the University of Chicago [online] https://issuu.com/bouvard6/docs/leo_strauss_-___ why_we_remain_jews_ [accessed: 09.08.2017]. 10 T. Gąsowski, Między gettem a światem. Dylematy ideowe Żydów galicyjskich na przełomie XIX i XX wieku, Kraków 1996, p. 95. 11 L. Strauss, op. cit.

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of the liberal society and some distinctive features of their repertoire (both performed and composed). Some similarities to the liberal idea can be found also in socialist one, especially in social democracy promulgated by the “Bund”—to some extent popular in the interwar Galicia. The perfect Bundist was defined as a

Yiddish-speaking, informally educated, with socialist views and proud of his secular Jewish heritage, but also non-religious, cosmopolitan, very progres- sive and what is not less important, determined to change their environment, but not to emigrate (unlike the Zionists).12

Concepts of Bundists combined some ideas of socialists, liberals and nationalists. They were meant to be a way of survival of Jews in European diaspora. Socialism was treated as the way to equate the Jews with other nations. Liberalism was to serve as a promotion of non-religious but common values and cultural unification. Linguistic distinctiveness and preservation of Jewish cultural heritage, even only partially, were the way to save Jewish identity. The cultural policy of the Bundists were subordinate to their world- view. The influence of socialism was visible in the establishment of the calendar of festivals and anniversaries solemnly celebrated by the members of this movement. Among them, there were events connected with the French Revolution, anniversaries of deaths of the movement leaders and annually celebrated International Workers’ Day. The goals of Jewish and other labourers were the theme of the songs performed during ceremonies. Many melodies were created on the model of the labourers’ song with characteristic marching rhythm and simple melody, easy to perform by a crowd of workers. The presence of the liberal idea was noticeable in using and composing “universal” melo- dies, not connected with any national culture. During the concerts of Jewish labourers music organizations, the classical repertoire was also performed. To express the attachment to the territory of diaspora and

12 M. Kozłowska, Wandering Jews: camping culture and Jewish socialist youth in interwar Poland, “Jewish Culture and History” 2015, No. 3, p. 246.

140 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish…

Jewish cultural heritage, Bundists used Yiddish folk songs which were the core of their repertoire. The most radical form of the Jewish national idea was Zionism. The Zionists considered the Jews as a distinct nation and sought to unite dispersed Jewish communities. They postulated establishment of the Jewish State in Palestine and they also attempted to create the one na- tional culture, partially by adopting Hebrew. They sought inspiration from ancient Jewish culture, depreciating value of Jewish culture in diaspora. They were interested just in the ancient traces in local tunes. That is why as a model for the new national music they indicated a folk repertoire of Middle Eastern Jewry, where the ancient traditions were the most audible. They also proclaimed the use of Hebrew language. They exchanged the Yiddish cultural topos for the new “Hebrew” ones, often derived from Bible stories. Under the influence of Zionist idea, the same was made in music—the traditions of European diaspora which initially inspired the composers of Jewish National School in music were exchanged for the “new Hebrew tradition”. However, the most radical reforms were not carried out in prewar Europe. Living in diaspora was treated by Zionists as a stage of preparing for life in the future Jewish State. In the Polish Parliament, there was discussion about establishment of national-cultural autonomy for Jews. This autonomy would have created conditions for administrative, social and artistic experiments before settling in the Jewish State. Although this plan was not implemented, Galician Jews ran a network of their own institutions. Thus, in agreement with the authorities, the foundations of national life were built in the diaspora. Importantly, the idea of Jewish national emancipation grew up on the ground of European national thought and succeeded the failure of integrationists. Still, national- -cultural autonomy was strongly rooted in European philosophy, history and culture. As the Zionists themselves explained:

the Palestinian idea couldn’t be succeed without resolute following European civilization which is leading in the world.13

13 T. Gąsowski, op. cit., p. 85.

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In Search of the Identity of Individual Musicians

Because of this fragmentation within the Jewish world, it can be difficult to classify a particular person as assimilator, liberal, nationalist or socialist. As previously mentioned, there has frequently been a tendency both in Jewish and Polish musical circles to see certain musicians as their own. Fragmentation within the Jewish world at the time meant further subdi- vision made labeling a Jewish composer more difficult. Moreover, there were subdivisions within these four basic philosophies that complicate the issue further leading not only to claims of Jewishness but also of political affiliations.14 This is further complicated that musicians simply played where they chose to and rarely on the basis of affiliation alone. The musicological literature defined musicians like Bronisław Gimpel, Bronisław Huberman, Józef Koffler, Stanisław Lipski as Poles without mentioning their Jewish background. All of them were educated in Polish institutions, worked for Polish institutions, and were engaged in Polish musical life. They performed classical music by European composers and composed works inspired by “universal” music trends, exactly as other “national” composers in Europe did. However, this Eurocentric perception reinforced nationalist chauvinism and caused Jewish musicians to be classified as non-Jews simply by their place of residence and the language they used. Who would not want to claim a virtuoso like Gimpel or Huberman as their own, especially as they were highly integrated into the Polish milieu. On the other hand, European national thought did not take into account the position of the Jews living in the diaspora and that Jewish emancipation began later than the European concept of Nationalism emerged. Not all Jewish musicians were so completely assimilated: Lipski, Gimpel, Huberman, and Koffler never denied their Jewish identity. Moreover, all of them were engaged in musical life of the Jewish so- ciety, a fact ignored by researchers who did not read Jewish sources. Stanisław Lipski was a professor of Krakow’s Conservatory of Music, pianist and composer of piano, chamber and vocal music, especially songs inspired by Polish folk music and poetry of Young Poland

14 See: Cz. Brzoza, Żydowska mozaika polityczna w Polsce 1917-1927 (wybór doku- mentów), Kraków 2003; id., Żydowskie partie polityczne w Polsce: 1918-1927 (wybór dokumentów), Kraków 1994.

142 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish… movement.15 His way of functioning in the public life was influenced by the idea of assimilation.16 In his private life, he maintained social and family contact with the Jewish community. On June 28th, 1925, he married Jachewet Debora Schoreber in the Temple Synagogue in Krakow.17 In 1924, he performed with cantor Baruch Sperber—the other Jewish musician—in the Old Theater in Krakow.18 The program expressed the auto-identity of both musicians. They performed com- positions by Haendel, Beethoven, Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Meyerbeer, Moniuszko, Żeleński and their own compositions—excerpts from the opera Dybbuk by Sperber and probably Polish songs by Lipski. These musicians firmly had their feet in two musical worlds and had an at- tachment to European, Polish and Jewish cultural heritage. Bronisław Gimpel and Bronisław Huberman were famous violin virtuosos. Bronisław Gimpel was born in well-known Lvov Jewish family. His grandfather was a founder and a director of the first and the only Jewish Theater in the city, called “Gimpels’ Theater”. After his death, Samuel, his son, took over the theater management and the music management was entrusted to Adolf, the father of Bronisław, a conduc- tor of Temple Synagogue choir, a music teacher in Polish Theater in Lvov, an arranger of American operettas performed on the local stage. In the interwar period, the director of the theater was changed again. The new one was the son of Samuel, Maurycy. Due to the development of musical careers of Adolf’s sons, Bronisław, Jakub and Karol, their father served as musical director until the outbreak of the Second World War. Bronisław appeared on that stage just once, in 1923. He performed as the first violinist in the string quartet during the jubilee concert of Chune Wolfsthal, the conductor and composer of the theater for many years. His brother, Karol, appeared there as a conductor.19 At the same time, Jakub was the accompanist of Bronisław Huberman. The engage- ment of the latter in the musical life of Jewish community is obvious.

15 L. T. Błaszczyk, op. cit.; Marczyńska J., entry Lipski Stanisław Samuel, in: Encyklopedia muzyczna PWM, vol. 5, ed. E. Dziębowska, Kraków 1997. 16 See: H. Goldberg, Przynależność przez muzykę: wkład Żydów w kształtowanie muzycznej polskości, «Muzykalia XI. Judaica 3», July 2011. 17 Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, Gmina Wyznaniowa Żydowska w Krakowie 1822-1939, 107, Księgi zaślubin postępowych Izraelitów w Krakowie, sig. 1009, No. 755. 18 “Nowy Dziennik” 1924, No. 120, p. 7. 19 Z. Karlik, Z sali koncertowej. Koncert jubileuszowy kompozytora Chune Wolfsthala, “Chwila” 1923, No. 1610, p. 7.

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Huberman was a founder of Palestinian Symphonic Orchestra and an active promoter of the Palestinian idea.20 Very interesting is the story of Józef Koffler, the first Polish dode- caphonist. The problem Józef Koffler’s identity was investigated by his biographer, Maciej Gołąb. He studied the biography and musical activity of Koffler. He analyzed the data from the metrics of his family.21 On this basis, he supposed the father of Koffler could be a Pole what made the composer identify himself as a Pole. The confirmation of his assumption Gołąb sees in the facts that Koffler was not engaged in the musical life of the Jewish community and he officialy left Lvov kehila in 1937. Archival documents of Lvov Jewish community and Jewish press from Lvov shed a new light on the issue of the identity of Koffler. The musician was a chairman of Jewish Academic Choir in Lvov in the 30s.22 So, he was engaged in musical life of the Jewish community. His interest in the musical activity of Jewish musical environment confirms also the press. In 1936, Koffler published a critique of Jewish Artistic- Literary Society where he questioned the meaning of existence of Jewish Symphonic Orchestra in Lvov which organized concerts just for local Jewish intelligentsia. He called for the inclusion of Jewish musicians in the activity of Polish orchestra. His arguments were answered by the chairman of the Jewish organization. The polemics were probably a cause of conflict which led Koffler to the decision about leaving the organizational structures of the local Jewish community. But it did not mean he denied his Jewish identity. In 1938, Krakow’s Jewish press informed that Koffler became the only Polish member of the World Center for Jewish Music in Palestine. Meanwhile, Lvov’s Jewish press was silent on the fact of Koffler’s distinction.23

20 P. Szalsza, Bronisław Huberman: czyli pasje i namiętności zapomnianego geniusza, Częstochowa 2001. 21 M. Gołąb, Józef Koffler i Szkoła Wiedeńska, “Muzyka” 1996, No. 2; id., entry Koffler Józef, in: Encyklopedia muzyczna PWM, vol. 5, ed. E. Dziębowska, Kraków 1997; id., entry Koffler Józef, in: The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 13, ed. S. Sadie, London 2001; id., Józef Koffler, Kraków 2005; id., Garść informacji o Józefie Kofflerze i jego rodzinie z ksiąg metrykalnych gminy żydowskiej w Stryju…, op. cit. 22 CDIAU (Centralnyi Derzhavnyi Istorytschnyi Archiv Ukrayiny), Єврейська релігійна громада, м. Львів, fond 701 op. 3, Листування з студентськими і учнівськими товариствами про надання субсидій 1928-1932, sprava 1062, pp. 44-47. 23 H. Apte, Musica Hebraica, “Nowy Dziennik” 1938, No. 226, pp. 9-10. See: A. Plohn, “Musica Hebraica”, “Chwila” 1938, No. 6946, p. 12; P. Bohlman, The World Center for Jewish Music in Palestine 1936-1940, Oxford 1992.

144 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish…

The influence of the liberal idea is the most visible in activity of Jewish musicians on the stage of popular music. There they created the phenomenon which is called “Polish song of the Jewish origin”. The artists like , Marian Hemar, Andrzej Włast, Jerzy Jurandot, Ludwik Starski, Emanuel Schlechter, Władysław Schlengel (lyricists), , , Artur Gold, Zygmunt Białostocki (composers) were the authors of many popular songs sung by the whole Polish society. Their compositions are regarded as a part of common national heritage. Artists themselves are also regarded as Polish ones. The lack of detailed research and reflection on their creativity caused that their origin and its influence on their compositions are forgotten. Meanwhile, they smuggled many Jewish traditional motifs to their melodies, for example the tune Chosn kale mazl tov appears in the song Nikodem. Among the songs composed by them there are List do Palestyny, Srulek or tangos like titled Rebeka, Rachela.24 That was the way they reminded themselves of their Jewish identity—despite being involved in the work on development of universal music genres. Equally significant is the example of Jewish musicians engaged in promotion of jazz music in the Second Polish Republic. The first jazz band in Poland was founded by two Germans and three Jewish musi- cians: Zygmunt Karasiński, Jerzy Petersburski and Alfred Melodysta. In the next years, the leading performers and composers of jazz music in Poland were: Szymon Kataszek, Artur Gold, Henryk Wars, Jerzy Gert and Leopold Striks. The bands of Gold and Petersburski or Karasiński and Kataszek were the most famous ones. The members of the latter became also known as the first jazz improvisers in Poland (1929). In Krakow jazz bands were founded by Sperbers brothers (The Jolly Boys), Rosner brothers (Rosners Jazz and Tango Orchestra, Rosners Brothers), Haars brothers and Stefan Bober (Szał, Silver Jazz), Leopold Karpf (The King Jazz). In Wł. Żeleński Music School in Kraków on the initiative of Kazimierz Meyerhold in 1933 the first Department of Jazz Music in Poland was established.25 The reason why Jewish musicians were the promoters of jazz music in Poland should be sought in their family and social connections. Jewish and communities dispersed in the world still communicated with each other. Thanks to that, Jewish

24 M. Gliński, Polska piosenka pochodzenia żydowskiego [online] http://culture.pl/pl/ artykul/polska-piosenka-pochodzenia-zydowskiego [accessed: 10.08.2017]. 25 K. Karpiński, Był jazz. Krzyk jazz-bandu w międzywojennej Polsce, Kraków 2014.

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musicians in Poland faster than Polish ones had the opportunity to know the new music genre. Similarly, Jewish composers and performers of classical music could be the promoters of the avant-garde in the interwar Poland. The first Polish dodecaphonist was already mentioned Józef Koffler. Expressionist inspirations may be found in the compositions by Wilhelm Mantel from Krakow.26 An interesting work by another Krakow composer was Mazurek by Pawel Anhalt who was also a musicologist and con- ductor of Zionist choir. He combined the melody and rhythm of the Polish national dance with modern atonal and dissonant harmony.27 The members of most “B’nai B’rith” lodges in Galicia formally began to support Zionism in 1925 but the lodge in Przemysl did not. The concerts they organized never included compositions of the Jewish National School but rather concentrated on European ones.28 Classical music was used as a tool of cosmopolitanism by “Bund”. For example, the “Kultur Lige” chorus in Tarnów in 1936 performed compositions by Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Schumann, Schubert and Moniuszko but it also had Jewish pieces in its repertoire. Both choir of “Kultur Lige” and other Jewish Socialists I. L. Peretz choir had in their repertoire songs by Socialist composer, Michał Gelbart.29 The traditional Yiddish folk songs were performed on the stage of Krakow’s “Arbetheym”. The performes were singer Brünn, cantor of Temple Synagogue San Dywiński, the soloist of Lvov’s Opera (previously a pupil of cantor of orthodox Kupa Synagogue in Krakow, Eliezer Goldberg) Ignacy (Itzhak) Mann and professional musicians affiliated with local Jewish Music Society. The famous folk singer and composer Mordechai Gebirtig was also a proponent of socialist ideas that influenced his works. He composed for example quasi-revolutionary song titled Arbetloze marsh (“Unemployed March”). His poem Grandfather Pesach is a critic of traditional religios- ity which he accused of defending injustice and restraining necessary

26 H. Apte, Wieczór kompozytorski dra Wilhelma Mantla, “Nowy Dziennik” 1934, No. 324, p. 8. 27 P. Anhalt, Mazurek, Kraków ca 1930, [online] http://jbc.bj.uj.edu.pl/dlibra/plain- -content?id=138312 [accessed: 28.02.2017]. 28 B. Czajecka, Archiwum Związku Żydowskich Stowarzyszeń Humanitarnych „B’nei B’rith” w Krakowie (1892-1938): zarys dziejów związku, historia zespołu i inwentarz, Kraków 1994. 29 “Nowy Dziennik” 1930, No. 111, p. 8.

146 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish… social transformations. However, his performances of traditional folk songs brought him the greatest fame. To the Jewish Socialists, Yiddish songs were meant to be a natural musical language of Jewish working masses and so Gebirtig wrote his melodies inspired by the sound of traditional Jewish music including, in some cases, synagogue melodies. Jewish Socialists, who by definition rejected religion, treated them as an element of secular Jewish tradition. That is why there are motifs characteristic of the synagogue modes in Gerbirtig’s songs, for example Adonai Malach in the song Baym taychele, Magen Avot in Motele or Ahava raba in Mamenyu, an eytse.30 Inspirations of synagogue music are also visible in the practice of lowering the second degree of the scale in the end of composed melodies, like in the songs Kartofl zup mit shvomen or Krigs invalid. A common phenomenon in Socialists songs is also the use of non-Jewish folklore. It was the result of centuries-old influence of surrounding nations’ music but it was also acceptable by Socialists due to the compatibility of this phenomenon with the idea of attachment to the diaspora. A separate study requires a biography of an outstanding musicolo- gist, Zofia Lissa. Born in Lvov in 1908, she studied piano, music theory, musicology and philosophy. Additionally, she attended courses in psychology and art history. She was an adherent of Socialist ideology. However, she cooperated also with the national Jewish institutions like Jewish Artistic-Literary Society. In 1933, she led for its members the series of lectures dedicated to the history of music.31 Her articles from the interwar period were written in the spirit of the Socialist idea. However, it is even surprising how she used it to defend against racial theories.32 When she addressed the topic of biological predispositions of “different human races” for creating and performing music she ar- gued with the racists with her knowledge of the field of the sociology of music, specifically pointing on the impact of the environment on individuals.33 Thus, in the time of the popularity of racial theories, she

30 Anthology of Yiddish Folk Songs. Mordechai Gebirtig, vol. 5, ed. S. Leichter, Jerusalem 2000. 31 “Chwila” 1933, No. 5252, p. 16. 32 In the near future communist USSR indeed became a temporary asylum for Eastern European Jews who protected themselves from Nasizm. See: M. J. Chodakiewicz, Żydzi i Polacy 1918-1939, Warszawa 2000. 33 Z. Lissa, Rasizm w muzyce, “Chwila” 1934, No. 5327, p. 12; id., Jakiej rasy był Fryderyk Chopin?, “Chwila” 1938, No. 6802, p. 10.

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stressed the influence on human consciousness by living conditions. During the Second World War, Lissa stayed in the USSR. After her re- turn to Poland, she held high posts in a country ruled by communists. She was a deputy director of Music Department in the Ministry of Culture and Arts. She established the Musicology Institute at Warsaw University and was its director for many years. Her publications were still infiltrated by the Socialist idea but the same time were very valu- able and innovatory. As a woman and a Jew who lived in very difficult historical period she was forced to make difficult decisions. The analysis of her choices could be very interesting topic of research. Zionists also presented an innovative approach to musical life. Henryk Apte, a violinist, lawyer, member of the Krakow’s lodge “B’nai B’rith” was a leading animator of musical life of the Jewish community in Krakow. He was a director of all the most important Jewish music organizations there, choir “Shir” and later Jewish Music Society. As a member of the lodge, he obtained the funds for the activity of or- ganizations he managed and for the individual musicians who were engaged in musical life of the Jewish community after they finished their education. In this way, he worked on realization Zionist concept of national-cultural autonomy of Jews living in the diaspora and pre- pared the basis of national administration for the future Jewish State. Apte was also a music critic. He published reviews from Krakow’s musical life in the Zionist magazine “Nowy Dziennik” (“New Daily”). He promoted European classical music. He reported the activity of Jewish music organizations and Jewish musicians from all over the world. He worked on popularization of Jewish national music. To the musical life of Krakow Jewish community, he engaged musicians from Vienna: Joachim Stutschewsky, and Edward Steuermann, who were the teacher in Jewish Music School established by Jewish Music Society.34 Stutschewsky and Julius Wolfsohn were also active in Krakow’s concert life performing for Jewish audience their own compositions and the works of other Jewish national composers. Wolfsohn took part in the first concert of Jewish symphony music which was held in Krakow in 1930.35 34 “Nowy Dziennik” 1932, No. 232, p. 16. 35 “Nowy Dziennik” 1930, No. 45, p. 4; “Nowy Dziennik” 1930, No. 47, p. 8; “Nowy Dziennik” 1930, No. 49, pp. 11-12; H. Apte, Z sali koncertowej. VIII Poranek symfo­niczny. Współczesna muzyka żydowska, “Nowy Dziennik” 1930, No. 52, pp. 6-7; J. Nemtsov, Neue jüdische Musik in Polen in den 20-er-30er Jahren, in: Jüdische Kunstmusik im 20. Jahrhundert. Quellenlage, Stilanalysen, ed. J. Nemtsov, Wiesbaden 2006.

148 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish…

Under Apte’s leadership, the Jewish Music Society promoted the works of Krakow’s Jewish composers. At one such concert organized by him in 1937 the compositions of members of the Jewish Music Society: Wilhelm Mantel, Paweł Anhalt and Benzion Wischniowitz.36 The Society also dealt with the animation of musical life of Jewish com- munities in the smaller cities of Galicia, especially in Western Lesser Poland. Henryk Apte and Maria Salz-Zimmermann prepared a concert of Bach’s compositions for Jewish audience in Tarnow in 1928.37 In 1934, there was the only concert of Krakow’s Jewish Symphony Orchestra. In the review of this event, Apte did not hide his pride and joy.38 Once again, he proved his sincere devotion to music and Jewish national life. There were also Galician musicians who engaged in Palestinian musi- cal life. Apte reported on the development of Jewish music institutions in the Middle East. Stefan Schleichkorn, the Krakow’s violist, made a concert tour in Palestine in 1936. Paweł Anhalt as a conductor of choir of Zionists organization “Akiba” arranged Palestinian songs for four- to six-voices vocal ensemble. As a musicologist, he tried to popularize the knowledge of Hebrew culture in the local press. However, no one of them wanted to live in Palestine. This situation was best explained by David Ben Gurion, Prime Minister of Israel in 1948-1953 and 1955-1963:

The middle class came here and was disappointed. They could not succeed because they wanted to live in Palestine doing what they did in the diaspora. They didn’t understand that Palestine is not Poland.39

But from Galicia came Julius Chajes, the composer of neoclassical music inspired by Palestinian folklore who lived in Palestine in 1934-1937.40 Zionism enriched Galician Jews’ musical life with interests and con- certs of Jewish national music. Even some Galician composers began to compose pieces inspired by Jewish folk music. The compositions of Henryk Guensberg from Lvov were performed during the concert of Jewish music, next to the pieces by Bloch, Wolfsohn, Kahane, Loew and

36 “Nowy Dziennik” 1937, No. 133, p. 10. 37 “Nowy Dziennik” 1928, No. 101, p. 11. 38 H. Apte, Z sali koncertowej. I Koncert żydowskiej orkiestry symfonicznej, “Nowy Dziennik” 1934, No. 333, p. 6. 39 Ł. T. Sroka, M. Sroka, Polskie korzenie Izraela, Kraków-Budapest 2015, p. 377. 40 Y. Chajes, Meet My Father, Julius Chajes, “Pro Musica Hebraica” [online] http://pro- musicahebraica.org/2011/10/11/meet-my-father-julius-chajes/ [accessed: 13.12.2016].

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Chune Wolfsthal. Alfred Plohn, music critic of Zionist daily “Chwila”, noticed that the theme of his Sonatina was modeled on folk melody while his Pastoral variation, composed for violin, and , consisted of eight musical pictures of the country living connected with a common theme.41 Jewish inspirations in the compositions by Józef Neger from Przemyśl confirmed their titles: Rabbi from Bacharach, Golus’ song and Complaint.42 It is a characteristic phenomenon that the Jewish national idea was passed through diaspora filter. Galician composers used in their compositions the motifs from local Jewish traditions regarding these works as their contribution to the national culture. For the promotion of Zionist idea they simply used the lan- guage which was understandable for them and their audience. That is why also Nachum Sternheim composing his folk songs promoting the Zionist worldview used Yiddish language and traditional melodies of diaspora, even chassidic ones.43 A harbinger of new desires and at the same time of return to tradi- tion was the attitude presented by Itzhak Lust, a conductor of Temple Synagogue choir in Krakow, a music critic, analytic of musical life, medic. He was a member of Jewish Music Society and co-founder of the Jewish Music Friends’ Society.44 He cooperated with Zionists and strove to establish an association focused on performing widely under- stood Jewish music. He was associated with progressive environment but criticized the Western European reform of synagogue music. He regarded it as a “musical mediocrity”.45 Although his choir performed it, he also joined in its repertoire very traditional compositions of Krakow’s orthodox cantor, Eliezer Goldberg.46 Lust was well-educated and strongly attached to tradition. Galicia was his homeland. He loved local culture but also recognized the need for its modernization without any revolution. His attitude united the most important aspirations of

41 Z sali koncertowej. Wieczór muzyki żydowskiej, “Chwila” 1938, No. 6862, p. 6. 42 Z akademickiej sali koncertowej. Inauguracyjny wieczór muzyczny w Żydowskim Domu Akademickim, “Chwila” 1932, No. 4624, p. 12. 43 G. Flam, D. Noy, Hobn mir a nigndl, Jerusalem 2000. 44 Żydowskie Towarzystwo Muzyczne w Krakowie, “Nowy Dziennik” 1928, No. 330, p. 7; “Di Post” 1937, No. 13, p. 7. 45 I. Lust, O muzykę żydowską, “Nowy Dziennik” 1929, No. 263, p. 11. 46 “Nowy Dziennik” 1938, No. 107, p. 11; H. Apte, Koncert synagogalny, “Nowy Dziennik” 1939, No. 126, p. 10; Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, Gmina Wyznaniowa Żydowska w Krakowie 1822-1939, 107, Dokumenty synagogi Izraelitów Postępowych, sig. 689.

150 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish… traditional and modern Jewish environments, and harmonized with the announced social transformations. As Maksymilian Beck predicted in nationwide “Opinia”:

The front where the historical conflict of the future will be resolved is not loca­ted between fascism and .[…] Its new power is concentrated around the banner of religion and traditional morality as a basis of worldview.47

Conclusions

As the results of my research show, it is necessary to include histori- cal and socio-political context in determining the identity of Jewish Musicians active in prewar Europe. Analysis of the identity of indi- viduals should be carried out with consideration of local conditions, the worldview of the local Jewish community, cultural policy of the organization to which a particular person belongs. It should also indicate the results of research conducted by representatives of other disciplines, especially historians and sociologists. They help to reveal the cover motivations of musicians and understand better the mean- ing of their—seemingly meaningless and universal—activities. They make it possible to discover a deeper layer of meanings inscribed in the activity of prewar Jewish musicians. The changeability and flexibility of views exclude the possibility of unambiguous identification of musicians’ nationality. They rather suggest its complexity.48 As I tried to demonstrate, many different— and sometimes even exceptive—ideas affected individuals. Particular persons could use different ideas for their own purposes and for undertaking various professional activities. Maybe this diversity of worldview of the Jewish community from prewar Galicia is also the key to understanding the fate of composers like Julius Chajes and Karol Rathaus, originating in Galicia. Both brought up in Galician families could take over their open-mindedness and their skepticism towards stiffness and unambiguous of any political view. That would explain

47 M. Beck, Między komunizmem a faszyzmem – trzecie wyjście?, “Opinia” 1935, No. 3, p. 3. 48 See: A. Maślak-Maciejewska, Z dziejów judaizmu w XIX-wiecznym Krakowie – tożsamość, poglądy religijne i instytucje środowiska Żydów postępowych, op. cit.

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their problem to define their own identity and non-adaptability to the canons of the new world.49 I hope that presented new biographical data and the new look at the issue of Jewish musicians’ identity will provoke further research and deeper reflection on it. It is important for better understanding the history of the period, the activity of the musicians then and the human condition put to the proof on the eve of the Second World War.

Abstract

The article discusses the issue of Jewish musicians’ identity by the ex- ample of prewar Galician artists. It emphasizes the role of social and political divisions within Jewish community and the impact of assimi- lation, liberalism, socialism and Zionism on the musical life of Jews in Galicia. Then, it discusses their influence on individual musicians like: Bronisław Gimpel, Bronisław Huberman, Józef Koffler, Stanisław Lipski, Wilhelm Mantel, Paweł Anhalt, Stefan Schleichkorn, Henryk Guensberg, Józef Neger, Henryk Apte, Izaak Lust, Zofia Lissa, Mor- dechaj Gebirtig, Nachum Sternheim and musicians active on the stage of popular music. Its aim is to encourage musicologists to reconsider the issue of prewar Jewish musicians’ identity and to use findings of historians and sociologists in musicological literature. They indicate rather complexity, not unilaterality, of the self-identification of Jews in diaspora. Understanding of the Jewish musicians’ work conditions allows to discover the hidden meaning of their actions.

Keywords

Jewish identities, Jewish musicians’ identity, politicization of musical life, Jewish musicians, Galician Jews

49 Y. Chajes, op. cit.; B. Raba, entry Karol Rathaus, in: Encyklopedia muzyczna PWM, vol. 8, ed. E. Dziębowska, Kraków 2004; M. Schüssler, “Karol Rathaus— An American Composer of Polish Origin…” The Development of an Americanized View of Rathaus and Its Consequences for the Reception of His Music, “Polish Music Journal” 2003, No. 1; B. Schwarz, D. Pirone, entry Rathaus Karol, in: The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 20, ed. S. Sadie, London 2001.

152 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish…

Abstrakt

Życie muzyczne społeczności żydowskiej w Galicji w okresie między- wojennym. Problem tożsamości narodowej muzyków żydowskich

Niniejszy artykuł omawia problem tożsamości muzyków żydowskich na przykładzie przedwojennych artystów galicyjskich. Podkreśla znaczenie podziałów społecznych i politycznych wewnątrz społe­ czności żydowskiej oraz wpływ idei asymilacji liberalnej, socjali- stycznej i syjonistycznej na życie muzyczne Żydów w dawnej Galicji. Następnie omawia ich oddziaływanie na indywidualnych muzyków takich jak: Bronisław Gimpel, Bronisław Huberman, Józef Koffler, Stanisław Lipski, Wilhelm Mantel, Paweł Anhalt, Stefan Schleichkorn, Henryk Guensberg, Józef Neger, Henryk Apte, Izaak Lust, Zofia Lissa, Mordechaj Gebirtig, Nachum Sternheim oraz tych aktywnych na scenie muzyki rozrywkowej. Celem artykułu jest skłonienie do ponownej refleksji nad tematem tożsamości przedwojennych muzyków żydow- skich i wykorzystanie w literaturze muzykologicznej ustaleń socjolo- gów i histo­ryków wskazujących na złożoność, a nie jednoznaczność, autoidentyfikacji członków żydowskiej diaspory. Zrozumienie uwa- runkowań działalności żydowskich artystów pozwala dopiero pełniej odczytać ukryte znaczenia podejmowanej przez nich aktywności.

Słowa kluczowe tożsamości żydowskie, tożsamość muzyków żydowskich, upolity­ cznienie życia muzycznego, muzycy żydowscy, Żydzi galicyjscy

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Varia

Anhalt P., Mazurek, Krakow ca 1930, [online] http://jbc.bj.uj.edu.pl/ dlibra/plain-content?id=138312 [accessed: 28.02.2017]. Anthology of Yiddish Folk Songs. Mordechai Gebirtig, vol. 5, ed. Leichter S., Jerusalem 2000. Chajes Y., Meet My Father, Julius Chajes, “Pro Musica Hebraica” [online] http://promusicahebraica.org/2011/10/11/meet-my-father-julius- -chajes/ [accessed: 13.12.2016]. Edelman M., Discovering Jewish Music, Philadelphia 2003. Flam G., Noy D., Hobn mir a nigndl, Jerusalem 2000. Fromm H., On Jewish Music. A Composer’s View, USA 1978. Gliński M., Polska piosenka pochodzenia żydowskiego [online] http:// culture.pl/pl/artykul/polska-piosenka-pochodzenia-zydowskiego [accessed: 10.08.2017]. Heskes I., Passport to Jewish Music. Its History, Traditions, and Culture, New York, Maryland, Israel 1994. Karpiński K., Był jazz. Krzyk jazz-bandu w międzywojennej Polsce, Kraków 2014. Rubin E., Baron J. H., Music in Jewish History and Culture, Sterling Heights, Michigan 2006. Stevens L., Composers of Classical Music of Jewish Descent, London, Portland, Oregon 2003. Strauss L., Why We Remain Jews: Can Jewish Faith and History Still Speak to Us?, A lecture given on February 4, 1962 at the B’nai B’rith Hillel Foundation of the University of Chicago.

Archival Source Materials

CDIAU (Centralnyi Derzhavnyi Istorytschnyi Archiv Ukrayiny), Єврейська релігійна громада, м. Львів, fond 701 op. 3. Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, Gmina Wyznaniowa Żydowska w Krakowie 1822-1939. “Chwila”: 1919 No. 1-345; 1920 No. 346-701; 1921 No. 703-1056; 1922 No. 1057-1369; 1923 No. 1370-1722; 1924 No. 1723-2080; 1925 No. 2081- 2437; 1926 No. 2438-2794; 1927 No. 2795-3152; 1928 No. 3153-3510; 1929 No. 3511-3867; 1930 No. 3868-4226; 1931 No. 4227-4585; 1932 No. 4586-4946; 1933 No. 4947-5306; 1934 No. 5307-5665; 1935 No. 5667-

156 Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka, Musical Life of the Jewish…

6025; 1936 No. 6026-6387; 1937 No. 6388-6745; 1938 No. 6746-7102; 1939 No. 7103-7349. “Chwila. Wydanie wieczorne”: 1934 No. 1-100; 1935 No. 101-410; 1936 No. 411-720; 1937 No. 721-1029; 1938 No. 1031-1339; 1939 No. 1340-1544. “Nowy Dziennik”: 1918 No. 1-169; 1919 No. 1-298; 1920 No. 1-154; 1921 No. 41-342; 1922 No. 1-267; 1923 No. 35-313; 1924 No. 1-291; 1925 No. 1-290; 1926 No. 1-291; 1927 No. 1-346; 1928 No. 1-350; 1929 No. 1-350; 1930 No. 1-346; 1931 No. 1-350; 1932 No. 1-354; 1933 No. 1-357; 1934 No. 1-358; 1935 No. 1-357; 1936 No. 1-359; 1937 No. 1-358; 1938 No. 1-357; 1939 No. 1-241.

Katarzyna Babulewicz

Jagiellonian University in Kraków

Contemporary Music Publishing for Children in Poland

To tell the whole story of Polish music publishing, we should start from the beginning of the Renaissance era and from Krakow print- ers: Florian Ungler, Jan Haller and Hieronim Vietor. The aim of this article is, however, to show the contemporary Polish music publishing houses, and specifically, only those of them which have publications for children in their offer. It is an attempt to describe the area of the modern market, to identify key operators, to observe current trends and to analyze them. Some examples of publications will be discussed in the interdisciplinary, musicological-editorial way. Interestingly, nowadays there are no Polish studies of contempo- rary music publishing—neither those dedicated to children1 nor to professional musicians. There are studies about the publishers that were active in the past, especially in the interwar period, who started their publishing already in the 19th century, and later.2 The results of

1 At most one can find short reviews of new publications in pedagogical journals, see M. Niemira, Dla młodych pianistów, “Twoja Muza” June-July 2010, No. 3 (40), p. 115—it is about the collections by Euterpe and the author emphasizes also the beautiful design. 2 By the way, the interwar period is essential when referring to the contemporary music publishing for children in Poland—at this time, there were private publi- shing houses, to which methods of work organization they resumed soon after the

159 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

work of musical publishers were commented up to date by musicolo- gists in the Polish People’s Republic.3 The reason of the current situa- tion—lack of interest of researchers about the offer of contemporary publishing—is the fact that much information about the activity of individual publishers usually can be found online. This information is, however, dispersed and impermanent, so it is worthy to develop this theme in order to obtain a view of the total market, even approximately. How many Polish music publishers specialize in publishing scores used for training young musicians? Who are their owners? Do they offer a repertoire for variety of instruments, or just for one? What do they publish? What do their handbooks look like, are they printed on a high quality paper? Do the publishers follow the current trends in the Western market, or rather refer to their native traditions? What is their attitude towards the great importance of the issue of aesthetic and the fact that their materials are used by future artists?4 These are just some questions that could be asked.

Second World War. As it is known, private companies then quickly disappeared, almost for four decades. Their re-development began in the early 90s of the 20th century, so it is worthy to have a look at today’s publishers in a historical context and trace the line of development of this method of organization the process of issuing notes. See for instance: E. Loks, Arctowie. Saga firmy i ludzi, “Księgarz” 1985, No. 1/2, pp. 35-52; A. Sitarz, W cieniu Polskiego Wydawnictwa Muzycznego. O kilku polskich wydawnictwach prywatnych działających w dziedzinie muzyki po II wojnie światowej do początku lat pięćdziesiątych, in: Repozytorium Centrum Otwartej Nauki, [online] https://depot.ceon.pl/bitstream/handle/123456789/2622/ Sitarz_PWM_Cie%C5%84.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y [accessed: 08.03.2017]; A. Skrzypczak, Księgarnia i wydawnictwo Michała Arcta w Warszawie 1887-1950, Sesje Varsavianistyczne, vol. 10, Warszawscy wydawcy, Warszawa 2003, pp. 21-39. 3 See: Z. Helman, Wydawnictwa muzyczne, in: Polska współczesna kultura muzyczna, ed. E. Dziębowska, Kraków 1968; T. Marek, Cyfry, które brzmią jak muzyka (siedem lat działalności Polskiego Wydawnictwa Muzycznego), “Muzyka” 1952, No. 5/6, p. 106; T. Strumiłło, Wydawnictwa muzyczne, in: Kultura muzyczna Polski Ludowej 1944-1955, ed. J. Chomiński, Z. Lissa, Kraków 1957, pp. 91-93. 4 In this paper, only some of these questions will be answered (especially those connected with the analyses of selected examples of books). Answers for the rest of them (as well as the results of the research about the popularity of mentioned publishing houses among Polish teachers of instruments and their students in musical schools) the interested reader will find in the author’s bachelor thesis Współczesne wydawnictwa muzyczne dla dzieci, written under the direction of dr. Andrzej Nowakowski (Jagellonian University, Polish Philology Department, Kraków 2015), on which this contribution has been based.

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Today’s culture is in a special way associated with the impact through visual stimuli. According to A. Waszkiewicz-Raviv,

(…) since the end of the 70s of the 20th century, many prominent authors, including J. R. Barthes and [J.] Baudrillard, drew attention to the important ontological property of the new reality, namely the saturation of the social phenomena of viewing experience and thus a significant enrichment of its external, easy to observe surface.5

Sight seems to be a sense that is more reliable than the hearing (Confucius claimed that the hearing is conducive to forget, active participation—to understand and the vision—to remember). What is more, as stated M. Wieczorek-Tomaszewska,

Visual design is not only complementary to other forms of information, but is an active element of expression at every stage of formulating the contents. The enormous interpretive potential of visual materials can be fully utilized when people are prepared in advance for this to critically watch, use and cre- ate visual content.6

Therefore, let us consider if the latest trends are indeed omnipres- ent. Although this is not the main topic of this article, it will allow to observe the changes caused by the visual culture that have recently occurred in a rather narrow field of publishing, which are publications of music for the children. As it was already suggested, the scope of the research is limited only to those publishing houses that publish materials suitable for the use in the course of professional music training (most often associated with the state music education). Omitted are therefore both those from publishing houses that do not have publications for children (as

5 A. Waszkiewicz-Raviv, Analizy transmedialnego obrazu „Zwykłej uczennicy” w ra- mach edukacji medialnej. Czy ona musi mieć wszystko fioletowo-różowe?, “Zeszyty Naukowe KUL” 58 (2015), No. 3 (231), p. 13, [online] https://www.kul.pl/files/102/ articles/2015_3/zn_kul_2015_3_a_waszkiewicz.pdf [accessed: 08.03.2017]. 6 M. Wieczorek-Tomaszewska, Kompetencje wizualne w praktyce edukacyjnej, in: Biblioteka i edukacja. Elektroniczne Czasopismo Biblioteki Głównej Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego w Krakowie, [online] http://www.bg.up.krakow.pl/newbie/index. php/bie/article/viewFile/68/68 [accessed: 08.03.2017].

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Musica Iagellonica or Polihymnia), as well as publishers offering only materials intended to be studied by amateurs, for classes in primary schools, preschools etc.

Polish Market of Music Publishing for Children—Aerial View7

Using the query of bookshops, libraries, the Internet, private collec- tions etc., it has been determined that to examine the outlined issue we should consider eight Polish publishing houses,8 i.e. PWM Edition9 (The Polish Music Publishing House, in Polish: Polskie Wydawnictwo Muzyczne, abbreviated as PWM), Euterpe,10 Crescendo,11 Contra,12

7 The publications useful for the professional training of young musicians are publi- shed not only by publishing houses, but also by the Centrum Edukacji Artystycznej (Center for Artistic Education), which in its offer has inter alia Polish modern mu- sic—publications such as Henryk Górski, 128 miniatur na flet solo (128 miniatures for flute solo)—a collection which introduces gradually child into the world of . 8 It is difficult to determine the exact number of currently active editors who pu- blish materials useful in the course of training future musicians. Occasionally, in bookshops can be found publications (usually not very extensive), which were published by the publishing house that do not have their own websites. Making contact with their owners has proven difficult. These publications are, however, a small part of the modern market (for example, Gama or Pianoton). 9 PWM was founded in 1945 in Kraków by Tadeusz Ochlewski, a violinist and peda- gogue. Today, the director as well as editor-in-chief is Daniel Cichy, a musicologist. PWM prints educational materials for the following instruments: keyboards (piano, organ and accordion), wind instruments, strings and plucked instruments (violin, viola, cello, double bass, guitar, harp), percussion. 10 Euterpe was founded in 1998 by Marcin Kowalczyk, an oboist. The company was created in Gdansk, and then it moved to Kraków. Notes are available for the fol- lowing instruments: viola, , flute, piano, , violin, cello, guitar. Most materials are for classical guitar, further for piano and violin. 11 Crescendo is based in Podkowa Leśna (it was impossible to get the information about the date of assumption, similarly in case of missing information in the following footnotes). The owner is Hanna-Anczewska Biskupska. Crescendo is an example of the publisher with a very narrow specialization—in its offer are only collections of music for the children—the pieces to be performed on the piano or keyboard. 12 Contra’s owner is Paweł Mazur. The company is located in Warsaw. It offers a re- pertoire for probably all the instruments taught in music schools.

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Triangiel,13 Ms. Twardowska (Polish: Pani Twardowska),14 Studio Bis15 and ABSonic.16 Although after the year 1989, the Polish economic situation has radi- cally changed and new opportunities opened up for potential music publishers, transformation of the system did not cause in this field so radical transformation as one might have expected. In Polish People’s Republic, the only actual publisher of educational works (and the only publisher of music in general) was the PWM Edition. Because, from the very beginning, one of the most important aims of its business was to provide teaching materials for the Polish market, in a relatively short period of time, PWM managed to create a solid base of music literature and handbooks for each taught instrument. Still, the editions which were published few decades ago and their reissues are predominantly recommended by teachers. Nowadays, PWM offers the most classical teaching literature of all Polish music publishers. Regarding the view of the entire Polish market, the analysis of the offer of eight listed publishing houses can draw the following conclu- sions: the preferred instrument in the most cases is piano; among the majority of publishers (except PWM and Euterpe), particularly popular are the adaptations that are transcriptions of well-known pieces, both from the classical and from the popular and folk music; despite the spread of popular music adaptations on the Polish market, there are very few adaptations and transcriptions of film music. 13 Triangiel was founded in 1991 by a group of musicologists, musicians and typo- graphers. The editor-in-chief is Włodzimierz Sołtysik. It is based in Otwock. In this case dominate the notes for piano, materials for other instruments are rare (for example for guitar). 14 A publishing house founded in 2000 by Alicja Twardowska, a wife of a famous Polish composer Romuald Twardowski. It is located in Warsaw. It offers materials for the fol- lowing instruments: piano, guitar, drums, violin, accordion, viola and clarinet. Among the authors are solely the authors active today, for example. Romuald Twardowski (piano solo and duets), Jan Kasprzyk (guitar), Andrzej Hundziak (piano, accordion), Stanislaw Halat (drums), Slawomir Czarnecki (piano), Lech Miklaszewski (piano). 15 The owners of this publishing house are Krzysztof Piskorczyk and Janusz Wisniewski, who started their business in 1993 (firstly the journal with notes). The company is located in Plock. In the offer the positions adequate for professional education are the notes for the piano. 16 Absonic is headquartered in Radwanice. The owner is Grzegorz Templin. The offer includes collections for piano, accordion, violin and guitar. What is characteristic, his publishing house’s preferred instrument is not a piano, but classical guitar, and secondly—accordion.

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We can also note a certain tendency to select one of the three fol- lowing publishing profiles as the dominant one. The first strategy is to publish pieces already embodied in the tradition of teaching the par- ticular instrument (not just the “classical” works from the 19th century, the 20th century17 and the elderly, but also created in the last decades of the twentieth century18)—it prevails in case of PWM. The second trend that can be seen is focusing on the issue of adaptations of works that have gained special popularity among music lovers—from transcrip- tions of the great works for other instruments and the transcriptions of vocal and instrumental music to popular music hits. In this case, we can mention: Crescendo, Triangiel, Contra and Studio Bis. Yet another option is to create the publishing offer with a particular preference for the latest compositions for children. This strategy was applied by Euterpe, Absonic and Mrs. Twardowska. Hence, one can observe the tendency to choose publishing profile, which is definitely dedicated to music school student (as in case of PWM and Euterpe) or primar- ily amateurs—but here, among others, there are also offered famous handbooks and pieces adequate to play during professional training. In terms of editorial, contemporary Polish music publishing for children represents a broad spectrum of solutions. There are low- budget publications what means that they use cheap paper, the colour is only on the cover, there is lack of illustrations and any comments to musical notation. There are also a bit more scrupulous editions—here, we have colourful, designed by illustrator cover and black and white illustrations inside. They are prepared very carefully, almost resembling albums or handbooks of new standards (mainly in case of Euterpe). In order not to be ungrounded, let us move on to discuss some examples. We are going to look at the selected publications which are in the of- fer of three publishing houses: Studio Bis—because of the rare case of publishing film music, Crescendo—mainly because of its innovative approach to the use of the music collections by the child, and Euterpe, due to its graphical-substantive masterpiece.

17 Like A Music Reader by Emma Altberg. 18 Like collections by Janina Garścia.

164 Katarzyna Babulewicz, Contemporary Music Publishing…

A More Detailed Look at the Selected Publications of Three Publishing Houses19

Studio Bis20 publishes their books in A4 format, matt, made of card- board covers are colourful, but there are no illustrations on them. They are probably designed by the graphics without cooperation with artists (there is lack of information about this fact on the editorial page, they only mention typesetting). Printing on the inside is black and white, the offset paper is used. The editions, which were achievable, have no illustration inside. On the inside covers, books from the publisher’s catalog are presented with descriptions. This detail, actually irrelevant, combined with bright and accidentally juxtaposed colours of thumb- nails, brings associations with popular culture (e.g. the way of printing crosswords). Let us take a look at the one publication of Studio Bis—The Film Piano. Themes from Polish films and TV series in the score for piano. The collection was published in 2014 in Plock. It does not contain any information about the authors of the adaptations—neither on the editorial page nor on the particular pages with compositions. Adaptations are signed only by the names of composers who created the soundtrack for the film. It is not known who made a transcription for piano. All the adaptations are undoubtedly within the technical reach of the beginners, however, they are not the simplest ones. The choice that was made by the publisher is interesting: the only key is that all the compositions were created for Polish films, and that they are works of Polish composers. These films are, however, either cinema blockbusters or television series. They also differ in terms of time of production. The collection can be regarded therefore as a kind of attempt to outline the history of Polish film music for several decades. Film piano includes, among others, adaptations of music from the following series and movies (in parentheses there are names of the composers): Czas Honoru / Days of Honor (B. Chajdecki), Noce i dnie / Nights and Days (W. Kazanecki), Lalka / The Doll (A. Kurylewicz), Pan Tadeusz (W. Kilar), Polskie drogi / Polish Roads (A. Kurylewicz), Różyczka / Little Rose (M. Lorenc), More Than Life at Stake (J. Matuszkiewicz)

19 All the poems and titles (of collections and pedagogical pieces) translated from Polish into English by the author. 20 See the official webiste: [online] http://www.zagrajtosam.pl/pl/producer/ Wydawnictwo-Studio-Bis/6 [accessed: 09.03.2017].

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and Ziemia obiecana / The Promised Land (W. Kilar). The collection also deserves our attention because the adaptations of film music are still very rare on the Polish market. Crescendo,21 like Studio Bis, publishes all its music in A4 format. The colourful, illustrated covers are made of lacquered cardboard. Printing inside the book is black and white and offset paper is used. Most of the publications of Crescendo have a funny illustration on each page—and this is meant for colouring. A similar solution can be found in publications of foreign publishers, for example: Universal Edition (Vienna) published in a similar convention the collection of piano educational works by Mike Cornick,22 whose main character is Clever Cat. Returning to Crescendo, often on the editorial page we can see a frame—a kind of ex-libris to fill and the last page of the book is a “diploma” of completing the level of a particular book (there is a space for the name of the student, evaluation, date and signature of the teacher). So we can see a change in the approach to collections of music: it is no longer a book, which inviolability has been rather established in our everyday culture, but it becomes a kind of colour- ing book with music notation. Perhaps this is a way to familiarize the child with piano notation. Let us analyze a selected collection—Easy classics for piano, arranged by M. Biskupska and D. Bruce. The collection was published in 1998 in Podkowa Lesna. The cover was illustrated by Catrin Butler, and the rest of the pictures (the col- ourings) were made by Ian Willey. On the first page, the message has been emphasized with bold: “Pictures to colour!”. It is a collection of adaptations of the greatest “hits” of classical music. For a new, very simple form of well-known compositions responsible are the authors of adaptations from this collection—Małgorzata Biskupska and David Bruce. “Hits” vary in terms of provenance—they come from operas, ballets and instrumental compositions (it brings some associations with the practice of nineteenth-century domestic music, during which amateurs willingly performed transcriptions of such provenance). What is more, this selection includes a large variety of composers: from J.S. Bach to M. Ravel. In the collection we can find adaptations of compositions from the pieces such as: Lullaby by J. Brahms; William

21 See the official website: [online] http://www.crescendo.com.pl/ [accessed: 10.03.2017]. 22 See for example: M. Cornick, Clever Cat goes on Safari, Vienna 2010.

166 Katarzyna Babulewicz, Contemporary Music Publishing…

Tell by G. Rossini; Swan Lake by P. Tchaikovsky; Turkish March by W.A. ​​Mozart; Bolero by M. Ravel. On the back cover, there is the in- formation from the publisher: The selection of works has been made so that it would make the pleasure not only for children, but also for all the members of the household! Developing the skills of playing the piano, the student gets a chance to become familiar with the famous examples of musical pieces, not only related to the instrument which they play. For each composition of the collection, there is a contoured, humorous illustration and concise note. Notes, though they are very short, have been prepared very carefully: they aptly summarize impor- tant information and provide interesting facts. For example, in case of Vivaldi’s Spring, the young pianist learns by the way a little something about the composer:

Vivaldi is one of the few composers and virtuosi, who being a priest wrote more than 450 and 45 operas—some of them just within a few days. Preceding each concert of The Four Seasons, poetry introduces the audience into the mood of the composition. The theme presented below is an excerpt from the first part of the first concert entitled Spring.23

In the field of music education, beautifully illustrated handbooks have just entered the Polish market. Pioneering role in this respect fulfills the publishing firm Euterpe24 (based in Krakow), which col- laborates with the artist Małgorzata Flis.25 Małgorzata Flis is a painter, designer and graphic artist. Her painting is inspired by music, movement and rhythm. As one of the impulses to opt for the creation of such sophisticated graphics for didactic pur- poses (except for the aesthetic sensitivity of the firm owners), the artist mentions teaching experience of the authors of the publication and her own observations as a mother of children attending music school. About music school students she speaks as follows:

(…) These kids have really a lot of duties and a lot of difficulties to overcome, and if the arduous process of learning takes place with sad, serious books and is treated severely and is forced, it becomes a chore. But these children really

23 Easy classics for piano, arr. M. Biskupska, D. Bruce, Podkowa Leśna 1998, p. 4. 24 See the official website: [online] http://www.euterpe.pl/ [accessed: 10.03.2017]. 25 See the official website of the artist: [online] http://www.malgorzataflis.pl/ [accessed: 09.03.2017].

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enjoy that they are acquiring a wonderful and useful skill to play the musical instrument, and they get access to the wonderful world of art, and usually they do not think of their childhood as a wasted one—everything depends on the way of education. We wanted to make it fun and a celebration for the kids. Al- ready St. Thomas Aquinas said that the labor beloved ceases to be a difficulty.26

A huge care which is applied in case of publications for children, therefore, is connected with the awareness that the first contact with the notation can have both a positive and demotivating effect on the child’s attitude. The artist emphasizes also that in her work the first priority always remains the notation:

Before I start the work, a publisher tries to give me as much information as possible. I get ready piece of music in a graphics program. I have to adapt my illustration, I see how much space it should take. (…) The musical notation must have its size and its editorial shape, absolutely in accordance with the principles, one cannot reduce it, rotate, bend or cut to preferred size as we can do with the text frame.27

Małgorzata Flis found inspiration for creating such sophisticated illustrations for music in, among others, the famous Marian Falski’s ABC- -book Elementarz.28 There are no doubts that this is a book which exists in memory of many generations of Polish adult readers. What is more, it is still being republished. Its publisher WSiP (Polish: Wydawnictwo Szkolne i Pedagogiczne), responsible for seventy years for its success, ensures that this is “the longest functioning ABC-book on the world.”29 It is hard to believe that, in this case, only the handbook’s content decided about the undying popularity. All the time, Elementarz has been reprinted (inter alia) with the illustrations by Janusz Grabiański (1929-1976), a famous Polish illustrator. The similarity in the mood of the artist’s drawings and the images that appear in publications of Euterpe certainly is not a coincidence.

26 The information comes from the interview with the artist made by the author 29.04.2015. 27 See above. 28 See above. 29 See the book’s description on the official website of WSiP: [online] https://www. wsip.pl/oferta/cykle/wychowanie-przedszkolne/5-6-latki/elementarz-mariana- -falskiego/ [accessed: 09.03.2017].

168 Katarzyna Babulewicz, Contemporary Music Publishing…

Let us take a look at two examples from the Euterpe’s offer. First Class Guitar is a classical guitar handbook by Tatiana Stachak, gui- tarist, composer and pedagogue. The sixth edition of the discussed book appeared in 2004 in Krakow, edited by Marcin Kowalczyk, with illustrations by Małgorzata Flis. This is a trilingual (!) publication (in Polish, English and German). The handbook, like all the publications of Euterpe, was printed on high quality paper (thick paper, glued pa- perback, matt cover). Both the cover and the inside are printed in full colour. Also, as the other publications of this publishing house, the handbook has dimensions of 23x31 centimeters, so these are slightly different proportions than in case of the standard A4 format. In case of A4 ratio of width to height is 1:√2. However, in the discussed case, we have a non-standard format, which proportions are 3:4—and this is, above all, wider. Following Robert Bringhurst, let us translate the proportions of the page to the language of music intervals.30 As a result, in case of Euterpe we get a format of fourth—that is a consonance interval, in contrast to the triton, tonus diabolicus, which gives us the proportions A5 and A4, today the most popular ones. What is interest- ing, the proportions of fourth and fifth, the perfect intervals, are equal with the proportions of the book formats that were preferred in the Middle Ages (2:3 and 3:4). Returning to the handbook, the publication is richly illustrated. We can see pictures or at least small ornaments on most pages. Taking into account the fact that the book has 125 pages, it gives it signs of luxury (again: the luxury marked the medieval books). The workmanship of illustrations, their variety and matching with the content is impres- sive. Rarely appear musical images—variety of titles of musical pieces provides an opportunity to present a wide range of characters, animals, objects, plants, views, buildings and situations. Illustrator skillfully seized the opportunity, showing her talent, skills and knowledge: next to the notation appear not only motifs which are typical for children’s books (like dolls, teddy bears, dwarves, bucolic images), but also the presentations of historical costumes, and even painting pastiches. For example, Shogun’s March is not only an opportunity to present the architecture and the costume of a proud warrior, but also—to recall associations with the Japanese ink painting. Similarly is in case of the

30 R. Bringhurst, Elementarz stylu w typografii, translated by D. Dziewońska, Kraków 2013, p. 161.

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piece Cherry Blossom, in which, as in March, delicate association with the Japanese music is induced by the pentatonic scale. The Western culture is outlined equally skillfully—for instance in bullfighter scene (pieces: Remembrance of , Spanish Melody). The author creates wonderful characteristics of people by outfits—especially regarding costumes from the past (for example: Sur le pont d’Avignon, Ancient Court Dance). Clothes are painted with a sense of humor and dynamic, but also in details. Małgorzata Flis comments on her doings as follows:

I am lucky because the children in music schools are unusually sensitive and intelligent (…). Thus, I can use symbols and metaphors, indirect associations, references to other epochs, and they still understand.31

Illustrations are often unobvious. For instance, a cheerful G Major Waltz is not accompanied by a couple of dancers straight from the Viennese salon. Instead, there are fairies swirling around the flowers. Author’s professionalism and her care about details can be seen, of course, also in the pictures which main subject is guitar. These pictures appear on the title page of each of the four chapters of the handbook. Guitarist is sitting in an exemplary position, his hand lies on the guitar’s body correctly. Małgorzata Flis emphasizes:

(…) Whenever in the picture there is a musician with an instrument, I ac- curately copy both the shape of the instrument and the way of holding it and playing—I have yet to deal with children who are sensitized to these details in their daily practice, and I cannot make a mistake. Placing the hand on the strings or on the keyboard is important. Here helps me the experience with my own children, who learned in the music school to play the violin, cello, piano, and at the Early Music Ensemble—flute and Gothic harp. I think that this experience had its importance, when the publishing house decided for the first time to entrust me to do the illustrations.32

The handbook is divided into four parts. The first part, entitled: Guitar—My New Friend. First exercises on open strings contains basic information with photos, the first exercises and short pieces (e.g. Polish song We Are Little Dwarfs). To play them, the student needs only open

31 From the interview mentioned before. 32 See above.

170 Katarzyna Babulewicz, Contemporary Music Publishing… strings. From the very beginning of learning, the child is getting used to playing in ensemble: all the compositions and popular melodies are arranged as a duo of a student and teacher. In the second part (called Left Hand back from Holiday. First notes on the fingerboard), it is required to shorten strings. All the time, however, the most of them are duets. By the way, there are additional information concerning the musical rules. The chapter ends with the instruction: How to Tune the Guitar. Part Three (Little Soloist. First two-part songs) introduces the playing in dyads—from this time, a young guitarist is playing solo, without the accompaniment of the teacher. The order is therefore reversed compar- ing standard education, where solo performance is treated as an easier one. In this chapter, there are such compositions as: Gondolier’s Song, Shepherd’s Dance, and In the Watch-maker’s Workshop (it simulates beat of the clock). This chapter also introduced playing tirando and apoyando. The last chapter is 35 Easy Pieces. Since that time, the young artist plays the simplest examples of the classics of world guitar litera- ture. Here, compositions for beginners by Fernando Carulli and Matteo Carcassi are dominating. At the end of the chapter, there are even few compositions of Polish guitarist and composer Marek Pasieczny. They bring a child into the world of contemporary music, but this occurs gradually. Here a particularly interesting piece is Little Sorcerer, which brings associations with the ballet Romeo and Juliet by . Let’s move on to the next publication by Euterpe: Chopin for the Young for Piano arranged by Zygmunt Noskowski. An interesting offer for pianists is a collection of six songs by Frédéric Chopin. Publication Chopin for the Young was published in 2005. It was edited by Marcin Kowalczyk and Tatiana Stachak. Illustrations made again Małgorzata Flis. It includes piano transcriptions, which made a Polish composer Zygmunt Noskowski at the beginning of the 20th century. Euterpe has based its edition on the manuscript stored in the Archives and the Library of the Warsaw Music Society under the name of Stanislaw Moniuszko (signature: WTM 58 / N 74). The collection is bilingual (Polish-English). It contains transcriptions of the following songs: The Handsome Lad, Death’s Division, A ’s Desire, The Ring, The Betrothed and My Sweetheart. They are preceded by the Preface that presents the genesis of the collection and the famous author of the adaptations. Each song is decorated with the watercolour illustration painted by Małgorzata Flis. All the pictures refer to the atmosphere of

171 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

the epoch (as well as the font styles), mainly to salon fashion. However, they are made in a humoristic way. It is not surprising—the publication is dedicated to very young performers. The level of difficulty makes it suitable for the initial years of study. Transcriptions have a simple arrangement. In terms of expression, they faithfully follow Chopin’s original—Noskowski did not introduce harmonic complications etc., while maintaining a simple style of songs by Chopin. Even so short analysis of two publications of Euterpe—a handbook and a set of piano transcriptions—reveals that the result of the combined efforts of composers, artists and editors allowed to publish materials of a new, modern standard.

***

In this paper, only exemplary phenomena have been presented and only few examples of publications have been discussed. There has been presented a modest balance of the overall Polish market and in case of three selected publications (Euterpe, Crescendo and Studio Bis), it was indicated which of them excels at what field. The aim of the author was to show an interesting field, which in her opinion are musical publications for children. They are overlooked by researchers and yet they allow interdisciplinary research. The change in the approach to the collections used in the course of training of very young musicians is still one of the manifestations of the changes taking place in our times. It would be also interesting to prepare studies about the contemporary music literature for each of instruments (taking into account all the active publishing houses). What is more, particularly interesting seems the comparison of trends and strategies that use in that field publishers worldwide.

Abstract

The following article concerns contemporary Polish music publishing houses, which in their offer have publications for children who start musical education during professional training. The author presents this area of Polish market in a synthetical way, as well as observes and

172 Katarzyna Babulewicz, Contemporary Music Publishing… analyzes tendencies which are visible there. Key market operators are mentioned with short descriptions of their publishing profile, preferred instruments and composers, editorial conditions etc. Few examples of publications are described in a more detailed way—i.e. publications from the offer of three publishing houses: Studio Bis, Crescendo and Euterpe. In the last case, the author interviewed Małgorzata Flis, the illustrator of this publishing house. All the examples are analyzed in an interdisciplinary, editorial-musicological way.

Keywords music publishing for children, Studio Bis, Crescendo, Euterpe, Małgorzata Flis

Abstrakt

Współczesne wydawnictwa muzyczne dla dzieci w Polsce

Tematem artykułu jest działalność współczesnych polskich wydaw- nictw muzycznych, mających w swojej ofercie publikacje dedykowane dzieciom rozpoczynającym swoją edukację muzyczną. Autorka w syn- tetyczny sposób prezentuje ten obszar polskiego rynku, jak również ob- serwuje i analizuje obecne na nim tendencje. Wymienia także kluczowe wydawnictwa, prezentując krótko profil ich działalności, preferowane instrumenty, kompozytorów, warunki edytorskie itp., w sposób bardziej szczegółowy omawiając wybrane publikacje trzech domów wydawni- czych: Studio Bis, Crescendo i Euterpe. W ostatnim przypadku autorka przeprowadziła wywiad z Małgorzatą Flis – ilustratorką wydawnictwa Euterpe. Wszystkie przykłady zostały zanalizowane w sposób inter- dyscyplinarny – zarówno ze strony edytorskiej, jak i muzykologicznej.

Słowa kluczowe wydawnictwa muzyczne dla dzieci, Studio Bis, Crescendo, Euterpe, Małgorzata Flis

173 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

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Katarzyna Lidia Babulewicz—born in 1991 in Białystok. The graduate of Musicology and Polish Philology at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków. She prepares her PhD dissertation concerning music in the animated films of East-Central Europe under the guidance of Professor Magdalena Dziadek. She has published among others in the maga- zines: “Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ”, “Edukacja Muzyczna”, “Aspekty Muzyki” and “Musicologica Olomucensia”.

Marta Beszterda—musicologist, feminist, author, culture manager. She graduated from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (2015), Ignacy Jan Paderewski Academy of Music in Poznań (2015) and University of Amsterdam (2016). She is currently pursuing her doctoral studies at McGill University in Montreal, Canada. Her research focuses primarily on cultural and social context of music (especially the 20th-century Polish classical music), the presence of women in musical culture and musicological discourse, the status of feminism in Polish and Eastern European musicology, as well as the general relationships between music, politics and power relations.

Michał Jaczyński—musicologist, Ph.D. candidate in the Institute of Musicology of Jagiellonian University. In his research, he focuses on the history of music culture starting from the second half of the 19th century, particularly reconstructing of Jewish musical life in Central Europe, the reception of composers’ output and the history of music criticism.

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Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka—a doctoral student in the Musicology Institute at the Jagiellonian University. She prepares a dissertation dedi- cated to the topic of Musical Life of the Jewish Community at the Former Galicia Area in the Interwar Period. She actively participates in con- ferences organized by musicologists and judaists in Poland where she presents the results of her research. She has also participated in doctoral seminar organized by Museum of the History of Polish Jews “Polin” in Warsaw (2015-2016). She is the author of several articles devoted to the issue of Jewish musical life in the prewar Galicia published in “Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia”, “Musica Galiciana” and regional Galician journals. She was a fellow of the Rotshild Foundation, Yiddish Institute (2009) and YIVO Institute for Jewish Research in New York (2013-2014).

Nana Katsia—a doctoral student at Tbilisi Vano Sarajishviil State Conservatoire. In general, she researches the genre of mystery play, its role, stable features and new modification in the context of the 19th and the 20th century European music. Currently, she works on her doctoral thesis dealing with the role of mystery play genre in the Wagner’s, Schoenberg’s, Penderecki’s and Messiaen’s art. Since 2010, she has been one of the organizers of the International Student Conference Competition for Students in Musicology in Tbilisi, Georgia; she is a co- organizer of the contemporary music festival in Tbilisi—Contemporary Music Evening. Since 2014, Nana Katsia has leaded 20th century music history courses at Tbilisi State Conservatoire.

Barbora Kubečková—a current PhD student at Palacký University Olomouc, Czech Republic under the co-supervision of Jiří Kopecký and Lorraine Byrne Bodley (Maynooth University). Her area of re- search considers texts by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe set to music by Bohemian composers such as Václav Jan Tomášek and Zdeněk Fibich. Barbora has undertaken her master studies at Maynooth University and her bachelor studies at Palacký University Olomouc. She has also graduated in music performance from the Conservatory of Evangelical Academy, Olomouc.

176 Bionotes

Federica Marsico—a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Pavia (IT). She was awarded a PhD in Musicology from the University of Pavia (IT, 2016) and a diploma of piano from the Conservatory of Cremona (IT, 2014). She was visiting scholar at the University of Paris 8 (FR) and Erasmus student at the Freie Universität of Berlin (DE). Since 2014 she is honorary fellow (cultrice della materia) of the Department of Musicology of the University of Pavia (IT). She has presented her research results at numerous peer-reviewed musicological and inter- disciplinary conferences in Italy, Germany, France, and Poland.

Clare Wilson—a doctoral candidate researching analytical interpre- tation of André Caplet’s mélodies at Ulster University. She graduated from Maynooth University with an MA in 2005, having written her thesis on Debussy the Symbolist: A Semiotic Perspective. She holds diplomas in both piano performance and teaching, and an Associate Fellowship of the Higher Education Academy. Dividing her time be- tween Belfast and Dublin, Clare is committed to supportive teaching and learning in higher education.

Noty biograficzne

Katarzyna Lidia Babulewicz – ur. 1991 w Białymstoku. Absolwentka muzykologii i polonistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Pod kierun- kiem dr hab. Magdaleny Dziadek przygotowuje pracę doktorską na temat muzyki w filmach animowanych Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Publikowała m.in. na łamach „Kwartalnika Młodych Muzykologów UJ”, „Edukacji Muzycznej”, „Aspektów Muzyki” i „Musicologici Olomucensii”.

Marta Beszterda – muzykolożka, feministka, autorka, menedżer- ka kultury. Ukończyła studia na Uniwersytecie im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu (2015), Akademii Muzycznej im. I. J. Paderewskiego w Poznaniu (2015) oraz holenderskim Universiteit van Amsterdam (2016). Obecnie studentka studiów doktoranckich na McGill University w Montrealu (Kanada). W swoich badaniach naukowych zajmuje się przede wszystkim społecznym i kulturowym kontekstem muzyki (w szczególności polskiej muzyki klasycznej drugiej połowy XX wieku), obecnością kobiet w kulturze muzycznej i dyskursie muzykologicznym, pozycją feminizmu w polskiej i wschodnioeuropejskiej muzykologii, a także związkami muzyki z polityką i relacjami władzy.

Michał Jaczyński – muzykolog, doktorant w Instytucie Muzykologii Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w Krakowie. W swoich badaniach sku- pia się na historii kultury muzycznej począwszy od drugiej połowy XIX wieku, a zwłaszcza na rekonstrukcji życia muzycznego Żydów w Europie Środkowej, recepcji dorobku twórczego kompozytorów oraz historii krytyki muzycznej.

179 Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, nr 34 (3/2017)

Sylwia Jakubczyk-Ślęczka – doktorantka w Instytucie Muzykologii Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Obecnie przygotowuje dysertację dok- torską poświęconą życiu muzycznemu społeczności żydowskiej na obszarze dawnej Galicji w okresie międzywojennym. Aktywnie uczest- niczy w konferencjach organizowanych przez muzykologów i juda- istów w Polsce, gdzie prezentuje wyniki swoich badań. Brała udział w seminarium doktoranckim organizowanym przez Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich „Polin” w Warszawie (2015-2016). Jest autorem kilku artykułów poświęconych życiu muzycznemu Żydów w przedwojen- nej Galicji opublikowanych w „Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia”, „Musica Galiciana” i regionalnych czasopismach galicyjskich. Była pracownikiem Fundacji Rotshild, Żydowskiego Instytutu Naukowego w Wilnie (2009) i Żydowskiego Instytutu Naukowego YIVO w Nowym Jorku (2013-2014).

Nana Katsia – doktorantka na Państwowym Konserwatorium w Tbilisi. W swojej pracy naukowej skupia się na gatunku misterium, jego roli, stałych cechach i przemianach w kontekście XIX-wiecznej i XX-wiecznej muzyki w Europie. Obecnie pisze dysertację doktorską, zgłębiając te- mat roli misterium w kompozycjach tego gatunku napisanych przez Richarda Wagnera, Arnolda Schoenberga, Krzysztofa Pendereckiego i Oliviera Messiaena. Od 2010 roku współorganizuje Międzynarodową Konferencję-Konkurs dla Studentów Muzykologii w Tbilisi w Gruzji. Jest też organizatorką Wieczoru Muzyki Współczesnej – festiwalu mu- zyki współczesnej w Tbilisi. Od 2014 roku Nana Katsia prowadzi kursy historii muzyki XX wieku na Państwowym Konserwatorium w Tbilisi.

Barbora Kubečková – doktorantka na Uniwersytecie Palackiego w Ołomuńcu w Czechach w klasie Jiříego Kopeckiego i Lorraine Byrne Bodley (Uniwersytet w Maynooth). Jej obszar badawczy koncentruje się na tekstach Johna Wolfganga von Goethego, w opracowaniu cze- skich kompozytorów takich jak Václav Jan Tomášek i Zdeněk Fibich. Ukończyła studia magisterskie na Uniwersytecie Maynooth oraz studia licencjackie na Uniwersytecie Palackiego w Ołomuńcu. Ukończyła również Konserwatorium Akademii Ewangelickiej w Ołomuńcu na kierunku wykonawstwa muzyki.

180 Noty biograficzne

Federica Marsico – pracownik naukowy na Uniwersytecie w Pavii, gdzie w 2016 roku uzyskała tytuł doktora. W 2014 roku ukończyła także klasę fortepianu w Konserwatorium w Cremonie. Była wykła- dowcą wizytującym na Uniwersytecie w Paryżu, a w ramach progra- mu ERASMUS studiowała również w na Freie Universität w Berlinie. Od 2014 roku jest gościnnym wykładowcą (cultrice della materia) na Uniwersytecie w Pavii. Rezultaty swoich badań prezentowała na licznych konferencjach muzykologicznych i interdyscyplinarnych we Włoszech, Niemczech, Francji i Polsce.

Clare Wilson – doktorantka na Ulster University. W swojej pracy naukowej skupia się na analizie i interpretacji melodies André Capleta. Jest absolwentką Maynooth University, na którym w 2005 obroniła pracę magisterską zatytułowaną Debussy the Symbolist: A Semiotic Perspective (Debussy symbolista: Perspektywa semiotyczna). Jest dyplo- mowaną pianistką i nauczycielką oraz członkinią Associate Fellowship of the Higher Education Academy. Dzieląc swój czas pomiędzy Belfast a Dublin, jest zaangażowana we wspieranie nauczania i kształcenia się w szkolnictwie wyższym.