HASTINGS KAMUZU BANDA and the MARGINALIZATION of WOMEN in MALAWI, 1964-1994 by Patrick Enso

Home , Aleke Banda, Bakili Muluzi, Bingu wa Mutharika, Chewa people, Hastings Banda, History of Malawi

ABSTRACT

THE INVENTED TRADITION: HASTINGS KAMUZU BANDA AND THE MARGINALIZATION OF WOMEN IN MALAWI, 1964-1994

by Patrick Enson Mwanjawala

This study examines how President Banda controlled women of Malawi and manipulated their powers to create and sustain one man’s political institution, which lasted for 30 years. Banda invented a tradition that exploited women’s power to build and maintain an image of himself as a heroic figure. The study addresses the following questions: What defined Banda’s invented tradition? How did Banda invent a tradition? How did the invented tradition minimize women’s political power? The data from the Malawi National Archives, Indiana University archives and the Pro-Quest newspapers display that: President Banda adopted kingship style of leadership from pre-colonial Africa. He also adopted the Scottish church leadership, which referred to the biblical principles of the Old Testament in addressing the question of female rule. Banda invented Malawi’s tradition by combining the two leadership systems. These two systems inserted male dominance in the tradition of Banda, which later facilitated the marginalization of women’s power politically, socially, and economically. For 30 years of his reign, women became worshipers and supporters of Banda and very few male politicians. They danced and praised Banda merely for his presence until the 1990s. Women in 1992, however, challenged the very same image they supported for years.

THE INVENTED TRADITION: HASTINGS KAMUZU BANDA AND THE MARGINALIZATION OF WOMEN IN POLITICS, 1964-1994

Thesis

Submitted to the

Faculty of Miami University

in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

Patrick Enson Mwanjawala

Miami University

Oxford, Ohio

2020

Advisor: Dr. Nishani Frazier

Reader: Dr Andrew Offenburger

Reader: Dr. Naaborle Sackeyfio

This Thesis titled

THE INVENTED TRADITION: HASTINGS KAMUZU BANDA AND THE MARGINALIZATION OF WOMEN IN POLITICS, 1964-1994

Patrick Enson Mwanjawala

has been approved for publication by

The College of Arts and Science and

Department of History

______Nishani Frazier

______Andrew Offenburger

______Naaborle Sackeyfio

Table of Contents

Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………………..i List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………………..iii Dedication………………………………………………………………………………………iv Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………...v Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………..1 1.1 Theoretical Framework………………………………………………………………….4 1.2 Research Methodologies…………………………………………………………………7 1.3 Chapter Breakdown…………………………………………………………………….9 Chapter One:…………………………………………………………………………………..12 The History of Women’s Power in Malawi…………………………………………………..12 2.1 Matrilinealinity and Women’s Power in the Pre-colonial Era…………………………...13 2.2 Women and Colonialism in Malawi, 1891-196………………………………………….17 2.2.1 Colonial Capitalism and Women………………………………………………………17 2.2.2 Labor migration and Gendered divisions………………………………………………19 2.2.3. Colonial education and Gendered division……………………………………………21 2.2.4. The First World War and Gendered difference………………………………………..22 2.2.5. Christianity versus Women’s Power…………………………………………………..24 Chapter Two:…………………………………………………………………………………. 28 Banda’s Invented Tradition…………………………………………………………………..28 3.1. Restoration of the Old African Institutions and Invention of tradition………………….28 3.1.1 Restoring African Past………………………………………………………………….28 3.1.2 Banda and the Road to Independence………………………………………………….31 3.1.3 The Restoration of Malawi and the invention of tradition……………………………..34 3.2. The Scottish Church Leadership and Invention of Malawi’s Tradition…………………44 Chapter Three………………………………………………………………………………….47 The Invented Tradition and Women in Malawi……………………………………………..47 4.1. Women as Political Tools………………………………………………………………..50 4.1. 1 Performative Arts: Singing and Dancing……………………………………………...50 4.1.2 Spies: Ears and Eyes of Banda…………………………………………………………54 4.1.3 Appointment……………………………………………………………………………56 4.2. Women’s Political “Benefits”…………………………………………………………...58

4.2.1 Free Air trip…………………………………………………………………………….58 4.2.2 Free Hospital Charges………………………………………………………………….60 4.2.3 Catering Schools……………………………………………………………………….61 4.3 Benefits Not Real………………………………………………………………………...62 4.3.1 Empowerment vs Women’s Limited Power…………………………………………...62 4.3.2 Protection……………………………………………………………………………….63 Conclusion:……………………………………………………………………………………..66 The Resurrection of the Women’s Power……………………………………………………66 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………72 Appendices……………………………………………………………………………………..84

List of Figures Fig 1. Banda received full promise of loyalty.

Fig. 2. Loyalty to Banda.

Fig. 3. Women dancing.

Fig. 4. Alice Ntholo appointed as Deputy Minister of Agriculture.

Fig. 5. Officials of the Malawi Women’s League in Wales.

Fig. 6. Banda visited Queens Elizabeth Hospital.

Fig. 7. Women at catering schools.

iii

Dedication To my Parents and Marilouise Petersen

Acknowledgements

This thesis went through the hands of individuals with different capacities. As such, I am deeply grateful to acknowledge them all. Firstly, I give thanks to my advisor Nishani Frazier and research committee members; Andrew Offenburger, and Naaborle Sackeyfio for their insights that brought this thesis to completion. Their guidance and support helped finetune my research work to reach this far. Dr. Osaak Ollumwullah, the former advisor, also deserves special recognition for his guidance and constructive criticism that greatly shaped the picture of my thesis before his retirement. I humbly acknowledge Marilouise Petersen for her support and encouragement in my academic journey. She maintained her support in every situation. This product also owes debts to Lisa Gilman. She personally spared her time, despite her busy schedule, to provide mentorship that built confidence in me. She shared her published and unpublished materials that greatly channeled this work to a specific direction. I record my gratitude to members of the Malawi National Archives in Zomba for allowing me to review archived materials that enriched this thesis. On the same note, I also extend my gratitude to every individual who assisted me in the course of data collection in Malawi. Special thanks to Kondwani Kamanga for the research assistance in the northern region of Malawi. Lastly, I give thanks to friends and family here in the US and in Malawi.

Introduction This study examines how President Hastings Kamuzu Banda controlled women and manipulated their powers in the post-colonial Malawi, 1964- 1994. Malawi, a Pennsylvania like- country, occupies the space in the Southeastern part of Sub-Saharan Africa. It borders Tanzania to the northeast, Zambia to the west and Mozambique to the east, south, and southwest. This country, formerly named Nyasaland, became the target of European colonialism like other African countries. Europeans launched colonialism in Africa in the 19th century following the Berlin conference of 1884-1885. In this conference, major countries such as Britain, Germany, the superpower of that time, Italy, France, and Portugal partitioned Africa to meet their social- economic interest. 1 Germany, Britain, and France shared most of the territories in Africa, leaving few under the sovereignty of Portugal and Belgium. Specifically, the British government colonized an extended space in the North and South-East of Africa while France dwelled largely in the West of the continent. As a southeastern territory, Malawi, therefore, became the British protectorate in 1891. For the next 70 years, the people of Malawi operated under British colonial rule. In 1964, however, the British colonial authority granted independence to Malawi under the rulership of Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who exercised the one-party system until 1994.

For 30 years, Banda manipulated women’s power to sustain his authority. 2 Hastings Kamuzu Banda invented a tradition that exploited women’s power to build and maintain an image of himself as a heroic figure, which became an object of praise throughout the one-party system. The concept of tradition refers to repetitive activities that depict past life. 3 People adopt the practices of their ancestors, which become part of their identity. The frequent observation of the past practices leads to a specified definition of their tradition. For example, some people uphold the consumption of their ancestors’ food products. Such an act convinces them to consider the

1 J.B. Ramage. “The Partition of Africa.” The Sewanee Review 7, no.2. (1899): 221. www.jstor.org/stable/2758042. 2 Matriarchal powers refer to the influence that women possessed in determining the future of their societies. It originated from the matrilineal system existed in specific groups of people in central and southern Malawi extending to other tribes in Mozambique, Zambia and Kenya. The matrilineal system traced its lineage from the female line and through this way, it added authority to the female population. Women in this system held influential positions which qualified them to participate in decision- making process regarding the future of their societies. They acted as female chiefs, senior queens, chief-priestess and advisors in chief. See works by Jessica Johnson. “Matriliny” the Cambridge Encyclopedia of Anthropology. (eds) F-Stein, S. Lazar, M. Candea, H. Diemberger, J. Robbins, A. Sanchez & R. Sasch. (2016). 1-2. http://doi.org/10.29164/16matriliny. 3 Lisa Gilman. “The Traditionalization of Women’s Dancing, Hegemony and Politics in Malawi.” Journal of Folklore Research. Vol 41. No. 36. (2004). http://www.jstor.org./stable/3814744 1 consumption of that specific food as their tradition. In Malawi, people align themselves with different tribal identities. Every single tribe upholds specific elements that give them a sense of tradition. The Tumbuka tribe, a predominantly northern region tribe, considers the practice of Vumbuza dance as an aspect of their tradition. The central region Chewa tribe, on the other hand, considers inherited practices such as Nyau dance, the rite of passage, and many others as traditional. Banda then invented a tradition that tied all tribes together to serve national interest. The invention of a tradition through the eyes of Eric Hawbsbawm and Terrence Ranger refers to a process of retrieving practices of an old institution.4 It involves restoring the past not as in its real shape but in the imagined or innovative format. The British underprivileged population flocked to Africa in the 1800s as colonialists and lived a British ruling class life on African soil.5 They elevated themselves to a more prominent status than the black population. They occupied highly ranked positions in the colonial government. They also practiced sporting activities such as golf and hunting which specifically belonged to the ruling class back in their homeland. The settlers invented a tradition by adopting the British ruling class life and mixing it with new system of control.6 They sustained the ruling class life by enforcing commands on the local populations. They employed a servant-master form of relationships to advance the ruling class life. The settlers introduced mining and farming occupations that reduced the native population to a servant community. The latter submitted their skills, energy, and time to the will of the colonial masters in the farms or mines. In this light, settlers enforced huge taxation bills on poor servants. The black community provided free labor as a payment of the bills. This labor brought them under full control of the colonial class. In Britain, however, the ruling class balanced power with the working class or industrial class.7 The invention of a tradition in Africa became apparent because of the new system of control that the settlers combined with the British upper or ruling class life. Therefore, invention of a tradition occurs when new practices co-exist with the previous one in a single unit. The additional ingredients bring a new past and hence, the invention of the old tradition.

4 Eric Hawbsbawm and Terrence Ranger. The Invention of Tradition. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.) 33. 5 Terrence Ranger. “The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa” in The Invention of Tradition. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1933.) 211. 6 Terrence Ranger. “The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa” 211. 7 Terrence Ranger. “The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa” 211. 2

Banda’s invention of tradition occurred in the context of the anti-colonial conversations in which Banda himself and other potential African leaders discussed approaches of reclaiming Africa and rebuilding the continent for the benefit of its inhabitants. From this conversation, they concluded to restore the pre-colonial African past. In this context, Banda’s invention of tradition appears apparently as he revived African tradition specifically the matriarchal tradition of the Chewa tribe and mixed it with the Scottish church tradition. In this way, he created a new institution with specified cultural activities that intended to build the nation on moral and spiritual principles with connections to the Chewa matrilineal culture. 8 The Chewa tribe was among many ethnic groups that settled in Malawi, including the Tumbuka, Tonga, Ngoni, Yao, Sena, Ngonde, and Lomwe. However, Banda specifically singled out the Chewa matrilineal practices because he belonged to this tribe. Therefore, Malawi’s tradition was a blend of the two traditions, the Chewa matrilineal culture and the Scottish church leadership, hence invented. The Scottish church tradition mattered because Banda served for years as one of the Scottish church elders. He mostly copied the doctrines of the former Scottish church elder John Knox, who disregarded female rule in the church.9 From Knox’s principles, Banda mimicked, among other things, the male absolute authority and inserted it in his tradition. Banda’s invented tradition, therefore, refers to the collective practices that enhanced moral and spiritual uprightness based on the manipulated Chewa matrilineal culture and male authority of the Scottish church leadership. Banda, through this tradition, reduced women’s power from the influential status as in pre-colonial Chewa matriarchal societies to a level where it only glorified himself without any real rewards to female actors. Kamuzu Banda understood the women’s power comprehensively as he traced his origin from the Chewa tribe of the Maravi empire that practiced matrilineal tradition. The matrilineal system advanced female authority and also ensured a shared responsibility among both sexes in handling affairs of the Maravi kingdom. Precisely, this Kingdom operated under Makewana, the Queen Mother, who instructed Kalonga, the male king, in shaping the future of the kingdom. 10 The Kalonga assimilated other ethnic tribes into the Maravi kingdom and this action ascended the

8 Lisa Gilman. “The Traditionalization of Women’s Dancing, Hegemony and Politics in Malawi. “ 37 9 John Knox was among the popular elders of the Church of Scotland. He contributed immensely to the doctrines of the church and the state. He advanced unity between the church and the state during his existence. John Knox’s leadership leaned on the old testament of the bible. In this biblical section, women received less attention than men and this convinced Knox that God legitimized men to take charge of authority. Therefore, he in his many manuscripts indoctrinated against the female rule. 10 Kings Phiri. "PRE-COLONIAL STATES OF CENTRAL MALAŴI: TOWARDS A RECONSTRUCTION OF THEIR HISTORY." The Society of Malawi Journal 41. 2. www.jstor.org/stable/29778587. 4. 3

Chewa’s authority to prominence. However, the birth and growth of colonial rule in Malawi disjointed every entity that defined the Maravi system and coherently inserted concepts of gendered difference in the colonized community.11 Banda, in the post-colonial era, remade Malawi with the Chewa as the dominant tribe but upheld gendered difference. He manipulated the matriarchal system by adopting the male position of Kalonga and deleting the female rule. He appointed Cecilia Kadzamira who assumed the place of the Mother of the nation just like the Queen mother in the Maravi kingdom. However, unlike the latter, Kadzamira remained under the control of Banda. 12 She possessed no meaningful authority. Therefore, his invented tradition also copied male authority of the Kalonga king and, neglected women’s authority. Banda’s tradition purely exercised patriarchal traits that became the new version of Malawi. This explains that women’s power, for decades, suffered from masculine manipulation. Such observation confirms with some theoretical frameworks that perceive African women as victims of male dominance. This leads to a discussion of the theoretical frameworks that guide this study.

1.1 Theoretical Framework This study falls within a category of the Passive Victimology and the Resister or Contribution approaches in mining the history of women in Africa and Malawi in particular. These two approaches rose from the context of situating women in scholarship. Previously, scholars debated on the invisibility of women in literature. However, the argument of women’s disappearance in African historical literature no longer exists. 13 It faded out, as many scholars such as Claire Robertson, and Fatuma Guyo uncovered hidden stories of women and inserted them in

11 Colonialism negatively changed social and economic life of the many African societies. See Ife Amadiume Reinventing Africa: Matriarchy, Religion and Culture: New York & London Zed Books, 1997. Also see Afisi Taiwo Oseni, Power and Womanhood in Africa: An Introductory Evaluation. The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol. 3. No. 6, March 2010. 233. Also see Fatuma Guyo in Colonial and Post-Colonial Changes and Impact on Pastoral Women’s Roles and Status. Pastoralism, Research Policy and Practice (2017). 1-3. https://doi.org/10.1186/S13570-017-0076-2. See Nkolika Ijeoma Aniekwu, Converging Constructions: A Historical Perspective on Sexuality and Feminism in Post-colonial Africa. African Sociological Review / Revue Africaine de Sociologie, Vol. 10, No. 1 (2006), pp. 144-148. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/afrisocirevi.10.1.143. 12 Linda Semu. “Kamuzu’s Mbumba: Malawi Women’s Embeddedness to Culture in the Face of International Political Pressure and Internal Political Change” Africa Today, Vol.49. No.2. Women, Language and Law in Africa 2 (2002). 82. http://www.jstor.org/stable/29779129 13 Claire Robertson. "Putting the Political in Economy: African Women’s and Gender History, 1992–2010." In Making Women’s Histories: Beyond National Perspectives, edited by Nadell Pamela S. and Haulman Kate, 61. New York; London: NYU Press, 2013. www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qg6cs. Nancy Rose Hunt. “Placing African Women’s History and Locating Gender” Social History. Vol, 14, No. 3 (Oct.,1989). 4 http://www.jstor.org/stable/4285793 4 scholarship for public consumption. 14 However, the existing debate concerns the image of women as victims of the society or determiners of their fate. Hence, the conflict between the passive victim and the resister or contribution approaches appears. The passive victim approach suggests that women helplessly endured masculinized oppression and remained idol without any attempts to challenge the system. 15 It champions an argument that African societies subjected women to male manipulation according to Nancy Rose Hunt. 16 It suggests that men decided the fate of women and the latter passively absorbed principles from the masculine community. The social structure depicts women as victims of social, political and economic circumstances. The approach holds a prejudiced view against the female population. It reduces women to mere properties under the ownership of men. 17

Some selected cases in Africa proved this approach true. In Kenya, the customary and colonial laws unified to work against the favor of women in some cases. For instance, the property law disallowed women to own properties on their own without the knowledge of their husbands.18 Property law limited them from rising to the status of independence. In this case, it situated them to a dependent position throughout their life.

Afisi Taiwo, a Nigerian scholar, contends that Contemporary Nigerian community exercised lessons learned from the colonial masters by subjecting their women to male oppression. Men frequented harsh practices against their female counterparts. They dehumanized them to serve male interests. Women remained victims of every single decision that shaped their community before re-integrating them into the society.19

14 See Fatuma Guyo in Colonial and Post-Colonial Changes and Impact on Pastoral Women’s Roles and Status. Pastoralism, Research Policy and Practice (2017). 1-3. https://doi.org/10.1186/S13570-017-0076-2. 15 Muhammed A. Yinusa. Joseph A. Oluyemi, and Raji Abdullateef. "Children, Women, Development and Fundamental Human Rights in Some African Societies." In The Political Economy of Poverty, Vulnerability and Disaster Risk Management: Building Bridges of Resilience, Entrepreneurship, edited by Mawere Munyaradzi, 290. Mankon, Bamenda: Langaa RPCIG, 2018. www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvk3gmbx.13. 16 Nancy Rose Hunt. “Placing African Women’s History and Locating Gender” Social History. Vol, 14, No. 3 (Oct., 1989). 5. 17 Richard A Wright. "Women as "Victims" and as "Resisters": Depictions of the Oppression of Women in Criminology Textbooks." Teaching Sociology 23, no. 2 (1995): 1. Accessed April 12, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/1319341. 18 Ibid., 184 19 Afisi Taiwo Oseni, Power and Womanhood in Africa: An Introductory Evaluation. The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol. 3. No. 6, March 2010. 234. https://www.questia.com/library/journal/1P3-2013710281/power-and- womanhood-in-africa-an-introductory-evaluation 5

On the other hand, the resister or contribution approach perceives women from a different angle. This approach faults the previous one for the unfair depiction of women’s image. The resistance or contribution approach advances an argument that women contributed to the process that shaped the political, social, and economic picture of their societies. 20 For example, among the pre-colonial Bantu tribe of Southern Africa, the Pondo women and men shared labor accordingly. They based labor divisions on sexual perspectives. Women reared children and cared for the shelters while men hunted, fished, and tilled the farm.21 In fact, some African societies even entrusted women with leadership roles. Specifically, the Kikuyu of Kenya assigned women to exercise duties as female chiefs and priestess.22 They remained active in their respective positions and participated in various activities that shaped the future of their societies.

While the resister or contribution approach acknowledges the existence of male dominance in the African societies, it emphasizes that women were not passive. They actively maintained power balance between sexes. The feminist scholar Fatuma Guyo sheds light on how the Borama women in Kenya balanced power in the society that acknowledged male dominance. 23 She cites various cases that exhibited the Borama women exercising absolute control in the domestic paradigm. Apart from their primary stereotypical duties of nurturing children, women also dominated livestock production and other economic realms. They balanced powers even in the political parameters as they remained backbones of crucial political decisions that surfaced during the pre-colonial Borama community.

Banda’s Malawi becomes more complicated when contextualizing either of the discussed approaches. Throughout his reign, he reduced women to victims of male power. Women danced to the tune of Banda and few male politicians. They became worshippers of the president for 30 years. While he appeared to empower them, his efforts only placed them within the positions where they supported male community. However, in the early 1990s women resisted. They challenged Banda by singing against him. They reclaimed their power, forced Banda out of the presidency

20 See works by Afisi Taiwo Oseni, Power and Womanhood in Africa: An Introductory Evaluation. The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol. 3. No. 6, March 2010. 21 Monica hunter. “The Effects of contact with European on the Status of Pondo Women. January 1933. 6.3. Periodicals Archives online. P. 260. 22 Emily Maliwa. “The Legal Status of Status of Women in Malawi from Precolonial Period to Independence-1964.” (PhD Thesis, University of London, 1970.) 1. Pro-quest number 11015637. 23 Fatuma Guyo in Colonial and Post-Colonial Changes and Impact on Pastoral Women’s Roles and Status. Pastoralism, Research Policy and Practice (2017). 3. https://doi.org/10.1186/S13570-017-0076-2. 6 and created a stage for women’s empowerment in Malawi. Through these lenses, both the passive victim and the resister or contribution approaches guide the arguments of this thesis. This means that the thesis employs both approaches to examine hidden and unhidden women’s consciousness that shaped political picture of Malawi.

This thesis addresses the following research questions; What defined Banda and Malawi’s invented tradition? In what way did Banda marginalize women’s power? To answer these questions, this thesis relied on primary accounts which include mostly archived materials. The thesis also relied on secondary literature to support the argument.

1.2 Research Methodologies To review documents in the national archives, the researcher visited the Malawi National Archives in Zomba, Southern region of Malawi in July 2019. At this archival institution, the researcher encountered limited sources. Officials reported that many of the archived materials disappeared. They complained that other retired members took away some materials. They also hinted that some professors at the University of Malawi, Chancellor College withheld the archived materials from the Malawi National Archives. Nevertheless, the available materials included newspapers, speeches, minutes of the meeting, and letters.

The researcher examined primary sources related to the topic under study. Specifically, the most available materials included newspapers such as the Malawi News, and Boma Lathu (Our Government).24 These papers brought on surface Banda’s political and economic activities. The newspapers also showed President Banda in touch with other male politicians. The general problems associated with primary accounts of Banda’s time concerns biasness. Banda always remained at the center of everything. He became visible in print all the time. At the Malawi National Archives, 90% of the materials that covered stories during the one-party system presented Banda. He dominated every aspect of the press during his time. This means, the sources from the Malawi National Archives lack a sense of value due to biasness.

Even though some selected sources presented women in the position of doing something, those materials only confirmed the idea that women supported Banda. Such sources displayed

24 The researcher at the Malawi National Archives also encountered a letter that the secretary of the Malawi Congress Party wrote to the delegates of the party. The speech also came to light that addressed the general public about preservation of the Banda’s four cornerstones. 7 women dancing and singing for him. Other materials covered women appealing to the general public to act according to the will of Banda. They only created the impression that women happily supported Banda and his regime. Such materials hid other stories of women.

To minimize this gap, the researcher reviewed digitized materials specifically the New York Times and Washington Post newspapers from the Pro-Quest section through the Miami University Online Library, Research Section. These archived materials provided a political coverage of Malawi from the perspective of the Washington post or New York Times reporters. Significantly, these materials carried voices of the voiceless Malawians during the reign of Banda. Through these printings, we learn different atrocities associated with Banda’s government. The abused picture of women, which remained hidden in the Malawi news, appeared on forefront pages of the western newspapers. Other members of the independent Malawi sought refuge in the neighboring countries in attempt to escape Banda’s tyranny. However, the Malawi press fed its audience with information that labelled those citizens as rebellious. It created no platform to bring on surface real stories of the escaping Malawians and let the people judge by themselves. Instead, it only left Malawians with a spirit to condemn all fellow citizens who exited Malawi on a notice of disagreement with the leadership of the day. However, listening to articles and reports covered in the western newspapers, one hears the voices of those who fled Malawi or suffered in silence. In this way, exploring these newspapers provides a balanced view of the realities during Banda’s era, which strengthens the argument of this thesis.

Further, the researcher also visited Indiana University Archive Online to explore archived materials that gave rich insights to the study of Banda and women in Malawi. Specifically, the researcher reviewed Hastings K. Banda’s correspondence between 1930 and 1997. This section hosts digitized letters that President Banda sent or received in his life. Some letters date back to 1930s, the period of his studentship. Such materials remain important for this work, as they provide full picture of his personality. From the same letters, one also grasps a sense of Banda’s thinking towards the future of the colonial Malawi. Many letters in this correspondence reveal Banda’s official and personal communication during the years of his presidency, 1964-994. He jotted letters to his former classmates in which he happily disclosed his position of the president and also shared autobiography. Many other letters addressed his fellow African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. Letters of this nature also

8 prove significant for this thesis, as they provide evidence to the way he consolidated and sustained power. More importantly, these letters give a sense of the way Banda treated women. Some letters provide accounts of women complaining to him about their positions in the society. President Banda sent and received letters even when Malawians booted him out of office. A bunch of letters reached or departed his presence between 1994 and 1997. Such sources also provide insightful perspective of his reconciliation following the 1994 defeat. These materials enrich this research work significantly and helps address major research questions.

After a collection of the archived materials, the researcher cross-examined and evaluated every single document to determine its authenticity. Thereafter, the researcher picked some materials and left others. The researcher comprehensively read through the selected letters, speeches, newspapers, and others. In this process, the author jotted down notes to make sense of every piece of the material. Henceforth, the author drew themes from the reading of the archived sources and the notes. The researcher also related the themes and the evidence available to secondary sources. This was an attempt to fit the data within a framework of scholarship. The data available guided the structuring of the thesis into three main chapters.

1.3 Chapter Breakdown Chapter one provides a background of matriarchal power in Malawi. It aims at providing a foundation that builds up our understanding of Banda’s actions towards women during the one- party system. In other words, it contextualizes the relationship that Banda developed with women of Malawi after independence. This chapter also provides a perspective from which to understand women’s actions in the 1980s that challenged Banda and created a space for women’s empowerment. The chapter traces women’s activities since the pre-colonial period. African matrilineal societies reserved a tradition of acknowledging women’s power in various social and political sectors. The chapter confirms that the coming of colonialism in Africa influenced societies to downgrade women. Colonial laws suppressed women’s powers in various ways. It brought the concept of divisions among the same people on the question of gender. While in some isolated cases, women resisted colonial influence and reserved their power, in many cases, the colonial government through different strategies reduced the traditional power of women.

Chapter two of this thesis discusses the political transition from colonial to post-colonial Africa. The chapter draws attention to the vision of the African leaders towards independent

Africa. This involves a process in which African leaders debated about creating an independent African society with all the capacity to meet the needs of its inhabitants. This chapter, in particular, examines the nationalist ideas, which African leaders adopted in building an independent Africa. Kamuzu Banda of Malawi, along with other African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, and Jomo Kenyatta, participated in the nationalist conversation in which they paid attention to the shape of the post- independence Africa.

Banda returned to Malawi well equipped with the anti-colonial approaches and nationalist ideologies of the independent Malawi. Unlike his colleagues, he blended pre-colonial African past and colonial Christian laws to guide independent Malawi. Hastings Kamuzu Banda invented Malawi’s tradition, based on pre-colonial male-authority, and also the Scottish male-dominated church leadership, which projected a marginalized status of women in various disciplines of life. The invented tradition became a constitution of Malawi from 1964 to 1994, the timeframe of his rulership. This chapter builds up the whole thesis argument because it contextualizes the political landscape that displaced women’s powers after independence.

Chapter three discusses Banda’s invented tradition and the women’s place during his time as the president of Malawi. The chapter examines how the president manipulated women to attain the status of a heroic figure. Banda’s maintenance and sustenance of his authority depended on his control of women. Throughout 30 years of his reign, he took advantage of the women’s power by making women worshipers of his image. This chapter displays how Banda used women as tools that legitimatized his power. Women participated in the performances and also played roles as spies. Appointments became another strategy that Banda used women as tools. In return, he rewarded those who supported him in various ways. Some received free-air trips, while others benefited free medical services and vocational training. The so-called rewards only served the interest of Banda while extending social-economic sufferings on women. This chapter builds up the overall argument of this thesis as it brings to light strategies that Banda employed to manipulate women’s power.

The conclusion section provides a summary of the thesis and ends with a brief discussion of women’s reclaiming their power. The marginalization of women in Malawi began with the colonial government and extended to Banda’s one-party regime. It reached at an intense height in the independent Malawi as Banda invented the tradition that facilitated the program. Women lost

10 substance and became worshipers of Banda. He used them to remain in power. In the late 1990s, however, women reclaimed their power, challenged Banda’s autocracy and created a space for women’s empowerment even in the post- Banda administrations. Women sought an environment that recognized their dignity, rights, and freedom.

The whole of this thesis denotes that women, even if went through two suppressive regimes, consciously or unconsciously spearheaded political history of Malawi. Within the marginalized status, women helped in the making of Banda and the Malawi one party’s history. In the 1990s, they restored their power, pushed down Banda and created an environment that acknowledged their dignity. This thesis in general displays women in the making of Malawi’s history.

Chapter One:

The History of Women’s Power in Malawi

Through an interview that Lisa Gilman, the professor in folklore studies, conducted with Mr. Nicholas Dausi, the former Deputy Regional Chairman of the Malawi Congress Party in the southern region of Malawi, we grasped an understanding of the immediate impacts of colonization on gender relations in Malawi. On this subject, the interviewee commented with these significant words. 25

“The coming of the British changed various aspects of Malawi’s culture. Men used to wear animal skins but changed to western style. Men were the people who were first of all employed. Women were mainly restricted in the kitchens.”26

These words reveal that African societies in some ways altered lifestyle with the coming of colonialism. In respect of gender, the colonial regime changed the existing structure by elevating men to a status of occupying colonial jobs and limiting women to perform domestic duties only. Colonialism in Malawi reduced the power of women by employing various mechanisms for 70 years of its existence. Precisely, it brought concepts of Christianity, cash crop economy, labor migration, and gender inequalities that facilitated the decline of women’s power. Gradually, women lost substance in the matriarchal communities and became victims of double oppression. This means, black and white men shared the responsibility of downgrading women’s power, which dominated the matriarchal communities. The matrilineal societies before colonialism practiced a tradition of acknowledging the power of women in various social and political sectors. In these societies, women played various influential roles in religious, political, and economic realms before the colonial era. For instance, the pre-colonial Maravi or Chewa setting placed a woman in the queenship position locally called

25 This interview focused specifically on the leadership of Dr Banda tracing from 1958. the year he returned home to 1997 the year he died. The interviewee also tackled political realities of post- Banda Malawi. However, in answering the question about dressing culture, the interviewee traced the difference in dressing from the time of the colonial contact. Thus, giving a sense of immediate impacts of colonialism on gender relations. The quotation presents few words of what the interviewee said. 26 Nicholas Dausi, in conversation with Lisa Gilman, Blantyre Southern region of Malawi. 2000. Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archives. 12

Makewana with mandates to decide the future of the kingdom. 27 This opens a discussion of the matrilineal system before colonial era. 2.1 Matrilinealinity and Women’s Power in the Pre-colonial Era The discourse of the Chewa matrilineal culture dwells on the queen mother called Makewana (Mother of Children). 28 She became the heart of the kingdom. The Chewa monarchy also awarded the title of Kalonga to a male chief, who was usually a brother to Makewana. However, Kalonga possessed less power than Makewana. His powers generally became symbolic and ceremonial, exercised for specific duties. On the other hand, Makewana possessed executive power. While Kalonga held the duty of protecting her, he never carried out major activities like waging war without permission. She remained his source of wisdom and guidance. 29 Makewana, as a senior female leader, also extended her duties to handle the belief system in the chiefdom. She controlled the ritual traditions. People considered her a divine being, a title that ascended her to a more influential status. In general, the Chewa maintained a politics in which female chiefs exercised control over religious beliefs. The queen mother also possessed authority to condemn the senior Kalonga king for the wrongs committed. If the king committed crimes against the female chief-priestess, he ruined his own title. In 18th century, the history of Maravi/ Chewa Kingdom revealed that one of the kings witnessed the decline of his own title as he wronged the queen mother. The king raped one of the girls who went to fetch water for the queen mother. 30 Such practices annoyed the queen that she mobilized the army to slice into pieces, Kalonga and his possessions. This account confirms that the queen possessed authority even over the army. The Makewana also exercised her authority by convening an assembly of chiefs and elders. She informed them of the development and led the decision towards replacement.

27 Kings Phiri. "PRE-COLONIAL STATES OF CENTRAL MALAŴI: TOWARDS A RECONSTRUCTION OF THEIR HISTORY." The Society of Malawi Journal 41. 2. www.jstor.org/stable/29778587. 28 The Maravi Kingdom spread across central Africa covering territories of Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The Chewa people led the expansion of this kingdom in the central and southern regions of Malawi. They assimilated other tribes living in the area of their settlement. Such tribes included the Yao, Sena and partly Lomwe. These tribes practiced a matrilineal system in which traced inheritance from a female line. All the authorities to own possessions remained in the hands of the female populations. Anonymous, oral interview notes, Kasungu District, central region of Malawi, June 21, 2019. Also I.C. Lamba. The Missionary and Ethnography in Malawi: A study of the Maravi and the Yao to 1920. The Society of Malawi Journal. Vol 38, No. 1. 1985. 64-69. 29 Kings Phiri. "PRE-COLONIAL STATES OF CENTRAL MALAŴI: TOWARDS A RECONSTRUCTION OF THEIR HISTORY." The Society of Malawi Journal 41. 12-13. www.jstor.org/stable/29778587. 30 Ibid., 14 13

Apart from the Makewana, other female chiefs particularly subordinate ones also exercised spiritual powers. 31 Most of these female chiefs became ritual specialists. They played paramount spiritual roles as priestesses, which earned them respect. Men sought knowledge from priestesses, in light of the raining and harvesting calendars. Precisely, the chief priestess called Mangadzi, with her prophecies, lectured them on the schedules of rains, droughts, and disasters. With such an impression, a court of intelligent men under Kabambe chief supported her. 32 The court also awarded her honors for enhancing human and animal fertility. The court further named her; Mwini Mzinda, which means owner of the entire community. The award of this title reflected a complete impression with her performance. Women also controlled possession, properties and exercised more authority over land, and livestock. They held considerable rights over the aforementioned possession along with children. The Kalonga entrusted a woman called Kholo with a position of controlling land. 33 Sources remained silent on the relationship between the Kholo and the queen mother. Nevertheless, the title of Kholo referred to the oldest or first ancestress of matrilineal relatives. Elders of the matrilineal groups selected an heir when she died. Usually, her elder sister was the legitimate candidate to inherit the position. The person in this position upheld various obligations, which included land distribution and dispute settlement. 34 This was a pertinent responsibility because the kingdom practiced agriculture. The Kholo awarded men and women land for farming. When the kingdom grew big and assimilated other tribes that depended on farming too, her responsibility also extended greatly. Her duty became very crucial and earned her much respect. Many people approached her for settlement of land disputes. In this way, she contributed to maintaining peace and order in the matriarchal community. When families received land from the maternal background, it remained a property of the woman in that family. 35 The donation of land and any other holdings extended female power. If

31 Kings Phiri. Pre-colonial States of Central Malawi: Towards a Reconstruction of their History. The Society of Malawi Journal, 41, no.1 (1988). Also Newitt, M. D. D. "The Early History of the Maravi." The Journal of African History 23, no. 2 (1982): 13-15.. www.jstor.org/stable/182054. Newitt reveals the birth of the Maravi empire, its social structure and how it interacted with other tribes of people including foreigners. 32 Kings Phiri. “The Pre-colonial States of Central Malawi.” 13. 33 Minutes taken during a meeting held on 17 and 19th October 1963. Correspondence Between Dr. Banda and Rev H.M Phiri Ref: 38/HMP/3/5. Malawi National Archives. 34 Minutes of the meeting of the chiefs, 17th and 19th 1963. Malawi National Archives. 35 Mike Mathambo Mtika and Henry Victor Doctor. “Matriliny, Patriliny, and Wealth Flow Variations in Rural Malawi” African Sociological Review, Vol.6. No. 2 (2002), 73-74. https://www.jstor.org/stable24487327. 14 couples divorced, women claimed all possessions. The ownership of properties gave them a sense of power. Their husbands held no power over family possessions. Women controlled their own economy with support from their maternal uncles. However, other evidence proved that the uncles over-exercised their supervisory role, which limited women’s authority.36 Such evidence maintained that the uncles controlled the land that belonged to women for their own benefits. While the argument makes sense, it pays less attention to the observation that the uncles only ensured women’s full control of the inherited possessions. The uncles protected the inherited land to ensure that women enjoyed free and full ownership of that land. The matrilineal structure assigned responsibilities to women of controlling possessions while the uncle ensured protection. The society, therefore, empowered women in some ways which gives impression that the pre-colonial communities of the Chewa population respected and cherished the power of women. In the 1800s, however, the strength of the Maravi authority faded out. In reality, the kingdom met its fate due to accounts of the Ngoni invasion. 37 This group dismantled the kingdom by dispossessing inhabitants of their resources. 38 The Ngoni people settled in the territories of the Maravi empire leaving the Karonga powerless. Following various changes, the Maravi Kingdom collapsed in 1863. 39 However, such death never completely harmed matrilineal practice. Even after the decline of the empire, matriarchal practices prevailed. Some Chewa communities, though incorporated within the Ngoni patriarchal society, upheld their matrilineal tradition. In those communities, women adopted various ways to display power.

36 Angelia Queen Lyngdoh and A.K Nongkyrih. “Mother’s Brother in the Matrilineal Society: A Study of Khasi Matriliny. “The Nehu Journal Vol 13, No 1, 2015. 34-35. 37 The Ngoni tribe from the Zulu kingdom in South Africa escaped King Shaka’s tyranny and sought settlement in Southern Malawi. With their military skills, they successfully controlled the local Chewa populations and introduced their system of governance which was patriarchal. Also see M.D.D. Newitt. "The Early History of the Maravi." The Journal of African History 23, no. 2 (1982): 1-15. www.jstor.org/stable/182054 38 Owen Kalinga, and John G. Pike. “'A Pre-Colonial History of Malawi' (The Nyasaland Journal, Volume 18, No. 1, 1965, Pp. 22).” The Society of Malawi Journal, vol. 53, no. 1/2, 2000, pp. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/29779048. 39 Various factors account for the decline of the Maravi Empire. Apart from the Ngoni Invasion, the broad expansion of the kingdom was also attributed to its fate. We learn that the kingdom expanded greatly that the king lost control. He no longer held a capacity to track every business under operation. While he tasked his subordinate chiefs to govern on his behalf, he only learned that they pursued their own businesses. See Kings Phiri. "Cultural and Political Change in the Pre-Colonial History of Malawi." The Society of Malawi Journal 30, no. 2 (1977): 8-9.. www.jstor.org/stable/29778380. Further, the senior Kalonga king waged war against his subordinate chiefs who rebelled. This led to the separation of Kalonga and chiefs such as Kaphwiti, Lundu. They settled in the lowers shire to settle at Maono. The Kalonga on the other hand furthered with his course of waging war against rising rebellious groups. The spirit of war after war dwindled the kingdom. See I. C. Lamba.. "The Missionary and Ethnography in Malawi: A Study of the Maravi and the Yao to 1920." The Society of Malawi Journal 38, no. 1 (1985): 63. Accessed April 1, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/29778530. 15

Women used singing as a tool to express their concerns. 40 They sang pounding or work songs and genres to voice out their views. 41 Through these performances, they played significant roles in various social settings. Their performances demonstrated the extent at which the pre- colonial women changed the outlook of their societies. They communicated to people of all ages. Songs in performance carried various messages with different intentions. The singing became very popular in traditional settings. These were means through which elder women handed down cultural values, and norms to children. They also used this tool to condemn poor leadership in the society. This means if the chief performed contrary to the expectation of women, they produced songs against his performance. Various scholars attempted to document anthropological practices in relation to the women’s power. John Lwanda observed that local populations employed performance as a traditional form of disseminating information about behavior and diseases in the 1880s. 42 The messages conveyed through performances specifically addressed larger audiences with a purpose of influencing them to learn or unlearn a particular behavior. The discourse of performance meant to preserve cultural values, good morals, and shared history. Women, apart from performance, also dominated various aspects of oral traditions. For example, they handled folktales, legends, proverbs, riddles, and epics. 43 These tools held a great potential to change the mindset of the people. They were just like media technologies such as television, radios, Facebook, and any other means of transmitting information in this century. Through the various oral traditions, women taught the societies about good morals, exercise of responsibilities, and social respect. Children paid attention to these oral traditions to learn new disciplines of life. Therefore, women earned respect as source of moral education. However, this tradition of valuing women in all sectors of communal life faded out with the introduction of colonialism. Foreign domination interrupted basic foundations that built pre-colonial African settings. During the era of the 19th century, Africa welcomed visitors who brought colonialism and controlled land politically, economically and socially. This leads to a discussion of colonialism and women in Malawi.

40 John Lwanda. "The History of Popular Music in Malawi, 1891 to 2007: A Preliminary Communication." The Society of Malawi Journal 61, no. 1 (2008): 27. http://www.jstor.org.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/stable/29779253. 41 Timpuza Mvula. “Women’s Oral Poetry as a Social Strategy in Malawi.” PhD Thesis. (Indiana University, University, Microfilms International, 1987.) 5. 42 John Lwanda. “The History of Popular Music in Malawi” 27 43 John Lwanda. "The History of Popular Music in Malawi” 27-28. 16

2.2 Women and Colonialism in Malawi, 1891-1964 The British colonial rule, after its establishment in 1891, intruded Malawi with new system of gender relation through various policies. 44 The British in colonial Malawi, like in other African colonies, operated on a policy of indirect rule. 45 The indirect rule became a system whereby colonial masters worked with African men, whether chiefs or ordinary individuals. The British colonial masters granted male chiefs the power to rule on their behalf. They exercised autocratic power to meet their demands, but this disrupted the previous social structure. It asserted ideas of male superiority, which reduced women’s influence in various social sectors of society. Women gradually lost power in the market system, farming arenas, and including communal groupings, as colonial figures replaced men in those positions. 46 Such a scenario pushed women to marginal lines in social activities. It diluted the power that women enjoyed before colonial occupation. Women experienced marginalization during the colonial regime from various perspectives.

2.2.1 Colonial Capitalism and Women Colonialism introduced local people to capitalism which separated men from women. The colonial authorities granted cash crops such as cotton, tobacco and tea to men. Women, on the other hand, maintained the production of food crops. In this way, the labor division surfaced. Colonial masters deemed cash crops more important than food crops and hence, assigned men to take responsibility for nurturing these crops. Women produced crops that received little attention. From these small labor divisions, men felt more important than women and literally treated the latter as inferior. 47

44 Gender relation became a perspective in which colonial masters assigned duties to people based on sex. See Lawrence Malekano. “Peasants, Politics and Survival in Colonial Malawi” (PhD Dissertation, Dalhouse University, 1999).1891-1964. p216. 45 This remained a system whereby the colonial masters entrusted local chiefs with authorities to take responsibility over local affairs. Local chiefs received this title and ruled on behalf of the British. They reported to the masters any matters that transpired within the premises of their territories. See Erik Green. “Indirect rule and Colonia Invention: Chiefs and Agrarian Change in Nyasaland, ca. 1933 to early 1950s.” The International Journal of African Historical Studies. 2011. Vol. 44. No. 2. P 253. http://www.jstor.com/stable/23046880. Also see David Kilingray and Martin Plaut. Fighting for Britain: African Solders in the Second World War. (New York: James Curley, 2010. ) pg 16. 46 Samantha Mellory Kies. “Matriarchy, the Colonial Situation and the Women’s War of 1929 in South-Eastern Nigeria.” (Masters’ Thesis Eastern Michigan University, 2013) 57 http://commons.emich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1910&context=theses 47 Ibid., 58. Also see; Erik Green. "Agrarian Populism in Colonial and Postcolonial Malawi." African Studies Review 54, no. 3 (2011): 147. doi:10.2307/41304798. 17

The colonial system brought cash crop producers to the world economic system. 48 Only men participated in this capitalist engagement. They interacted more and more with westerners on perspectives of trade, politics, and social stands. This improved the status of men since the system equipped them with western knowledge and lifestyle. They employed the status to devalue women. The privilege of exposing men to various dealings of the western world brought down women’s power. Men underestimated women and questioned the notion of female power. They convinced themselves that women never deserved to take charge of social, political, or economic roles within the societies. In southern Malawi, the question of labor division depended on family types. 49 The cash crop economy directly reached the matrilineal groups of the Mang’anja and Sena. These groups resided along the Shire highland, which provided alluvial soils necessary for cultivation of cotton, and other cash crops. These tribes structured their society in perspective of family type in the form of polygamy or monogamy.50 In polygamous families, gender divisions became more apparent than in other forms of families. 51 Husbands bore the responsibility of raising cash crops such as cotton. Cotton farms became male dominated fields. They performed all labor required on the field and left out women in positions of domestic affairs. 52These men became very rich as they grew abundant cotton and sold in good status, which brought them immense rewards. However, women produced crops for household consumption. They produced millet, sorghum, corn, cassava, rice, greens, and sweet potatoes. Through this work, women fed their husbands, children, and other relatives. The co-wives worked together to produce enough for the family while their husband, on the other hand, raised enough cotton for his own wealth. 53

48 Endalcachew Bayeh. “The Political and Economic Legacy of Colonialism in the Post-Independence African States” International Journal in Commerce, IT & Social Science. Vol. 2. Issue-2. ISSN:3394-5702. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/273577309 49 Elias Mandala. “Peasant Cotton Agriculture, Gender and Inter-generational Relationships: The Lower Shire Valley of Malawi, 1906-1940.” African Review Studies, Vol. 25. No. 2/3 (1982) p32-32 https://www.jstor.org/stable/524209 50 Polygamy usually refers to a marriage whereby a man marries more than one or two wives, while the monogamous family meant a marriage in which a man lives with only a single wife. 51 Elias Mandala. “Peasant Cotton Agriculture, Gender and Inter-generational Relationships: The Lower Shire Valley of Malawi, 1906-1940.” African Review Studies, Vol. 25. No. 2/3 (1982) p31. https://www.jstor.org/stable/524209 52 Meghan Vaughan. “Food Production and Family Labour: The Shire Highlands and Upper Shire Valley in the Early Colonial Period” The Journal of African History. 23.3 (1982) 363. 53 Even if women owned land, the responsibility to decide cash crop growers remained in the hands of the colonial masters. The colonial government worked with men more than women. The government distributed cash crop seeds mostly to male farmers. This lowered the chances of engaging female farmers into the capitalist economy even if they possessed land. 18

These women sometimes assisted men in the cotton field when male labor proved inadequate. This means men yielded more wealth at the expense of female labor in some cases. In rewarding their wives who assisted in the field, men threw out to them lowly graded cotton, which attracted little or no profit. 54 Women bought clothes and other foodstuffs from the sale of such cottons. They benefited little from the economic system introduced in the village. The system in polygamous households only positioned women in a space where they entirely depended on men to meet their financial needs. This situation apparently defined men and women based on gendered roles. In some cases, colonial capitalism incorporated women into the market economy. In monogamous families, for example, women worked together with their husbands to produce cash crops. They both sold cotton at the markets and calculated sums of profit made. Both women and men decided how to invest the money earned from cotton production. Both men and women benefited equally from their participation in the economic system. Assignment of duties in light of gender differences was not very apparent. Even single women in southern Malawi proved richer than most married men on account of the market economy. 55 They freely traded in cotton and other cash crops in early years of colonial Malawi. They managed their wealth properly and this facilitated them to possess wealth. They became very prosperous and easily pursued their independent life until early 1930s. While it appears that colonial capitalism in some ways incorporated women, many of these women never benefited much from this system. It demanded women to pay huge sums of tax. Much of what they earned from the sale of their product returned to the colonialists in the form of tax. Those who accessed wealth from this engagement were very few but many of them remained poor.

2.2.2 Labor migration and Gendered divisions Colonialism furthered gendered divisions when labor migration occurred in Central

Africa. 56 The British government introduced capitalist mining industries in South Africa following the discovery of gold and diamonds in the 1880s. South Africa became one of the major suppliers

54 Elias Mandala. “Peasant Cotton Agriculture, Gender and Inter-generational Relationships: The Lower Shire Valley of Malawi, 1906-1940.” 31 55 Elias Mandala “Peasant Cotton Agriculture, Gender and Inter-generational Relationships.” 32. 56 Elias Mandala. “Peasant Cotton Agriculture.” 32. 19 of minerals to the world market. As the demand for South African minerals increased at the international market, the need for a workforce both skilled and unskilled appeared. Although white labor contributed to the digging and in other skilled work, most of the mining sectors consisted mainly of black migrant laborers.57 These originated from different neighboring territories such as Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Zambia, Malawi, and Tanzania. 58 The emergence of mining industries in South Africa became an economic light that attracted migrants. The British authority incorporated Malawi into the Southern African Region Economic System in which it only contributed cheap labor. 59 Only men participated in migrant labor, as colonial masters disregarded women’s capacity to perform duties in such sectors. Men disappeared for the south leaving their wives and children. They hoped to raise enough money from their work and improved living standards back home. 60 Further, the colonial government in the 1930s introduced a transport system in the form of railways, which eased migration of men to the south. Such efforts completely separated women and men on the question of gender. Women, by all means, remained at home and cared for the children, while hopelessly waiting for the return of their husbands. However, some evidence showed that women benefited from the disappearance of men. When men departed for the south, women remained and took control of society. Of course, not all men left for South Africa. Others, particularly those who worked in the government, remained behind. Nevertheless, most of the migrants originated from the plantations. Their departure created gaps in the fields of cottons and other cash crops. 61 Women worked for the colonial governments and filled such gaps in the farms. They occupied male dominated positions. They worked in cotton and tea plantations in the early 1920s and 1930s. 62 The employment of women increased even more in 1930s due to increased cotton investments. In this sense, only female and children labor

57 Anusa Daimon. “Nyasa Clandestine Migrant through Southern Rhodesia into the Union of South Africa: 1920s- 1950s.” pg 5. https://www.wider.unu.edu/sites/default/files/Daimon%2C%20Anusa_Paper.pdf 58 Henry Mitchell. “In Search of Green Pastures: Labor Migration from Colonial Malawi, 1939-1960. “The Society of Malawi Journal, Vol. 66, No. 2. (2013). 19. 59 Lawrence Malekano. “Peasants, Politics and Survival in Colonial Malawi 1891-1964” (PhD Dissertation, Dalhouse University, 1999). 237 60 Anusa Daimon. “Nyasa Clandestine Migrant through Southern Rhodesia into the Union of South Africa: 1920s- 1950s.” pg 6. https://www.wider.unu.edu/sites/default/files/Daimon%2C%20Anusa_Paper.pdf 61 Wiseman Chijere Chirwa (1993) Child and youth labour on the Nyasaland plantations, 1890–1953, Journal of Southern African Studies, 19:4, 662 DOI: 10.1080/03057079308708378 62 Lawrence Malekano. “Peasants, Politics and Survival in Colonial Malawi 1891-1964” (PhD Dissertation, Dalhouse University, 1999). 238-242 20 became available. While it appears that the departure of men favored women to some extent, generally colonial masters treated them as inferior. They gave them low payments for the same task that men performed previously. Further, the involvement of men in the labor migration significantly influenced men towards women. Travelling, working and living abroad particularly in the male dominated communities, implanted patriarchal mindsets. Migrants convinced themselves that some tasks specifically salaried work remained only for men and upcoming male children. Women and female children, on the other hand, became housekeepers. The task of raising children in this way also changed to suit the demand. They raised boys to prepare them for works in mines and plantations of colonial masters. This means, male siblings acquired skills and knowledge of travelling and working to responsibly nature their families. Girls, on the other hand, acquired knowledge of caring children and the house in absence of their migrant husbands.

2.2.3. Colonial education and Gendered division When some men left to work in mines and plantations abroad, others remained and served in the government, as already noted. The colonial government employed Africans to work in colonial schools and in other secretarial and clerical positions. The chance to work in these sectors remained only for men. 63 Colonial masters trained men to serve in the government and disregarded the potential of women to make contributions in those positions. In the missionary school, for instance, men served as cleaners, ground laborers and assisted European teachers in various ways. These schools largely became male dominant. Male children mostly received their education from these schools while female children remained at home. This shows that the chance to work in the missionary schools remained in the hands of men. Schooling in this environment too became the chances for mostly male children, sidelining female children. Colonial education extended demarcations among people from the perspective of gendered differences. 64 As the number of boys receiving education accelerated, the clearer the gender boundaries appeared. Male children graduating from these schools occupied various positions in

63 Nicholas Dausi, in conversation with Lisa Gilman, Blantyre; Southern Region of Malawi. 2000. Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archives. Also see Hendrina Kapachapila. “Revival of Nyau and Changing Gender Relations in Early Central Colonial Malawi.” The Journal of Religion in Central Africa. Vol, 36. Fasc. 3/4 (2006). 331. www.jstor.org/stable/27594390. 64 Isaac Lamba. “African Women’s Education in Malawi 1875-1952:” Journal of Educational Administration and History, 14:1, 46-48, DOI: 10.1080/0022062820140106 21 the colonial government. With their colonial education, they became influential in social settings and effectively participated in decisions that affected their community. Women, on the other hand, deserved no participation in meetings due to a lack of colonial education. Education became a tradition that people used to justify social gaps in their family and society in general. In this light, colonial education intentionally or unintentionally brought divisions in communities on the question of gender. It induced a patriarchal spirit in men who served in various sectors and also in male pupils, which extended gender differences in the community. The more men served in the colonial government, the more they pursued gender differences.

2.2.4. The First World War and Gendered difference The colonial regime hired Malawians and other British colonized African citizens to fight in the First World War.65 Such recruitment extended gendered differences as only men participated. The years between 1914 and 1918 witnessed the Great War battled in the European soil in which the allied forces conflicted against the central powers. The allied forces consisted primarily of France, Britain, later the United States and their alliances. On the other hand, the Central power involved Germany, Austria-Hungary and their alliance. France, Britain, and Germany by then held huge colonial empires comprising territories from Africa, Asia and Pacific region. When the fighting reached an intense height, these colonial masters needed some more effort to balance pressure. 66 France recruited thousands of men from the French colonial empire to fight in the war. Later the British colonial office followed suit. In the case of colonial Malawi, about 19,000 soldiers joined the European war on the British side. 67 The colonial government rarely recruited women to fight in the war. It rather drew and trained local men to fight in the war while women and children remained in the village. Such practice also differentiated people on gender relations. Being a male

65 Richard Fogarty and David Killingray. “Demobilization in British and French Africa at the End of the First World War.” Journal of Contemporary History. Vol. 50 (1). 2015. 104. www.jstor.org/stable/43697365. Also see Risto Mariomaa. "The Martial Spirit: Yao Soldiers in British Service in Nyasaland (Malawi), 1895-1939." The Journal of African History 44, no. 3 (2003): 426. Accessed July 16, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/4100792.. Further see, Frank Furedi in “Demobilized African Soldier and the Blow to White Prestige” Guardian of the Empire. 2017. Ashley Jackson (1999) African Soldiers and Imperial Authorities: Tensions and Unrest During the Service of High Commission Territories Soldiers in the British Army, 1941-46, Journal of Southern African Studies, 25:4, 645, DOI: 10.1080/030570799108515 66 Risto Maromaa."The Martial Spirit: Yao Soldiers in British Service in Nyasaland (Malawi), 1895-1939." The Journal of African History 44, no. 3 (2003). 427 67 Richard Fogarty and David Killingray. “Demobilization in British and French Africa at the End of the First World War.” 105. 22 person meant that one possessed some privileges to travel to Europe and fight in the war. On the other hand, women lacked that chance of travelling abroad. When the war reached its conclusion on November 11, 1918, the French and British powers demobilized their troops. 68African soldiers who fought on the side of Britain or France went home. The colonial government employed some of them to serve in the administration. Others went back to their villages and lived there. The exposure to a civilized world became a source of pride, which helped them rise in status. Some of the demobilized soldiers wore military uniforms in rural areas of colonial Malawi. 69 This showcased that they participated in great events and hence were men of substance. These soldiers, therefore, sought occupation of all influential positions in the villages. They earned great respect for experiencing life in the world of their colonial bosses. 70 In Malawi, generally, when the people of Malawian identities return home from the diaspora, the local society welcome them with warm greetings. Such people enjoy robust respect. Their advices, insights and actions receive a greater height of attention than others. Through this lens, the returning soldiers became sources of inspiration in the community with a passage of time. This facilitated the process of changing attention from matriarchal to patriarchal authorities. As people focused on the achievements of soldiers, they gradually pushed women’s positions to marginal lines. The demobilized soldiers also challenged the social structure of the society and its leadership in general. 71 Some of these originated from matrilineal traditions where women exercised authorities over possessions, and also in political and religious affairs. The returning soldiers challenged the notion of female rule or authority in political matters of the societies. They disregarded the power women enjoyed for centuries before colonial invasion. They challenged social practices that placed women in the influential positions. Due to these forces, women gradually lost substance in the community.

68 Stephen Richards Graubard. "Military Demobilization in Great Britain Following the First World War." The Journal of Modern History 19, no. 4 (1947): 3. www.jstor.org/stable/1876091. 69 Richard Fogarty and David Killingray. “Demobilization in British and French Africa at the End of the First World War.” 105 70 Melvin E. Page. Africa and the First World War. (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 1987) pg 5 71 Richard Fogarty and David Killingray. “Demobilization in British and French Africa at the End of the First World War” 105-107 23

2.2.5. Christianity versus Women’s Power Christianity spread widely in Central Africa. In the case of colonial Malawi, the Free Church of Scotland entrusted its men with the course of christianizing the state. As early as the 1870s, a team of missionaries under Dr. Robert Laws entered the country. Laws’ passion for missionary’s work sprouted when he read the writings and speeches of Dr. David Livingstone. The latter became one of the most famous missionaries who travelled across the African continent and made its discovery known to Europeans. He asked people to help in christianizing Africa. Therefore, Laws and his team left for Malawi in response to this call. They first reached Cape Maclear in the southern region of the territory. 72 At this sight, aggressive mosquitoes welcomed them. They suffered from malaria attacks, which quickened Laws’ decision to leave the site for Bandawe in Nkhata bay district, northern region of Malawi, 1881. 73 This site too proved unfriendly for these missionaries. It exposed them to another set of malaria due to the high rate of mosquito attacks. In the dawn of 1894, Laws led his team to Khondowe. They finally established themselves on this site. In honor of his mentor, Robert Laws named the place Livingstonia.74 While missionaries in Africa became successful, they also faced opposition. For example, some tribes such as the Yao in Malawi never accepted missionary teachings. This tribe belonged to Islamic religion, which came in with the Arab traders. 75 The traders cooperated more with the Yao community than many other tribes. 76As a result, the Yao tribe joined Islam. For such a background, the Yao people paid a deaf ear to other religions like Christianity. They refuted the teachings of missionaries and escorted them to leave their territory. Nevertheless, the Scottish missionaries survived resistance and established Christianity in other parts of Malawi. However, the two major European nations conflicted over Malawi. While the British colonized the state, the Scottish christianized it. By the 1800s years, the British settlers migrated

72 Alessia Lombard. The Influence of Higher Education on Decolonization Protest. A Survey of Sub-Saharan Africa, 1950-1960. (Master Thesis, Universitit Etrecht). 2011. 44-45 73 Boston Soko in “Vimbuza: The Healing Dance of North Malawi” (Mzuzu: African Books Collection, 2014). 8-9. https://muse.jhu.edu/book/32989 74 These missionaries became very popular and left an in- depth record in the history of Malawi. Many scholars document on the work of missionaries, their achievements, shortfalls and including their journey to reaching out different sites. We note that Livingstonia in north Malawi became a site that they finally settled. People still enjoy their legacy till today as they constructed hospital, school and church. 75 Kings Phiri. “Yao Intrusion into Southern Malawi, Nyanja Resistance and Colonial Conquest, 1830-1900.” The Transafrican Journal of History 13 (1984): 157. www. Jstor.org/stable/24328494 76 The Yao tribe in Malawi occupied mostly the Southern part of the country, specifically in Mangochi and Zomba district. They were trade partners with the Swahili- Arab traders. Most of their trading items include ivory. As the two groups increased trade interactions in the 1800s, they shared religion. In this way the Yao joined Islam. 24 to Malawi. As already noted, they established cotton plantations along the Shire highland. Conflicts appeared when settlers exploited labor and dispossessed people of their land. Scottish missionaries criticized such actions. The British settlers among other reasons, therefore, appealed to the British government in demanding protection. As such, the British government declared the territories as the British protectorate in 1891. They wanted to protect their plantations and keep settlers safe. In this way, the British government exercised full authority over the territory and ran political matters. 77 The Scottish, on the other hand, handled religious affairs. They indoctrinated people with Christian beliefs. 78 The number of Africans converted to Christianity increased rapidly since its introduction. Missionary religion reduced the power of women in the family and society because the teachings exposed people to the unbalanced roles that men and women needed to play in their marriages. For instance, the missionary teachings emphasized on man as the head of the family. He bore full responsibility for looking after his wife and children. The teaching also encouraged wives to submit themselves to their husbands. The teachings intended to position men in power and dilute the power of women. These teachings contradicted with the matrilineal tradition in the Chewa community, which treated women as heads of families. Although Christianity contradicted with matrilineal practices, the missionaries successfully installed their beliefs in the people’s heart because they controlled human mind. They used threat in their teachings to easily control people. 79 They informed them that those who disobeyed the teachings put their lives at risk of God’s punishment. Men and women accepted the teachings in fear of the punishment. This means, women submitted themselves to their husband, following the missionary's order. Christian teachings also changed the inheritance system. In the matrilineal setting, the heir to possessions came from the mother’s side. It mostly became her daughters or her brother’s sons. However, Christian teachings turned it upside down. It empowered male children from the same

77 Robert Rotberg. The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa: The Making of Malawi and Zambia 1873-1964. (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1965.) 6-7 78 Hendrina Kapachapila. “Revival of Nyau and Changing Gender Relations in Early Central Colonial Malawi.” The Journal of Religion in Central Africa. 330 79 The secret letter that King Leopold 2 sent to bishops revealed the exact intention of missionary religion in Africa. He informed the bishops to teach Africans in Congo to love poverty and hate wealth. He also instructed them to teach Congolesees to hate their religion and culture. See “Letter from King Leopold 11 of Belgium to Missionaries, 1883.” Letter Leopold II to Colonial Missionaries This evidence proves that they went there to change things and work to their interest. No doubt to argue that they also intended to alter matriarchal power and replaced it with patriarchal authority. 25 family to inherit possessions of their parents. 80 It also encouraged them to live with their wives on their inherited land. This practice denounced matrilineal concepts as male children remained on their fatherland. Initially, women reserved some powers when living on maternal land. With the teachings of missionaries, however, they followed their husbands and lived with them on the paternal land. In this way, they became dependent and powerless. While Christianity successfully suppressed women’s power, evidence proved that some women resisted and maintained their positions. Such women reacted against missionaries and their teachings. They considered missionary beliefs as a means to erode African culture. For instance, traditional dances and singing lost attention as missionaries rose against them. 81 Foreign beliefs threatened priestesses’ lives built on religious foundations. They feared that missionary ambitions would deprive the future generation of their ancestors’ knowledge. Thus, some female ritualists rose against missionaries. In southern Malawi, a woman commonly called Nyahanda openly resisted Christianity. 82 She evicted missionaries from her premises on the desire to preserve traditional beliefs. They lost control of her and found no alternative measures to bring her to Christianity. She maintained the heroic status as she challenged foreign influence in the southern region of Malawi. While it appears that women resisted Christianity in preserving their matriarchal power and culture, the Christian tradition gradually wiped out the indigenous beliefs. It became the dominant religion which finally settled in people’s mind. This means, people obeyed and followed patriarchal structure in line with the missionary teachings. Such a change in religion badly affected the women’s power and possibly led to its decline. While colonialism favored men more than women, generally the system oppressed both sexes. For instance, colonialists introduced land, labor and taxation policies which abused both women and men. 83 The land policy allowed white settlers to dispossess Africans of land, both men and women. In 1891, the British administrator, Sir Harry Johnston introduced Certificates of

80 Hendrina Kapachapila. “Revival of Nyau and Changing Gender Relations in Early Central Colonial Malawi.” The Journal of Religion in Central Africa. 330 81 The Scottish missionaries in 1920 banned traditional dances such as Vimbuza dance. They described them evil and primitive. See Boston Soko in “Vimbuza: The Healing Dance of North Malawi”(Muzu: African Books Collection, 2014). 8-9. https://muse.jhu.edu/book/32989 82 Hendrina Kapachapila. “Revival of Nyau and Changing Gender Relations in Early Central Colonial Malawi.”330 83 Robert Rotberg. The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa: The Making of Malawi and Zambia 1873-1964. (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1965). 21-22 26

Claims to settle land disputes between settlers and native people. 84 The certificate of claims authorized Europeans to fully control land. All such actions downplayed Malawian male and female citizens. They lacked any form of understanding of the terms of the certificate. They only witnessed their land shifted to foreign ownership without proper explanations. In this way, African men and women lost land and became laborers on their own land. They both expressed dissatisfaction towards foreign domination, which facilitated anti-colonial feelings. In the mid-20th century, people shared a desire for a free world. Men desired equal participation in government affairs, and equal wages on the same task. On the other hand, women desired freedom from double oppression. They faced double oppression in which both black and white men suppressed them. They wanted to live in a world that respected them and observed their human rights. Their main aim was not mainly to overcome colonialism but patriarchal authority.85 In summation, African societies traditionally respected and enhanced female power in various disciplines of life. However, the coming of the colonial system brought immediate results that diluted women’s power. As many things turned towards the interest of the colonizers, both men and women shared their anti-colonial feelings. Even those in abroad such as Kamuzu Banda of Malawi and Kwame Nkrumah also shared the same feeling of the anti-colonialism. Such a feeling unified them to discuss the future of Africa. This juncture directs the conversation to chapter two, which commences with the African leaders mapping the way for independent Africa.

84 Lawrence Malekano. “Peasants, Politics and Survival in Colonial Malawi 1891-1964” (PhD Dissertation, Dalhouse University, 1999). 59 85 Vera Mlangazua Chirwa. The Fearless Fighter: An Autobiography. (London: Amnesty International and Danish Institute for Human Rights, 2007) .44 27

Chapter Two:

Banda’s Invented Tradition

In the article “Banda’s Law, I Do the Work Myself” dated 1974, Maria Battiata, the author, quoted Banda’s words as he said;

“There are varieties of cows, varieties of sheep, so why should there not be a variety of democracy? We have to have our own kind of democracy based on the old African institutions.” 86

The above quoted speech displays Banda’s intents to create a political atmosphere based on the principles of the old African institutions. He projected a new Malawi that would exercise principles of the pre-colonial African ancestors. He sought a revival of the moral education and also a patriarchal power that characterized the old African institutions. However, Banda, instead of transferring old African principles to the modern politics as other African leaders exhibited, he mixed them with the Scottish church principles to invent Malawi’s tradition. Such a tradition revealed Banda resurrecting principles of both sides to become one common tradition and this assumed a capacity to guide political landscape of Malawi. The invented tradition helped in rebuilding Malawi as a state, unifying citizens and amplifying patriarchal power. In this context, Banda never entertained criticism or any dissenting views and gripped opponents with an iron fist. This chapter begins with the remaking of Africa with a more attention to Malawi and concludes with Banda’s recruitment of the Scottish church leadership principles.

3.1. Restoration of the Old African Institutions and Invention of tradition 3.1.1 Restoring African Past Banda invented Malawi’s tradition within the context of the rising anti-colonial feelings and also the context of visualizing independent Africa. He, with other potential African leaders including Kwame Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta and George Padmore confirmed the remaking of

86 Mary Battiata. “Banda's Law: 'I Do the Work Myself': In Malawi, All Power Proceeds From the Life President.” Special to The Washington Post The Washington Post (1974-Current file); Sep 12, 1988; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post. https://stories.buzzworthy.com/they-cant-fly-but-these-10-people-have-real- superhuman- abilities/?template=bh&utm_source=gp&utm_medium=Social&utm_campaign=bw_gp_s1_wf1_sco&utm_content= null 28

Africa based on old African institutions. His home in London was a meeting ground for the discussions. 87 After the agreement, we saw each of them exhibiting various approaches and ideologies in pursuit of this goal. For instance, Mobutu Sese Seko, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo since 1965, implemented the idea of the National Authenticity Program. 88 Through this program, he revived indigenous culture. Seko embarked on several activities in pursuit of the program. For instance, he renamed the country Zaire from the Democratic Republic of Congo. He also renamed the city of Leopoldville to Kinshasa. He encouraged his people to adopt local names rather than European’s. He even changed his own name from Joseph Desire Mobutu to Mobutu Sese Seko. Mobutu also banned European holidays, including Christmas break. He banned western clothes such as neckties, and suits. Further, Mobutu in agreement with Idi Amin of Uganda renamed Lake Albert to Lake Mobutu. They also changed Lake Edward to Lake Idi Amin Dada. 89 His view of authenticity demonstrated a desire to reintroduce the cultural heritage of the African ancestors. He used the idea of authenticity to justify his political dominance. In other words, he applied the principle of authenticity to set the stage for authoritarian power. In the African kingship system, only one supreme chief ruled at a time. Therefore, he regarded the notion of having more than one political party a European tradition. Following this perception, he banned all political parties in Zaire except his own which membership remained compulsory. Similarly, in the political discourse of Ghana, President Kwame Nkrumah introduced a concept of the African personality. It referred to an idea of African identity, which meant the realization of black consciousness. 90 The idea of African identity involved understanding the

87 “Dr. Banda’s Day: A brief Account of the Political Struggle in Malawi Before and After Banda”. Speech of July 10, 1960. Malawi National Archives. Vol3. File: 4. Also see Peter Forster. “Culture, Nationalism and the Invention of Tradition in Malawi”. The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 32, No 3(1994). 10. Also see. “Cosmopolitan Malawian: Hastings Kamuzu Banda.” New York Times, (1923 current File): September 1964; Pro- quest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times, pg 2. Ray Vicker. “Hastigns Banda, Offbeat Nationalist” Wall street Journal. (1923 Current file): August 29, 1972. Pro-quest Historical Newspaper: The Wall Street Journal pg 8. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/115618287/15103791A0C643EEPQ/2?accountid=12434 88 Tadiwaneshen Kamwana. “Keeping Up with Our Leaders: Mobutu Sese Seko. Weekly Read Politics, Poetry and Prose”. 1-2. https://tadiwabazil.wordpress.com/ 89 Ali Mazrui and Michael Tidy. Nationalism and New States in Africa, from About 1935 to the present. (London: Heinemann, 1984), 274-275. 90 Toyini Falola. Nationalism and African Intellectuals (Rochester Studies of African History and the Diaspora, 2004). 51-52 29 practical characteristics of being an African. It challenged western prejudiced views towards Africans and reconstructed a positive image of Africa. Nkrumah applied this idea to the political environment of Ghana. The program intended to recover the lost identity. Nkrumah viewed colonialism as a weapon that wiped out African identity by introducing western political and religious institutions. Nkrumah’s program initiated the change of the state's name, Gold Coast back to Ghana. He picked Ghana in replacement because of its historical value.91 Before colonialism, Western Africa witnessed the birth of the Ghana empire, which remained the center of religion and trade. It also displayed a stable political organization with the king in charge, on one hand, and subordinate chiefs, on the other hand. Through the program of African identity, Nkrumah intended to revive the politics of the Ghana empire.92 On a similar note, President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia designed a philosophy called Zambian Humanism, which became the official national philosophy. Zambian humanism focused on the centrality of individual human beings. 93 It promoted a spirit of social relations and unity among people. Kaunda advanced this philosophy on a view of recovering social values of the Zambian society.94 In other words, he set up a platform to reinvent African past before colonialism. In addition, the president of Tanzania, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, championed the idea of socialism in retrieving African past. He believed that socialism correlated more with African ways of life than capitalism of the West.95 He thought that African’s tradition reflected equal production and distribution of wealth. Nyerere believed in equality among all human beings.96 He, therefore, legalized the Arusha Declaration in 1967, which unlocked his vision of socialism, (Ujamaa).97 In pursuit of his vision, he reminded people about the African traditional society through public

91 Ali A. Mazrui and Michael Tidy. Nationalism and New States in Africa, from About 1935 to the present. 59-60. 92Ibid. -60. 93 Raymond Mwangaka Mwangala. ‘Found a Modern Nation-State on Christian Values? A Theological Assessment of Zambian Humanism.’ (Diss, University of Kwazulu Natal, 2009). 35-46. http://researchspace.ukzn.ac.za/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10413/503/Mwangala_RM_2009.pdf?sequence 1 94 Kenneth Kaunda. Humanism and Apartheid (37 St Louis U. L. J., 1993). 1-7. https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/stlulj37&collection=journals&id=845&startid=&endid=850 95 Thendiwe Major and Thalia Mulvihill. Julius Nyerere (1922-1999) an African Philosopher: Re-envision Teacher Education to Escape Colonialism. New Proposals. Journal of Marxism and Interdisciplinary Inquiry. Vol.3. No. 1. (2009). 15-22. ojs.library.ubc.ca/index.php/newproposals/article/viewFile/200/365 96 Ayamba Madyibi. “5 February 1967, Arusha Declaration”. 1. https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/nyerere/1967/arusha-declaration.htm 97 Julius K. Nyerere. “Ujamma-The Basis of African Socialism.” The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.1, no.1,1987. p 4-5. http://www.jpanafrican.org/edocs/e-DocUjamma3.5.pdf 30 lectureships. He also published different articles and books on the discipline of African socialism. Throughout his presidency, Nyerere copied and cherished the pre-colonial African format of life.

3.1.2 Banda and the Road to Independence Hastings Kamuzu Banda of Malawi stepped into this world where tradition remade the colonial landscape and set a stage for independent Africa. He already grew up with strong ambitions of relieving colonial Malawi from colonial domination, and economic stagnation. He wrote to his uncle in 1946 “As you know, I am deeply interested in the upliftment of our country.98 In the next sentence, he clarified what he meant by the term country as referring to Nyasaland (colonial Malawi) not just Kasungu where he implemented agricultural projects previously. Originally, Banda came from Kasungu district in the central region of Malawi. 99 He attended high education at Chiyamba Secondary School in Chikondwa village. He later dropped school at fourteen years and left for South Africa in search of a greener pasture. In South Africa, he worked as an interpreter in mines while schooling at Hartley College. With the aid of the Methodist bishop, Kamuzu Banda boarded a ship in 1926 for studies in the United States. While in America, he studied at the academy of Wilberforce, Indiana University in Bloomington and University of Chicago. 100 He also studied medicine at Meharry Medical College in Nashville, Tennessee in 1937. Kamuzu Banda, later, exited America for the United Kingdom where he enrolled at the University of Glasgow and Edinburgh. In 1944, Banda obtained a Ph.D. in tropical medicine at the University of Liverpool. After his graduation, he opened a private clinic in Liverpool and North Sheffield. While pursuing his career in the UK, Banda shared the anticolonial feelings with the people back home. He wrote his uncle a letter on April 21, 1946 expressing his ultimate desire for self- rule. “You see Uncle, if we organize a strong congress, the government will allow us to rule

98 Letter from Hastings Kamuzu Banda to Rev. H.M Phiri. April 21st 1946. Hastings K. Banda correspondence. Indiana University Archive Online. http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/findingaids/africanstudies/VAA9500 99 Philip Short. Banda. (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974). 15-18. Nicholas Dausi, in conversation with Lisa Gilman, Blantyre, Southern Region of Malawi, 2000. Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archives. Also see “Cosmopolitan Malawian: Hastings Kamuzu Banda.” New York Times, (1923 current File): September 1964; Pro- quest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times, pg 2. 100 In a letter to his former Indiana University classmate, Banda revealed his autobiography. See Hastings Kamuzu Banda to Dr. Grace Caufman. June 3rd, 1974, Dr Hastings K. Banda Correspondence, Indiana University Online Archive. http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/findingaids/africanstudies/VAA9500 31 ourselves and our country better.” 101 In this letter, Banda encouraged his uncle to join the Nyasaland African Congress. This was a nationalist movement organization established in 1944 under the chairmanship of educated men such as Frederick Sangala and Levi Mumba. 102 The latter assumed the seat of the president of this development. Through this body, Mumba demanded a direct representation of the legislative council of the colonial government. 103 However, the death of Levi Mumba in 1945 weakened the organization until 1950 when new interests appeared. Apart from just demanding equal representation in the legislature, the organization turned its attention towards self-government. Charles Matinga succeeded Mumba and worked with Sangala, the vice president. Dr Hastings Kamuzu Kamuzu maintained a close touch with this movement. He supported them with pieces of advice and financed their activities. In a letter to his uncle, he revealed his commitment to NAC “I am already a member of the congress myself and have sent money to the congress more than once.”104 He also encouraged members spearheading this organization to abort the colonial government’s plan of launching the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. The British government suggested and launched in 1953 the amalgamation of Rhodesian states and Nyasaland into the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. However, NAC members protested against such development. In response, the colonial authority massacred them, killing some and leaving others wounded. The colonial authority also arrested the vice president of NAC, who spearheaded the riot. In 1954, NAC remained silent until the year; 1957 when young intelligent men revived it. Such men included Orton Chirwa, Kanyama Chiume, Henry Chipembere, Yatuta Chisiza and Dunduzu Chisiza. 105 These men reorganized NAC into a mass political party. They toured to all corners of Malawi and sparked the anti-colonial demonstrations.

101 Hastings Kamuzu Banda to Rev. H. M. Phiri. April 21st 1946, Dr. Hastings K. Banda Correspondence, Indiana University Online Archives. http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/findingaids/africanstudies/VAA9500 102 Mr. Nicholas Dausi in conversation with Lisa Gilman, Blantyre, Southern region of Malawi, 2000. Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archives. Vera Mlangazuwa Chirwa. Fearless Fighter: An Autobiography (London & New York: Zed Books, Amnesty International and Danish Institute for Human Rights, 2007). 16. 103 John McCraken. “Democracy and Nationalism in Historical Perspective: The Case of Malawi.” African Affairs 97, no. 387 (1998). 1. http://www.jstor.org/stable/723265. 104 Hastings Kamuzu Banda to Rev. H.M. Phiri. July 2nd 1946. Dr. Hastings K. Banda Correspondence. Indiana University Archive Online. http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/findingaids/africanstudies/VAA9500 105 Lisa Gilman. The Dance of Politics: Gender, Performance, and Democratization in Malawi. (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009) 29. 32

On the other hand, Banda maintained a robust relationship with these freedom fighters. Actually, he met Orton Chirwa in London for updates. In 1958, Dr Banda returned home and spearheaded nationalist movements. 106 His coming increased momentum generally. Mass demonstrations occurred in the country, which resulted in declaration of the state of emergency in 1959.107 This resulted in the detention of Banda and his colleagues. The general populace mounted pressure on the colonial officials due to the arrest of Banda. In 1960, the colonial government freed him. The colonial regime thereafter held elections in which the Malawi Congress Party, initially called NAC, under Hastings Kamuzu Banda won. This occurred when Banda’s colleagues such as Masauko Chipembere, Kanyame Chiume among others were still in prison. They only encoded messages which reached Banda in form of personal or collective letters. In one of the letters, Masauko Chipembere congratulated Banda on this triumph as he wrote “on behalf of the Malawian prisoners here (roughly 150), I wish to congratulate you upon resounding victory.”108 His victorious episode continued even in the consecutive years. In 1962, colonial masters appointed him Minister of Natural Resources and Local Government, before elevating him to a position of a Prime Minister in 1963. 109 In this year,

Banda also dissolved the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. On July 6, 1964, the British colonial office awarded independence to Malawians under the headship of Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda.

106 Donald G. McNeil. “Kamuzu Banda Dies: ‘Bigman’ among Anticolonialist” New York Times (1923 Current File) November 27, 1997: Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers, the New York Times pg 15. Retrieved Miami University Online Library on July 2nd 2020. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/109785883/706A7D2BE0A34495PQ/2?accountid=12434 107 Paul Chiudza Banda, and Gift Wasambo Kayira. "THE 1959 STATE OF EMERGENCY IN NYASALAND: PROCESS AND POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS." The Society of Malawi Journal 65, no. 2 (2012): 2. www.jstor.org/stable/23341750. See “Cosmopolitan Malawian: Hastings Kamuzu Banda. New York Times (File current 1923) September 9, 1964. Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg 2. Retrieved from Miami University Online Library on July 3rd 2020. Also see “British Gave Banda Post in Nyasaland” Special to the New York Times (1923 current file), September 3, 1961. Pro-Quest Historical Newspaper, the New York Times pg 9. Retrieved from the Miami University Online Library. 108 Masauko Chipembere to Kamuzu Banda. August 18, 1961. Retrieved from the Indiana University Online Archives on July 5th 2020. http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/findingaids/africanstudies/VAA9500 109 Paul Chiudza Banda, and Gift Wasambo Kayira. "THE 1959 STATE OF EMERGENCY IN NYASALAND: PROCESS AND POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS." The Society of Malawi Journal 65, no. 2 (2012): 3. www.jstor.org/stable/23341750. Also see “Cosmopolitan Malawian: Hastings Kamuzu Banda.” New York Times, (1923 current File): September 1964; Pro-quest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times, pg 2. Donald G. McNeil. “Kamuzu Banda Dies: ‘Bigman’ among Anticolonialist” New York Times (1923 Current File) November 27, 1997: Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers, the New York Times pg 15. Retrieved Miami University Online Library on July 2nd 2020. 33

Banda, while deeply sank in the excitement of his political liberation, never lost touch base with other nationalist leaders of other countries. In fact, he acquired resources to assist in the implementation of self-governance from Kwame Nkhrumah and others. Nkrumah wrote to Banda, “You will be pleased that I have arranged some financial assistance from our limited resources for you.”110 Such contacts also benefited Banda with ideological directions for an effective consolidation of power. As Kwame consolidated his power through the concept of the African personality, which advanced restoration of pre-colonial Ghana, Banda also drove in the same lane.

3.1.3 The Restoration of Malawi and the invention of tradition Banda consolidated his authority by stressing on the tradition that connected people to moral and spiritual elements of the old institutions of the Chewa culture. One of the historians: Peter Forster argued that “President Banda reinvented a tradition in which governance copied old institutions of Chieftainship.”111 Banda intended to restore aspects of pre-colonial Africa, specifically the Maravi or Chewa community, that faded out due to colonial forces. The Scottish missionaries forbade traditional practices such as alcoholic drink, cultural dances, and religious beliefs. In the 1920s, the Livingston Free Church of Scotland presented, to the Nyasaland colonial government, articles demanding the banning of Vimbuza dance. 112 The Scottish missionaries considered such dances and other practices barbaric, sinful, and primitive. In response, the colonial government flawed and prohibited traditional practices. This history greatly frustrated Dr. Banda. He immediately sought reinstallation of the lost identity. He, therefore, launched a project to restore Maravi system which probably commenced with the renaming of Nyasaland back to Malawi. The name Malawi originated from the pre- colonial Maravi kingdom. The kingdom consisted of an ancient Bantu group of people who largely extended over Nyasaland and even in other territories. The Kalonga became the senior king of the Chewa empire. By reintroducing the name Malawi, Dr. Banda sought the remaking of this kingdom. He also absorbed all non- Chewa tribes such as Tumbuka, Mang’anja, and Sena, into

110 Letter, Kwame Nkrumah to Hasting K. Banda. April 24th 1965 retrieved from the Indiana University Online library archive on July 5th, 2020. http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/findingaids/africanstudies/VAA9500 111 Peter Foster.“Culture, Nationalism and the Invention of Tradition in Malawi.” The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 32, No 3(1994). https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-modern-africanstudies/article/div-classtitleculturenationalism-and-the-invention-of-tradition-in- malawidiv/F8A2FABDF3EF5144E020FF64041113B8. 483 112 Boston Soko. Vimbuza; the Healing Dance in the Northern Region of Malawi. (Mzuzu, Mzuni Press) 14 34 the Chewa nation. He pursued national unity based on Maravi order. In this version of rulership, the tributary kings paid royalty to the senior Kalonga. Banda, therefore, assumed the title of the senior Kalonga king, the moment he stepped into the game of politics. 113 He also assumed the title of Ngwazi which means “chief of chiefs” or the conqueror. 114 Even his outfits exemplified kingly authority. He always presented himself in dark suit, black homburg and long jacket while waving a fly whisk made from a lion’s tail. As a king, Kamuzu Banda, in 1963, called for a meeting of the tributary chiefs to scrutinize the Maravi tradition. Specifically, he sought a colorful review of the structural operation of the previous Maravi kingdom. The review was an important step because it determined what aspect of the old kingdom deserved reinstallation. A correspondence between Banda and his uncle; Rev H. M Phiri brought to our attention minutes of the meeting, which the chiefs conducted between October 17th and 19th of the year 1963. 115 The secretary minuted the following items, Firstly, they defined the title of the Kholo, its operations and limits. The Kholo referred to the oldest or first ancestress of matrilineal relatives.116 On her death, elders of the matrilineal groups appointed an heir to this position. Generally, the heir to the throne came from the same family as her sister. If the deceased left no sister, her first daughter became legitimate. The one who assumed the title of the Kholo performed the following functions. She controlled land. This responsibility meant that she distributed land to the people. In the Maravi Empire, the people received land from the woman in question. The more the empire grew, the greater the height her duties reached. Moreover, the kingdom also assimilated other groups of people. All the assimilated tribes needed

113 Mr. Nicholas Dausi, in conversation with Lisa Gilman, Blantyre; Southern region of Malawi, 2000, Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archives. Also see Jay Ross.” Age Seems to Gnaw away Banda’s Iron Fisted Rule in Malawi” Washington Post (1974 current file) July 5th 1983, Pro-Quest Newspapers: The Washington Post pg A14. Retrieved from Miami University Online Library- Pro-Quest, July 5th 2020. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/147606763/717A38F63DAC4D59PQ/1?accountid=12434 Also see Donald G. McNeil. “Kamuzu Banda Dies: ‘Bigman’ among Anticolonialist” New York Times (1923 Current File) November 27, 1997: Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers, the New York Times pg 15. Retrieved Miami University Online Library on July 2nd 2020. 114 Donald McNeil. Kamuzu Banda Dies: ‘Bigman’ among Anti-colonialist” pg A14. 115 Correspondence between Dr. Banda and Rev H.M Phiri Ref: 38/HMP/3/5 Minutes taken during a meeting held on 17 and 19th October 1963. Malawi National Archives. Vol, 3. No. 5 116The chiefs never covered the concept of Makewana which was dominant in the matrilineal headship. Other sources indicated that Makewana held more power than Kalonga himself. By all means, we expected the chiefs to commence discussion with the title of Makewana. However, we think that its disappearance was intentional. Banda, who just inherited the title of Kalonga, preferred absolute exercise of power. The appointment of Makewana held a potential to jeopardize his hunger for absoluteness and hence they deleted it from the system. 35 land from the Kholo. As every individual needed land, conflicts over land surfaced. Therefore, the Kholo extended her duties to settle land disputes. She also exercised responsibility to defend subjects who wronged or disrespected rules of the society. She made sure the kingdom treated people with justice and equality. She advanced a sense of morality among people of youthful stage. She encouraged all the people to display moral uprightness in their dealings. Girls sought knowledge of reproductive health rights from her and general social life. She helped them realize their full potential to achieve goals. The chiefs also discussed a concept of the Mbumba. In the Chewa community, the concept of the mbumba referred to a group of women and children under the guardship of the maternal uncle. 117 The Chewa lineage gave reasonable weight to the mother’s rights even in marriage. It empowered the mother to enjoy unity with her brothers, sisters, and sister’s children, including her possession. The wife’s brother ensured guardianship or protection to this group of sisters. Specifically, the brother played roles as the defender and helper of his sisters and her children. 118 In this system, the brother also acted as a mediator in his sister’s marriage arrangements. He decided on her marriage and divorce. The brother in this position acted as Nkhoswe and sisters, together with her children, as the Mbumba. The Mbumba depended on Nkhoswe for marriage or raising children. The eldest woman among the Mbumba possessed authority to contribute to any matters that transpired within the Chewa family. Nkhoswe wamkulu became the title of the eldest son of the Kholo.119 Only male persons assumed the title of the Nkhoswe wamkulu. His younger brother inherited the position when he died. In the absence of a young brother, the eldest son of the nkhoswe’s eldest sister became eligible for the appointment. The chefs concluded the discussion with the item called Cimba. It referred to a group of female persons under initiation ceremonies. Namkumgwi became the elderly woman appointed as the leader of the female persons during the ceremony of initiation. Formerly, society forbade female children to enter marriage before initiation. These days, however, a female person enters marriage without initiation.

117 King Phiri. Some Changes in the Matrilineal Family System among the Chewa of Malawi Since the Nineteenth Century. The Journal African History, Vol. 24. No 29. 257-260. https://www.jstor.org/stable/181644. 118 Mr. Nicholas Dausi, in conversation with Lisa Gilman, Blantyre, Southern region of Malawi, 2000. Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archives. 119 Minutes of the meeting of the chiefs, October 17th and 19th, 1963. Correspondence between Dr. Banda and Rev H.M Phiri Ref: 38/HMP/3/5. Malawi National Archives. 36

Among the various items discussed, Banda’s regime revived the concept of the Mbumba and Nkhoswe. While the mbumba referred to women and children in the Chewa matrilineal tradition, Banda applied it to women only.120 He boasted that every woman in Malawi was his mbumba, whether Indian, British, or American. As long as they breathed Malawi’s air, they qualified for the consideration of the mbumba. He declared himself Nkhoswe number one, which legitimized him to control women.121 As the senior Kalonga king, Banda also demanded absolute loyalty from every single individual within the boundaries of Malawi. The period 1959-1980 saw different stakeholders, chiefs, women and the youths assuring their full loyalty to Banda. The chiefs expressed their commitment as stated below; “We the chiefs are thankful to the secretary of the colony for releasing Kamuzu from prison and we also take this piece of opportunity to promise loyalty to our Ngwazi Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda because we have confidence in his leadership.” 122

With this assurance of loyalty, other groups followed suit. On July 10, 1960, Aleke Banda, the Secretary General of the Malawi Congress Party, concluded his speech with an assurance of loyalty. “Let me take this liberty to assure that detention or none, imprisonment or none, death or none, the people of Malawi, men, women and children are determined to follow your leadership. Long Live Kamuzu. “123

Further, delegates of the 1972, Annual Regional Conference of the Malawi Congress Party promised to pay unconditional loyalty to Banda. 124 Similarly, women and youths of Thyolo district in the southern region assured loyalty to Hastings Kamuzu Banda.125 For instance, Mrs. Luphale, chairperson of the women’s group in Thyolo appealed to delegates to demonstrate loyalty to Ngwazi. She also encouraged them to make sure their husbands acted likewise. Many citizens

120 . Also see; “The Adoration of President Banda: After 14 Years of Independence, The Malawi’s Autocrat Celebrates in Style” The Times Tuesday July 4, 1978. p. 16. 121 Minutes of the chiefs. Correspondence between Dr. Banda and Rev H.M Phiri Ref: 38/HMP/3/. Malawi National Archives. 122 Letters from chiefs to the secretary of the state colonies, 1959. Malawi National Archives. Vol 2. File 1. 123 `Aleke Banda. “Sons and Daughters of Malawi”. (Speech, 2nd Anniversary of Banda’s Arrival, Blantyre, July 10, 1960.). Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 124 Malawi News, Vol. 3. No. 6. May 2, 1972. The Malawi National Archives 125 Malawi News. Vol. 18. No 12. 1966. Malawi National Archives. Also see, Our Government, Vol. 3. No. 13. 1965. ”Building the Nation” Malawi News. Vol 3. No. 4. April 30, 1968. The Malawi National Archives. 37 welcomed this obligation to pay loyalty to their leader. Figures one and two in the appendix illustrates this point. However, those who withheld or withdrawn loyalty from the regime put their lives at risk. Banda and his supporters considered them rebels. The event of rebellion surprised the general populace in 1964, three months right after gaining independence. Such events earned the name of the cabinet crisis. The team that Banda played along with during anti-colonial movements turned against him. One of the issues that sparked the crisis related to his association with ministers.126 The ministers complained about his demeaning spirit. He likened Kanyama Chiume, Orton Chirwa, Willie Chokan, Masauko Chipembere, and Rose Chibambo (the only female minister) with kids. 127 He usually referred to them as boys. He said: “I talk to them like children and they shut up.”128 In this light, it became apparent that Banda sought to advance one-man’s politics without the services of others. He even boasted to the public “I do the work myself.” 129 He usually considered himself the only wise person and the rest fools. As he told the journalist: “I am the boss and anyone who does not know this is a fool. I decide everything without consulting anybody and that is how things will be done in Malawi. Anyone who does not like that can get out.“ 130

In these words, he targeted mainly his ministers and informed them in public that he possessed all the capacities to run the government. As stipulated in the quotation, he openly articulated that he

126 Bill Killers “Longtime African Dictator’s Grip Loosening: African Dictator Finds”: Special to the New York Times. New York Times (1923 current file) June 1, 1993, Pro-Quest Historical Newspaper. The New York Times, pg 3. Retrieved from Miami University Online Library on July 2nd 2020. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/109156211/A475500B92FF4747PQ/21?accountid=12434 127 Orton Chirwa was a Minister of Justice, and legal advisor, Kanyama Chiume, Minister of Education, and Augustine Bwanausi took charge in the ministry of labor. See Piliran Gomani Chinguwo. 1964 Cabinet Crisis. -1-4. http://www.kanyamachiume.com/docs/CABINETCRISIS1964.pdf. 128 Mary Battiata. “Banda's Law: 'I Do the Work Myself': In Malawi, All Power Proceeds From the Life President.” Special to The Washington Post The Washington Post (1974-Current file); Sep 12, 1988; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post. https://stories.buzzworthy.com/they-cant-fly-but-these-10-people-have-real- superhuman- abilities/?template=bh&utm_source=gp&utm_medium=Social&utm_campaign=bw_gp_s1_wf1_sco&utm_content= null 129 Mary Battiata. “Banda's Law: 'I Do the Work Myself': In Malawi, All Power Proceeds From the Life President.” Special to The Washington Post The Washington Post (1974-Current file); Sep 12, 1988; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post. 130 Robert Conley “Banda Criticized on Malawi Rule: His Charge of Plot called for Cover up for Problems”, New York Times, September 16, 1964. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/115555706/1861FC8ABA3642A2PQ/1?accountid=12434 38 never needed support from anyone including ministers. Therefore, the ministers witnessed the government becoming one man’s business. When they raised concerns, Banda considered it disloyal and rebellious. Another issue that fueled up the cabinet crisis concerned the idea of Africanization. 131 The term Africanization referred to a process of assigning senior positions to Africans. Prior to independence, the British occupied highly ranked offices like the chief commander, and other ministerial positions. In the dawn of independence, Banda and his team concluded to assume all such positions. When he became a president, he disregarded the Africanization programs. He maintained the British individuals in high offices. He considered Africans incapable for such senior tasks. Such a statement irritated those close to him, particularly his ministers. They pressurized him to Africanize. The ministers also criticized Banda’s policy of detention without trial commonly called “The 90 Days Detention Without Trial.132 This policy legalized Banda’s supporters, which included police authorities, members of the Malawi Young Pioneers, and youth leaguers to detain opponents of Banda without formal legal procedures. Anyone, who was in possession of a different view from Banda, became an eligible candidate for the detention without trial program. Banda had little time to tolerate criticism. In fact, he forbade criticism against his policies, and ideas on the ways he ran the governance. He expected silence from Malawians on whatever decision he displayed to the public. His words to a journalist; “I tell them to be silent and they are silent” 133 reveal his utmost desire for absolute power. Such intentions in the envelop of detention without trial policy threatened the fair and peaceful existence of Malawian citizens. The ministers perceived this as a life-threatening policy and hence, demanded its absence with immediate effects. The outlined demands irritated Banda. He truly spared none of the rebellious cabinet members. Banda accused his ministers of treason and dismissed them. Orton Chirwa, Augustine Bwanausi, Kanyame Chiume and Rose Chiwambo exited Malawi right away. 134 Others, in

131 Also see Robert Conley. “BANDA CRITICIZED ON MALAWI RULE: His Charge of Plot Called Cover-up for Problems” Special to The New York Times. New York Times (1923-Current file); Sep 16, 1964; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. 9 132 Healther Hill. “Malawi in Banda’s Image” (African Report) March 1, 1992. Pg 58. Periodicals archives online retrieved from the Miami University Online Library on July 1st 2020. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/1304063327/CC771B7BAD1F408FPQ/1?accountid=12434&imgSeq=1 133 Healther Hill. “Malawi in Banda’s Image” (African Report) March 1, 1992. Pg 58. Periodicals archives online. 134 Healther Hill. “Malawi in Banda’s Image” (African Report) March 1, 1992. Pg 58. Periodicals archives online. Also see “Prime Minister Ousts 3 From Malawi Cabinet” New York Times (1923-Current file); Sep 8, 1964; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. 4. 39 protesting against the dismissal, resigned. Such individuals included Willie Chokan, John Msothi and Yatuta Chisiza. With the pre-requisite experience of the cabinet crisis, President Banda tightened his leadership. He gripped dissenting spirit with an iron fist. In 1968, for example, he established a Censorship Board to monitor publications within the country. In the presence of this board, he criminalized all the readings that headlined his name, unless they appeased him. It became an offense which attracted serious repercussions to read, hold or share published or unpublished materials which the board declared dissenting. 135 The board censored what children learned in school, what people read at home and in public places. Some professors faced imprisonment for authoring publications, which the censorship board considered unsuitable.136 The president assigned members of the Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP) to censor every reading material that entered Malawi in the form of newspapers, magazine, and textbooks.137 Various accounts reveal how citizens victimized Banda’s censorship policy. One account brought to light personal experience of Mr. John Kumwenda. 138 He worked at a pharmaceutical shop in Zambia during the reign of Dr Banda. When he returned to Malawi for a visit, he encountered censorship at the entry point. Members of the MYP entered the bus that brought him at the border and commanded everyone out. They unpacked luggage and picked out all reading materials such as books, newspapers, and magazines. They took such materials and scanned page by page. The very last scripture exposed what they considered dissenting and quickly jailed the owner.

135 L.ipenga Mphande. “Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda and the Malawi Writers Group: The (Un) Making of Cultural Tradition”. Research in African Literature 27, Vol.1 of 1996:80-102. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3820005. 136 One of the professors in question was Jack Mapange. He published poems which earned him imprisonment at Mikuyu prison under the tyrannical rule of Banda in 1986. He spent years in jail for criticizing the leadership of the day. His publications such as Of Chameleon and Gods, including George Orwell’s novel: Animal Farm disappeared from Malawi's readership. Other people from the discipline of journalism also faced the consequence of writing against the Banda administration. Matchipisa Munthali faced a 25 years’ sentence of imprisonment for commenting on Malawi’s economy. See Richard Carver’s Report, “The Danger of Dissenting” July 1, 1990; 35, 3; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 57. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/1304062340/A475500B92FF4747PQ/32?accountid=12434&imgSeq=1 137 Malawi Young Pioneer was a group of youths formed primarily to carry out agricultural activities. However, Dr. Banda used the organization as his own personal bodyguards. These youths turned out to be violent as they had a mandate from the president. They hunted down anyone with dissenting views. See John Lwanda. Kamuzu Banda; a Study in Promise, Philip Short. Banda. For censorship under Banda, see Healther Hill. “Banda’s Image” (African Report) March 1, 1992. Pg 59. Periodicals archives online. 138 Steven Phiri. The Daily Times Malawi, printed as a newspaper in the department of Information. Volume 5. No 3. File name, The Daily Times 1975, Malawi National Archives retrieved in July 2019. 40

Although the protagonist in this story never faced arrest at the entry point, members of MYP arrested him at the immigration office in his home district in 1975. They detained him on account of working in Zambia where some of the ex-ministers sought refuge. They suspected him of getting in touch with them. This expressed that the tradition that Banda invented brought fear among his subjects. By introducing a censorship board, Banda extended the degree of fear in the country. The censorship board acted like a tool with which he tracked down opponents everywhere in Malawi. His ears and eyes paid close attention to detect dissenting murmurings. He reported that everything that transpired within the soil of Malawi was his business.139 Even if something happened in remote areas, it still remained his business. Such notes silenced any form of talk about Banda, even in private. People became very sensitive to any political discussions. In 1971, Banda declared himself life president of the Malawi government and the ruling party, the Malawi Congress Party. 140 Through this title, he assumed supreme authority and his words became law. This attitude became apparent when he said: “Malawi’s style is that; Kamuzu says it's that, and then it’s finished. No Sense, you cannot have everybody deciding what to do.”141 It appeared in this quotation that Banda emphasized on the point that whatever he said became final, nor room for discussion or alterations. His words became guiding rules that everyone followed willingly or unwillingly. The philosophy “Kamuzu Knows Best” became a national inspiration, urging people to submit themselves to the words of Banda. 142 Banda’s rule purely depicted an African king whose power went unchecked, nor challenged. His regime disallowed multiparty politics and eliminated or incarcerated those with different views.143 His government also criminalized everyone discussing succession of the presidential seat. The term of life

139 Boma Lathu Newspaper, printed as newspaper in the department of information in 1975. Volume 4. Number 10. File Name, Boma Lathu 1975-1976. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives in July 2019. 140 Healther Hill. “Malawi in Banda’s Image” (African Report) March 1, 1992. Pg 58. Periodicals archives online. 141 See Richard Carver’s Report, “The Danger of Dissenting” July 1, 1990; 35, 3; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 57. Also Mary Battiata. “Banda's Law: 'I Do the Work Myself': In Malawi, All Power Proceeds From the Life President.” Special to The Washington Post The Washington Post (1974-Current file); Sep 12, 1988; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/147606763/717A38F63DAC4D59PQ/1?accountid=12434 142 Jay Roy “Age Seems to Gnaw away at Banda’s Iron Fisted Rule in Malawi”. Washington Post Foreign Service. The Washington Post (1923 current file); July 5, 1983; Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post pg A14. 143 Steven Brown. “Transition from Personal Dictatorship: Democratisation and the Legacy of the Past in Malawi.” The African Search for Stable Forms of Statehood: Essays in Political Criticism”. (2008) 187-227. 41 presidency influenced people to believe that he was the president for life. This matched with the notion that African kings ruled for life. He also defined dressing style, and general appearance of the youths and women. An information card released in 1970 stated that: “Malawi is a country of strong national traditions. One of the most important of these concerns’ propriety in women’s attire. According to Malawi custom, it is not regarded as proper for women publicly to expose any part of her leg above knee. There is therefore a restriction in this country on the wearing in public of dresses and skirts that do not fully cover the knee-cap when the wearer is standing upright. Another strongly held convection is that shorts and trousers are unsuitable as women’s attire, and ladies are therefore cautioned against wearing these in public. These limitations that women should not wear trousers and shorts in public apply to all women, residents and visitors. “144

The public statement above clearly indicates that Banda banned the wearing of mini-skirts, and shorts among women. Other sources also brought to light that the president banned tight jeans and the keeping of long hair among the youths. 145 He, therefore, designed his tradition to exhibit moral uprightness in terms of the way people dressed, talked, and physical appearance, in general. The traditional definition of good dressing stressed on clothes or anything used in the form of clothes, which covered the body without exposing other parts. 146Traditionally, a good dressing for an African woman referred to any form of clothes that covered her whole body in the exception of the face, hands, and feet. 147 The coming of colonialism exposed people to western culture, including the style of dressing, social relations, and production. Colonialism imposed this culture on Africa, which pushed traditional dressing to extinction. Banda perceived this as a threat and hence, emphasizing on dressing style that reflected African identity. In 1973, he signed the Decency in Dress Act. The act officially demanded all women and youths in the country to observe the ethics of tradition by wearing the recommended form of dressing. This act targeted every individual in Malawi, whether resident or non-resident. 148

144 Cyprian Kambili. “Ethics of African Tradition: Prescription of a Dress Code in Malawi 1965-1973.” Society of Malawi Journal. 83 . https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19115539 145 Malawi News. Vol. 4. No.5. Malawi National Archives. 146 Mr. Nicholas Dausi, in conversation with Lisa Gilman, Blantyre, Southern Region of Malawi, 2000. Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archives. 147 Mr. Nicholas Dausi, in conversation with Lisa Gilman, Blantyre, Southern Region of Malawi, 2000. Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archives. 148 “Malawi Eases Miniskirt Ban” The Washington Post, Times Herald (1959-1973); Jun 15, 1972; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post. p A7. Also see; “The Adoration of President Banda: After 14 Years of Independence, The Malawi’s Autocrat Celebrates in Style” The Times Tuesday July 4, 1978. p. 16. “Miniskirted 42

Banda’s bodyguards: Malawi Young Pioneers, policemen and youth leaguers hunted everyone who violated this act. A newspaper article titled “Knee-Length Skirt Woman Deportee Tells of Ordeal” provides an account of the British lady; Mrs. Eleonore Doson, 46 years, who faced deportation for wearing a mini-skirt. The article reported that Banda gave her 48 hours to exit

Malawi.149 Banda also included Kamuzuism in the university curriculum. Kamuzuism became a popular philosophy that exposed people to the life and teachings of Banda based on old tradition.150 In other words, he included moral education in the university curriculum to make sure children learn the tradition. He wanted to create Malawi as a nation with all the capacity to raise the youths morally and spiritually. 151 He even condemned young people against drinking, disrespectfulness, and rough appearance. Such features violated the ethics of Malawi’s tradition. His government, in 1970, banned indecent attire, and too much drinking among the youths. In line with the theme, Building the Nation, politically and economically, President Banda held a Convention in Zomba, the southern region of Malawi.152 He expressed his intent to build the nation morally and spiritually based on the old traditional institution. He, therefore, initiated chiefs and village headmen to equip young people with good morals. While we lack evidence to support the notion that the chiefs implemented the project, it becomes important to note that Banda expressed passion towards reviving moral principles of the previous generations and traditionalize them. The pre-colonial African past was just a component of what made up Malawi's tradition. The Malawi’s tradition was a product of both pre-colonial African past and the Scottish church leadership. This brings us to a discussion of the Scottish church authorities and the invention of a tradition.

Girls Get Hint to Leave Malawi” The Washington Post, Times Herald (1959-1973,); April 25, 1968; Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post pg D23. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/143445447/AEB6745D54BD4A9EPQ/1?accountid=12434 149 Cyprian Kambili. “Ethics of African Tradition: Prescription of a Dress Code in Malawi 1965-1973.” Society of Malawi Journal. 90. 150 Robert Conley. “BANDA CRITICIZED ON MALAWI RULE: His Charge of Plot Called Cover-up for Problems” Special to The New York Times New York Times (1923-Current file); Sep 16, 1964; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. 9 151 Cyprian Kambili. “Ethics of African Tradition: Prescription of a Dress Code in Malawi 1965-1973.” Society of Malawi Journal.” 84 152 Cyprian Kambili. “Ethics of African Tradition: Prescription of a Dress Code in Malawi 1965-1973.” 85. 43

3.2. The Scottish Church Leadership and Invention of Malawi’s Tradition. Banda became in touch with the Scottish church doctrines during his stay in Scotland. He became one of the Scottish church elders in the 1930s.153 During this time, he read different books that John Knox, the former Scottish church elder, authored. One of the books included the First Book of Discipline, 1560. The author designed this book primarily to transform the Scottish church and a nation into a society that lived according to the doctrine. The book discussed a rightful relationship between the state and the church. He recommended the civil government to partner with the church in establishing the true faith. He also advocated for popular resistance against idolatrous rulers. Knox believed that the responsibility to establish and promote true religion remained in the hands of the state.154 Knox, in his book, generally emphasized the principles of obedience, discipline, loyalty, and unity in the church. Banda’s interest to mimic Knox’s personality came on a clear surface in a letter of 1946 addressed to his uncle. In this letter, he encouraged his uncle to employ characters of either John Knox or John Calvin to lead the people to a success. 155 He said in reference to Knox and Calvin “they were all leaders of their people in political as well as religious and social affairs. I want you to be same, uncle.”156 When he encouraged the uncle to follow footsteps of such figures, Banda already fell in love especially with Knox’s personality. Specifically, he imitated Knox’s characters. He later brought to Malawi the version of Knox’s book, which became the constitution for 30 years. 157 In this way, Knox’s principles of obedience, loyalty, discipline, and unity became the four cornerstones of the Malawi Congress Party. He built Malawi and the Malawi Congress Party based on these cornerstones.158 Malawians seriously observed these cornerstones. Some members of the party assumed the role of enforcing mass observation of the four cornerstones. When Dr Banda left for Britain in 1973, the secretary of MCP, Aleke Banda, demanded his fellow Malawians to pay close attention to the four cornerstones. He further said,

153 Richard Carver’s Report, “The Danger of Dissenting” July 1, 1990; 35, 3; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 57. 154 Richard Kyle. “The Church-State Patterns in the Thought of John Knox.” Journal of Church and State 30, no.1 (1988): 76. www.jstorr.org/stable/23917716 155 Letter from Hastings Kamuzu Banda to his uncle Rev R. M. Phiri. July 2nd 1946. Hastings K. Banda’s correspondence. Indiana University Online Archive. Retrieved on July 5th 2020. http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/findingaids/africanstudies/VAA9500 156 Letter from Hastings Kamuzu Banda to his uncle Rev. R. M. Phiri. July 2nd 1946. Hastings K. Banda’s correspondence. 157 Colin Legum. Africa Contemporary Record; Annual Survey Documents. London: Rex Collings, 1974. 12. file name; Africa Contemporary Record 1974. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 158 Colin Legum. Africa Contemporary Record; Annual Survey Documents. 1974. 12. 44

“it is extremely important that people should observe Unity, Loyalty, Obedience and Discipline.” Such was the demand to build the nation which also included renewing party membership cards, attending rallies and discussing any problems that affected state growth.”159 Through the cornerstones, Banda expected full obedience, discipline and loyalty to his government from the Malawian citizens. In this way, he absolutely controlled people and maintained his power. Further, John Knox pursued a theory of resistance and intolerance to any form of what he called idolatrous Catholicism. He advanced the spread of Protestants and ruthlessly dismissed aspirations of the old Catholic religion. Banda also mirrored such features. He became intolerant and never entertained any act of immorality, disobedience or unlawful actions. He ruthlessly treated members of the Jehovah’s Witness for refusing to buy party cards. 160 Jehovah’s Witnesses was one of the dominant churches that stayed firm with its doctrines. Members considered any form of participation in the political arena disloyal to God. They believed in non -participation in any matters of the world, including politics. However, Banda demanded every citizen of Malawi to follow his four cornerstones. He demanded absolute obedience, without questions neither excuses. When members of the Jehovah’s Witnesses resisted, the MYP imprisoned, and physically beat them. They also destroyed churches of Jehovah’s Witnesses and barred members from congregating in groups.161 When the news circulated across the globe that Banda ill-treated members of the Jehovah’s Witness, many stakeholders jumped-in and condemned such maltreatments. In one of the letters to Banda, the author wrote “I am aware of the leading part you have played in the sadistic actions which have been taken against Jehovah’s witnesses in the Republic of Malawi. It is time you realized that you have done wrong.” 162 In response, however,

159 Malawi News. Volume 2, Number 5. April 8, 1973. File name: Malawi News. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archive. 160 “Malawi accused of torture and rape in organized campaign against members of the Jehovah’s witnesses’ Newspaper Article, The Times Wednesday, December 24, 1975. p 1. 161 Grena Kaiya. “The Role of the Churches in Human Rights Advocacy: The Case of Malawian and Members of Jehovah’s Witness, their accounts of stories, memories of victims of religious percussion, 1964-1994.” (Masters Thesis, Diakonjmemet University, 2013.) 18 Also see “Jehovah Witnesses accuse Malawi government of prosecution” New York Amsterdam News (1962-1993); Nov 25, 1975, Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers: New York Amsterdam News pg. C2. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/123493884/4F0A32C69E3243E6PQ/226?accountid=12434 162 Letter from Uijas Pekkinen to Banda. February 11, 1976. Hastings K. Correspondence. Retrieved from the Indiana University Archive Online July 5th 2020. No clear records display the person bearing the name Pekkinen and his relationship with Banda. However, it appears he sent a couple of letters to Banda consecutively on the same question of maltreatment of the members of the Jehovah’s witness. See letter from Pekkinen to Banda. March 14, 1968. Hastings K. Banda correspondence. Indiana University Archive Online. Retrieved on July 5th 2020. http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/findingaids/africanstudies/VAA9500. 45

Banda refuted such allegations. He remarked that he never mistreated anyone but only wanted them to conform to the four cornerstones that laid the foundation of Malawi.163 Banda also imitated Knox’s perception of women. John Knox, the minister of the Church of Scotland, reformed the church based on models of the Old Testament, OT. His review of the OT informed him about the question of women. He realized that men dominated influential positions in the OT. In his publication called the First Blast, Knox expressed his attitude against the female rule in both spiritual and political realms. 164 He considered spiritual equality a sin against the will of God. This term spiritual equality referred to a situation in which the church treated women and men equally in terms of sharing positions. Knox condemned such practice as it demonstrated disloyalty to God. His writing articulated that: “To promote a Woman to bear rule, superiority, dominion or empire above any realm nation or city, is repugnant to nature; contumelies to God, a thing most contradictious to his revealed will and approved ordinance and finalise, it is subversion of good order, of all equity and justice.” 165 He strongly maintained his views against women in leadership, as the statement above communicates. He believed that the Bible prohibited the rule of any woman over any man. This meant that his belief never granted women the power to hold some positions. In general, the model that Knox applied to reform the Church of Scotland suppressed women’s voice. As Banda copied the beliefs of John Knox towards women, the question of women’s position in politics and in other spheres remained one of the most crucial issues. In a letter addressed to his excellency, Mrs. Annie Nachisale painted a picture of women’s status in the churches. She wrote, “the oppression of women in the churches in Malawi is unbearable. Perhaps you are not aware that synods of Blantyre, Nkhoma and Livingstonia accepted women into theological training. They promised them ordination, however, after graduation they denied them ordination.”166 Such concerns were not only in the churches but also in political and social arenas during the reign of Banda. Chapter three of this work focuses on the place of women in politics during one party system in Malawi.

163 Malawi News. Volume 5. Number 3. File name: Malawi News 1975. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives in July 2020. 164 Susan Felch. The Rhetoric of Biblical Authority: John Knox and the Question of Women.” The Sixteenth Century Journal 26, no, 4 (1995) 1. doi:10.2307/2543787 165 Susan Felch. The Rhetoric of Biblical Authority: John Knox and the Question of Women. 2. 166 Letter from Annie Chisale to Hastings Kamuzu Banda. June 30, 1989. Hastings K. Banda Correspondence. Indiana University Archive Online. Retrieved on July 2nd 2020. http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/findingaids/africanstudies/VAA9500. 46

Chapter Three The Invented Tradition and Women in Malawi

Kamuzu Banda rose to power by limiting matrilineal lineages of women. Through a letter sent to his uncle on October 8, 1938, he displayed an aspect of marginalizing women even before he rose to the office of the presidency. In the letter, these significant words appeared: “I do plan to marry sometime in 1940s. When I do marry, it will be a girl either from South Africa or America but most likely from America. You will readily understand that no girl in Nyasaland could be a real companion to me. Of course, I am -Chewa. But my long sojourn in South Africa, American and now in Europe has changed my outlook that any girl in Nyasaland is, in reality, a foreigner to me. This does not mean I despise our women in Kasungu or Nyasaland. But I have to admit that our women are backward and could not by any means make me the type of home to which my education, training and experience entitle me. “ 167

In this letter, Banda addressed questions of marriage, education, religion, and general living standard in Europe. 168 However, the question of marriage captures our attention as it directly reveals his perception of women in Malawi before he became a president. Banda considered Malawian women backward and illiterate and hence disregarded them. Truly, Banda never officially married. Such an attitude towards women continued even in his political career. The letter, in particular, projected what he thought about women in the tradition he later invented.169 He invented a Malawi’s tradition that marginalized women in various disciplines of life. For thirty years of his reign, women became worshippers and supporters of male politicians. Banda rose to power and sustained his heroic figure by manipulating women’s power. He provided rewards which only extended women’s economic and physical suffering. His invented tradition manipulated the power of women in politics and used it to sustain Banda’s heroic figure. He devalued the unique power that women used to challenge colonial rule.

167 Sean Morrow and John McCracken. “Two Previously Unknown Letters from Hastings Kamuzu Banda, written from Edinburgh, 1938, Archived at the University of Cape Town.” History in Africa, Vol. 39 (2012), 344. 168 Banda informed his uncle about his life in Europe. He explained that he felt comfortable with Europeans because they were very nice to him. People at church loved him and usually enjoyed a dinner together. He also recommended his uncle to seek enrolment in European schools when addressing the question of education. Towards the end of the letter, he revealed his attitude against Malawian women when addressing the question of marriage. 169 Chapter Two of this thesis deals with the Malawi’s Invented Tradition. President Banda invented a tradition in the context of the rising anti-colonial feelings and nationalist ideologies in line with other African leaders. The tradition borrowed characters of male superiority from the old African kingship and the Old Testament of the Bible. Such a tradition became a constitution that Banda implemented in Malawi. 47

Banda, upon returning to Nyasaland, already found these women empowering themselves. They demonstrated massive power prior to his return. They proved very strong in challenging the colonial regime through their various anthropological strategies including singing and dancing. 170 For example, women in 1958 organized themselves under women’s body called Women’s League to champion their political needs, and also campaign against the banning of the National African Congress, NAC.171 Rose Chiwambo became a ringleader of the women’s organization, mobilizing women from across the country to participate in the nationalist movements. This resulted in the jailing of some of the leading members such as Rose Chiwambo and Vera Chirwa. 172 This demonstrates the height of women’s power. They never feared colonial powers and openly challenged them. However, Banda’s return disturbed the power of women. He never showed to the public his demeaning attitude towards women, though. Rather, he was hypocritical and hid behind an image of caring for women. For instance, on his arrival, Banda presented the speech that he came to protect women. 173 “Women were trampled down by everybody…..Everybody….. Nobody thought about women except to make them cook for them. That’s all….so I made up my mind even before I came that I was going to do something about my women. Therefore, when I see my women happy and singing and dancing with their heads high, their necks bent with pride like that…… it makes me happy, very happy.” 174

Scrutinizing this speech, it appears that among major issues that brought Banda home, women’s empowerment remained part of the plan. In other words, the speech indicates that Banda

170 Lisa Gilman in “The Traditionalization of Women’s Dancing, Hegemony and Politics in Malawi.” Journal of Folklore Research. Vol 41. No. 36. (2004). http://www.jstor.org./stable/3814744 171 Vera Chirwa. The Fearless Fighter: An Autobiography. (London & New York: Zed Books, 2007.) 51. Also “An ‘Amazon army’ Service in Malawi: Women’s League taking on role.” (1923 current file) January 3, 1965; Pro- Quest Historical Papers: New York Times pg 21. Retrieved from the Miami University Online Library. 172 Vera Chirwa. The Fearless Fighter: An Autobiography. 52. 173 Banda’s promise to protect women aligns similarly with Malcolm X’s price of women’s protection. The latter preached quite much about protecting black women from white men and women’s oppression. While such speeches poured hope into the hearts of black women, it only shifted women’s level of vulnerability to oppression from white to black men. The black men controlled and limited colored women to their own interest in the name of protecting them. Women never gained freedom nor real protection from Malcom’s speeches. See Farah Jasmine Griffin. “Ironies of the Saint” Malcom X, Black Women and the Price of Protection.” Chapter 12. 224-227. Malcolm X’s ironies of women’s protection became a true reflection of what Banda displayed in Malawi as discussed in this study. 174 Lisa. Gilman. “The Traditionalisation of Women’s Dancing, Hegemony and Politics in Malawi” Journal of Folklore Research, Vol.41, No. 1 (2004), 39-40. 48 planned not only to deliver Malawi from colonial oppression but also to give value to the women of Malawi. From the meeting that Banda and his colleagues held in Nkhata Bay in the northern region of Malawi, he expressed his dislike in the way men treated women in Malawi. 175 He made it clear that men advanced a custom through which they marginalized women from all walks of life. He condemned such practice in public settings to show his value of women. Banda’s words contradicted his actions. He voiced empowerment for women but actually brought them down. For example, he declared the women’s organization part and parcel of his party, Malawi Congress Party saying that he wanted to promote them. In actuality, the women’s organization in this way lost its direction. It became an organization working to satisfy the interest of Banda and his fellow male politicians. 176 Banda’s invented tradition also manipulated the matrilineal system. With his intention of displaying to the world that he cared for women, he also adopted the matrilineal system into politics. 177 As already highlighted in chapter one, this system puts women at the center of social and political life among the Chewa community. The system authorized women to exercise power and occupy the most influential positions. 178 Therefore, President Banda adopted this system to demonstrate to the world that he desired to empower women. He declared himself Nkhoswe number one and all women in Malawi his Mbumba.179 Adopting this system theoretically meant that he became ready to empower women. However, practically, Banda only exploited women and used them as tools that sustained his position. This leads to a discussion of women as political tools during the reign of Banda.

175 Nicholas Dausi. Interview by Lisa Gilman. Blantyre City, Northern region of Malawi. 2000. Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archive. 176 This organization created a stage for women to exercise leadership and other various skills. It also offered them a space to voice out their views. Women leaned on this organization as a source of their strength. The moment Banda turned it into a Malawi Congress Party’s wing, women lost all their strength, voice and hope. They operated under patriarchal interest which undermined their abilities. 177 Linda Semu. “Kamuzu’s Mbumba: Malawi Women’s Embeddedness to Culture in the Face of International Political Pressure and Internal Political Change” Africa Today, Vol.49. No.2. Women, Language and Law in Africa 2 (2002). 12. http://www.jstor.org/stable/29779129 178 See Kings Phiri in “Some Changes in the Matrilineal System among the Chewa of Malawi Since the Nineteenth Century.” The Journal of African History. Vol. 24. No. 29. 257-260. https://www.jstor.org/stable/181644. 179 The terms Mbumba and Nkhoswe were traditional titles referring to a group of women as sisters and daughters (Mbumba) under the control of the uncle (Nkhoswe). The uncle held responsibility for arranging marriage and divorce of his sisters and sisters’ daughters. He also made sure these female relatives stayed safe and enjoyed a robust protection. See Henry Mbeya in “Church as Mbumba and Bishop as Nkhoswe: Anglican Ecclesiology and Missiological Imperatives in Central Africa.” 177. https: //www.cambridge.org/core. When Banda declared himself Nkhoswe number one and all women in Malawi his Mbumba, he assumed to protect women. See Lisa Gilman. The Dance of Politics: Gender, Performance, and Democratization in Malawi. (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009.). 53-58 49

4.1. Women as Political Tools President Banda throughout his reign reduced women to mere political tools that worked on the ground to ascend his position to a more legendary height. He used women as tools in the areas of performances, spies and appointments. 4.1. 1 Performative Arts: Singing and Dancing Just as African Americans employed singing to fight for their freedom, African citizens in the African soil acted likewise. They used singing as a tool to demand freedom. While they employed various strategies in the struggles for independence, singing became a driving factor towards achieving their goal. Various instances across Africa displayed the colonized people singing for their land. What captures our attention, however, remains the fact that both men and women participated. In fact, women played chief roles in the singing arena. In Malawi specifically, women’s singing served political goals from the era of liberation movements to multiparty democracy. The songs that members of the women’s league sang challenged colonial masters during liberation struggles and later glorified Banda.180 This brings an understanding that the performances were in two categories which include the liberation movement and Banda’s period. See figure 3 illustrating women’s performance. 4.1. 1.1 Women’s Performance: The Liberation Songs During the anti-colonial movements, NAC leaders organized performances to preach against colonialism. Right away, women through the women’s league union started singing and dancing on political causes. 181 The message that inflated their songs during this period primarily addressed the colonial regime. 182 “Tingupangana, We agreed, M'chaka chiya: 1891 In that year: 1891 Asani Mwasambira When you become educated Mkajiusanga mwija”183 You will rule [govern] yourselves.

180 Wiseman Chijere Chirwa. “Dancing Towards Dictatorship: Songs and Popular Culture in Malawi”. Nordic Journal of African studies 10(1) . 2. (2001.). http://www.njas.helsinki.fi/pdf-files/vol10num1/chirwa.pdf 181Lisa Gilman. The Dance of Politics: Gender, Performance, and Democratization in Malawi. 59. 182 The message of the individual song determined arrangement of songs in this study rather than chronology. Women sang the songs interchangeably as they matched in the streets, so chronology mattered less. The message mattered most because every song conveyed a unique message to the colonial masters and finally to Banda and Malawians, themselves. 183 Wiseman Chijere Chirwa. “Dancing Towards Dictatorship: Songs and Popular Culture in Malawi.” 7. 50

It reminded colonial masters about the agreement made in 1891 when the British declared Malawi, the British Protectorate. According to the song, the British government promised independence to native Malawians once they received classical education. During the years between 1958 and 1964, they sang this song to remind the British of the terms of the agreement. They communicated in different languages spoken in the country. The song above displays the Tonga language. The language became famous in Nkhata Bay district. In these songs, women never forgot to mention Banda as a driving figure of the nationalist movements. Such songs intended to energize him to carry on the anti-colonial spirit he demonstrated. The song below became one of the songs that women flashed out in demanding liberation. “Tiyende pamodzi ndi mtima umodzi! Let's march forward in one spirit! Tiyende pamodzi ndi mtima umodzi Let's march forward in one spirit Eee, A Banda tiye! Tiyende pamodzi! Banda, let's march! A Chipe tiye! Tiyende pamodzi! Chipe, [Chipembere] let's march! Tiyende pamodzi ndi mtima umodzi Let's march forward in one spirit Eee, A Chirwa tiye! Tiyende pamodzi! Chirwa, let's march! Kanyama tiye! Tiyende pamodzi! Kanyama, let's march! Tiyende pamodzi ndi mtima umodzi”184

This song became a national anthem during the liberation movement. It communicated to the masses that they needed to march together with passion and love in demanding political change. The song became very popular even in the neighboring countries. It called for a spirit of unity in times of trouble. They sang this song in the Chewa language since it became the language of the dominant ethnic group. The song below directly addressed colonial masters. “Mau anu a Ngwazi Your words Mudamenya leki Malawi You hit lake Malawi Taoloka Yolodamo, taoloka We have crossed Jordan, We have crossed Taoloka lero, taoloka We have crossed today, we have crossed Mose waku Malawi Moses of Malawi Ndiyo Kamuzu Banda is Kamuzu Banda Adamenya leki Malawi He hit lake Malawi Taoloka Yolodamo, taoloka”185 We have crossed Jordan, we have crossed

184 Wiseman Chijere Chirwa. “Dancing Towards Dictatorship: Songs and Popular Culture in Malawi.” Nordic Journal of African studies 10(1) .6

185 Lisa Gilman. “The Dance of Politics: Gender, Performance and Democratisation in Malawi. (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009). 70. Also see, Wiseman Chijere Chirwa in “Dancing Towards Dictatorship: Songs and Popular Culture in Malawi.” 2. “Women dancing for their Nkhoswe.” Our Government, (Boma Lathu) Newspaper, Volume 2, Number 4. 19. 1972. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. “Lilongwe Women welcoming Banda” Our Government, Boma Lathu newpaper. Volume 4, Number 10, File number 2. 1970. 51

The song above praised Banda for his coming to fight against the colonial regime. It compared him with Moses, the biblical figure. The Bible presents Moses as a servant of God who crossed the Jordan River with the Hebrews from Egypt. Women used such adulations to energize Banda in the fight against colonialism. Mrs Solomoni Kalulu directed the women’s dancing team in the central region of Malawi. 186 They continued with their performances until the British colonial authority finally paved a way for independence in 1964. Thus, Malawians credited women’s performance through the women’s league organization for the decline of colonialism. When Malawi became independent, women never took a break. They still performed even during the post-colonial government. 187

4.1.1.2 Women’s Performance: Banda’s Reign.

The period between 1964 and 1980s saw Banda using women’s performative power to remain in position and deal with rebellion.188 He achieved this objective by manipulating matrilineal lineage in various ways. Firstly, he ignored the position of the Makewana, which was very influential in the matrilineal structure. This position empowered women to possess the same or more power than male chiefs. Secondly, he declared himself Nkhoswe Number One and the women of Malawi his Mbumba. 189 The former term approved his full control of women while the latter approved women’s full submission to his will. The submission meant that women assumed an obligation to serve Banda at all cost. Singing and dancing became the most utmost duty as Mbumba. Moreover, the Malawi’s league organization popularly became known as the amazon army. 190 This earned women further responsibilities for the security and popularity of Banda.

Retrieved July 2019, The Malawi National Archives. Women Surrounding Banda, Our Government, Boma Lathu Newspaper. 186 “Mrs. Solomoni Kalulu at peak of dancing” Our Government/ Boma Lathu Newspaper. Volume 4. Number 12. 1975. The Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 187The consolidation period came when Banda assumed the office of the president. It was the time during which he accumulated and maintained power. 188 A number of well -established scholars in this field acknowledged this point. See works by Lisa Gilman. Purchasing Praise. Women, Dancing and Patronage in Malawi Party Politics. Africa Today. Vol. 48, No. 4, 189 These Chewa matrilineal terminologies come clear in chapter one and two of this thesis. 190 The name amazon army as placed on the women’s league organization secured new roles for women to play specifically in areas of security. Women occupied forefront positions to create a political environment in which Banda remained the only figure in praise. See “An ‘Amazon army’ Service in Malawi: Women’s League taking on role.” (1923 current file) January 3, 1965; Pro-Quest Historical Papers: New York Times pg 21. Retrieved from the 52

Women therefore sang different songs to serve their master and silence opposition. They sang a song below.191 Kamuzu ni mkango eee Kamuzu is a lion Ni mkango! He is a lion! Kamuzu ni mkango eee Kamuzu is a lion Ni mkango! He is a lion! Ni mkango eee, eee eeeeee He is a lion, Ni mkango! He is a lion!

She said that such kinds of songs remained always in the mouth of women. The connotation of the above song meant to worship Banda for his heroic figure. As reflected in the song above, women referred to Banda as a lion. From a traditional perspective, the lion held a title as a King of the Jungle. They believed that many species of animals feared the lion particularly because it killed other animals. When singing this song, women compared Banda’s position to that of the lion in the jungle. Such songs communicated to the general populace that Banda became a strong man who deserved respect. The same songs also communicated a special message to his opponents. It informed them that Banda, like the lion, was always ready to crush into pieces everything that stood on his way. In particular, Banda, as the Lion of Malawi, wanted his subjects to fear him. He introduced different measures to keep his eyes on his opponent. He made women sing songs directly addressing the ex-ministers who rebelled against him during the cabinet crisis. Whether women became happy with this demand or not, they still held no option but to create songs against this group of people. 192 In Nkhata Bay District, members of the Malawi Young Pioneer forced a woman to play central roles in creating songs and singing against her own brother who participated in the rebellion against Banda. 193 Through performances, they dismissed opponents of Banda in Malawi. Women in all the districts gathered at specific

Miami University Online Library. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/116761442/4F0A32C69E3243E6PQ/214?accountid=12434 191 “Our President has Come: Female Civil Servants Dancing for Banda.” Our Government/ Boma Lathu Newspaper. Volume 4. Number 13. 1975. The Malawi National Archives, July 2019. “Banda addressing his people.” Our Government/ Boma Lathu Newspaper, Volume 4. Number 14. 1975. The Malawi National Archives, July 2019. “Remembering Banda’s Birthday” Our Government/ Boma Lathu. Volume 3. Number 5. Reprinted in the Government Printing Office (GPO) as a Newspaper. May 1975. The Malawi National Archive, Boma Lathu Newspaper File number 3. July 2019. 192 Banda expected everyone including women to pay full loyalty towards his government. In this sense, he left them with only one option: doing what the president wanted even it meant singing against their own relatives. Any sign of negligence to perform the task put them at risk of arrest, beatings or disappearance. 193 Lisa Gilman. “The Dance of Politics: Gender, Performance and Democratisation in Malawi. 73. 53 dancing centers for their various political activities. They wore party uniforms displaying images of Banda. It was mandatory to wear a uniform when attending rallies. They sang different songs including the one below.

“Wafyenge waka, Wafyenge waka They will die, they will die Awo Wakulimbana na moto, Ngwazi! Those who play with Ngwazi, the fire! Ngwazi ni chatonda The Ngwazi is a hero Ni muomboli withu mu Malawi”194 He is our saviour in Malawi.

This song communicated a message of warning against opponents of Banda. It made them aware of their fate if they wrestled against Banda. Of course, the song never communicated ways by which Banda planned to deal with opponents. Such songs became very popular. Women sang in public rallies disseminating information to all citizens of the country. Through this way, the songs suppressed any aspiration of opposition everywhere within the soil of Malawi. With all these songs, President Banda became successful in controlling opposition and thereby consolidating his power. The women’s performative arts truly benefited him personally in achieving his goals. Women also played roles as spies.

4.1.2 Spies: Ears and Eyes of Banda Women as members of the amazon army became eyes and ears of Banda. They policed the land of Malawi and threatened every sense of opposition. 195 President Banda assigned women to “watch everyone, even ministers.” 196 He demeaned the presence of the official police service as he reported “the police do not know everything that goes in the village.”197 This resulted to the installation women’s organization in almost every single district within the borders of Malawi. The obligation of women remained in two categories. The first one demanded them to check around every foreigner entering Malawi, while the other one dealt with internal opposition. The first obligation targeted not just every foreigner but specifically those suspected of contacts with the former ministers who rebelled against Banda. Some of those ministers resided in neighboring

194 Chijere Chirwa. The Dance towards Dictatorship. 10. Lisa Gilman. Lisa Gilman. “The Dance of Politics: Gender, Performance and Democratisation in Malawi. 74. 195 Malawi News. Vol. 5. 1970. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 196 “An ‘Amazon army’ Service in Malawi: Women’s League taking on role.” (1923 current file) January 3, 1965; Pro-Quest Historical Papers: New York Times pg 22. 197 “An ‘Amazon army’ Service in Malawi: Women’s League taking on role.” (1923 current file) January 3, 1965; pg 21. 54 countries such as Zambia, Tanzania, and Mozambique. 198As a result, Banda’s regime suspected everyone coming to Malawi from this neighborhood. Therefore, women spied around to see if any strange faces crossed the border. They made sure that no suspicious face entered Malawi. If they saw or heard something suspicious, they reported to MYP. 199 For instance, in Mzuzu city Anya Mazgopa used to prepare beer as a way of attracting foreigners. When she saw new faces, Mama Nyazgopa provided plenty of beer to such people at a cheaper price. After high consumption of beer, she reported them. The MYP or Youth league members then arrested those people. The strategy became very famous among women residing along the borders and within the cities. On the other hand, women as spies carried a responsibility to suppress any opposition within the country. They paid a close attention to what people spoke in their social gatherings. If they heard anything about Banda in the conversation, women reported such people. Cases of arrest on the question of talking about Banda increased greatly. In that way, the degree of insecurity among citizens extended. Men never trusted women, even their own wives. The presence of women brought fear to men, which muted any sense of opposing Banda’s ideas, policies and actions in Malawi. Therefore, women as spies suppressed opposition in meeting the interest of Banda. This strategy helped Banda centralize politics and challenge opposition.

Women also held an obligation to persuade Malawians to buy party cards. 200 Possession of the party cards symbolized loyalty to the MCP as a party and more significantly to the president in power. Women joined members of MYP in the task of encouraging people to buy cards.201 In carrying out this obligation, they visited various public places such as hospitals, banks and buses to check party cards. This actually means that women influenced and monitored people to express loyalty. Those who paid a deaf ear suffered harsh consequences. For example, members of the

198 Ibid 21. 199 Malawi Young Pioneer was a group of youths formed primarily to carry out agricultural activities. However, Banda used the organization as his own personal bodyguards. These youths turned out to be violent as they had mandate from the president. They hunted down anyone with dissenting views. See John Lwanda in "The History of Popular Music in Malawi, 1891 to 2007: A Preliminary Communication." The Society of Malawi Journal 61, no. 1 (2008) http://www.jstor.org.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/stable/29779253. 200 Banda introduced party cards, which people used in place of national identity card. For the people to access medical service, they firstly produced party cards. In various public places such as markets, everyone possessed a party card. The card displayed the image of Banda on a blue cover page. 201 Margaret Mlanga, chairperson of Women’s league, appealed to fellow Malawians to buy party cards as a symbol of loyalty to the president. Our Government/ Boma Lathu. Volume 3. Number 6. Reprinted in the Government Printing Office as a newspaper. April 1975. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, Boma Lathu Newspaper File number 3, July 2019. 55

Jehovah’s Witness faced serious repercussions for refusing to buy party cards. 202 These party cards became tools that controlled people within the boundaries of Malawi. 203 The cards also entailed a serious form of bringing all the opponents to silence and even to complete submission to Banda’s authority. The government made use of women to achieve this mighty objective. This duty impressed Dr. Banda that every individual in Malawi paid loyalty to him.

4.1.3 Appointment President Banda used appointment as another tool to control and marginalize women. He assigned many women to highly ranked positions of the party and the government. 204 However, the appointments, apart from yielding little or no meaning in terms of authority to women, also reduced them to mere worshippers and servants of Banda. The appointed women made sure everyone paid loyalty and respected Banda’s policies. They appealed to the public and their fellow women to seriously observe Banda’s principle of the four cornerstones. 205 Such women also caused threat to make sure citizens immediately responded to the will of Banda. For example, Margaret Mlanga, chairperson of the women’s league, threatened owners of bars and other public gatherings to limit entry of women in miniskirts.206 She emphasized on closing those places if the owners never complied. 207 Banda appointed those who demonstrated hard-working spirit and talents in dancing at local, district and regional levels. He appointed Hilda M’manjamkhosi, and Queen Gondwe, including Polina Shawa in Mzuzu city to serve in the Malawi Congress Party. 208A study at the Malawi National Archives revealed documents that confirmed the notion that President Banda

202 Grena Kaiya. “The role of the churches in human rights advocacy: The Case of Malawian members of Jehovah’s Witnesses, their accounts of stories and memories as victims of religious persecution from 1964 to 1994.” (Master’s Dissertation., Diakonhjemmet University College 2013.) 18. Also see an article by Nicholas Ashfod. “Malawi accused of torture and rape in the organized campaigns against members of the Jehovah’s Witness.” The Times, Wednesday December 24, 1975. The Times Digital Archives, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/ CS84114840/TTDA?u=muohio_main&sid=TTDA&xid=4c854cfe. Accessed 21 March. 2020. 203 The use of party card became a legal order such that Malawian citizens carried the cards wherever they went. To access medical services, or transport services one showed the card first. 204 Our Government Newspaper/ Boma Lathu. Printed as newspaper in the Department of Information. Vol. 2. Number 10. File name: Boma Lathu 1972. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 205 “Stop this nakedness” Our Government/ Boma Lathu, printed as a newspaper in the Department of Information. Vol 4. Number 5. File name: Boma Lathu 1980. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives July 2019. 206 According to the Dressing Act, Banda banned the wearing min-skirts in the country as he believed it contradicted with his tradition. The pointed women bore the responsibility for implementation of this act. 207 “Stop this Nakedness” Boma Lathu. 1980. The Malawi National Archives. 208 Queen Gondwe, former minister, in conversation with Lisa Gilman, Blantyre, Southern region of Malawi. August 22, 2000 56 uplifted women into different positions. See figure 4 in the appendix that displays Mrs. Alice Ntholo, one of the appointed women. “Ndemanga Amayi awriri asankhidwa kukhala aphungu la nyumba ya malamulo. Wolemekezeka President Wamuyaya Ngwazi Dr. H. Kamuzu Banda, pa udindo wake monga mutu wadziko ndi Boma ndi mphamvu zake zimene iye anapatsidwa motsatira malamulo a ripabuliki la Malawi yemweyenso ndi pulezident wamuyaya wa chipani cha Malawi adasankha amayi awari kukhala aphungu a nyumba ya Malamulo. Amayiwo ndi a Fern Sadyalunda aku Lilongwe ndi a Alice Ntholo aku Kasungu.”209

In summary, the report revealed that President Banda appointed Mrs. Fern Sadyalunda and Mrs. Alice Ntholo as deputy ministers of agriculture. These women served tirelessly to the cause of making Banda a hero. In all the three regions of the country, the North, Central and South, Banda appointed specific women to take care of the party affairs. Generally, they worked under the section of the Malawi Congress Party. While the evidence showed that Banda empowered women to the high- ranking positions, his effort brought very little authority in the hands of those women. With these appointments, women became submissive and entirely served Banda’s masculine leadership to make it known everywhere in Malawi. The appointed women also carried out the duty of mobilizing others to attend political rallies.

4.1.3.1 Mobilization

The appointed women became agents of drawing people to political rallies.210 Women committed themselves to bring citizens to political meetings and other gatherings. In 1974, Margaret Mlenga, the chairperson of the women’s league, encouraged Malawians in Blantyre, the southern region of Malawi, to attend political rallies. On the same note, Mrs. Tsamwa, the chairlady of the women’s league at a district level, encouraged the general populace in 1980 to join political rallies.211 While this obligation remained in the hands of MYP members and youth leaguers, women also shared the same responsibility. They toured door after door in different settings, urban or rural, and fished out people for political groupings. When Banda reported his intentions to visit a particular city,

209 Malawi News. Vol. 5. No. 3. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 210 “Women Asked to act as eyes and ears for Nkhoswe No.1” Malawi News, June 1, 1974. Malawi National Archives. 211 Boma Lathu, Our Government, Vol 8. Number 7. 1980. Malawi National Archives. 57 town or district, women geared up their efforts and brought citizens in large quantities to the rallies. Women acted as tools in these various ways that facilitated President Banda to successfully maintain his heroic status. Eventually, Banda rewarded women. This brings us to the discussion of women’s political benefit.

4.2. Women’s Political “Benefits” President Banda rewarded women who actively participated in supporting his government. Many women received the so-called rewards or benefits under different capacities. While women seemed to benefit from their tireless support for Banda, such benefits were not permanent and left no mark on their socio-economic situation generally. These rewards came in the following ways. 4.2.1 Free Air trip. President Banda rewarded women by providing them air trips within and outside the country. 212 Women enjoyed free air trip as they flew almost across the globe. They went as far as Germany, the United Kingdom, Taiwan, Kenya, South Africa, Zambia and Russia just for shopping and touring. 213 Traveling abroad became the greatest privilege, of all that, President Banda awarded to women. President Banda advanced a philosophy that traveling was a means of learning.214 He believed that people, through traveling, learn cultural practices, values and norms of the other side of the world. He realized how much he learned from his travelings to South Africa, United States, Britain, Scotland, and Ghana. 215 A review of the archived documents showed some Malawian women in Wales. They went there for political causes. They established a relationship between women’s political activists of Wales and those of Malawi. Figure 5 in the appendix shows members of the Malawi women’s league in Wales.

212 Our Government/ Boma Lanthu. Volume 4. Number 5. 1975, Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. This news women who flew from the northern region of Malawi to the central region for political reasons. “Tayilawa denge chifuwa cha Ngawazi”, We flew by plane because of Ngwazi” Our government / Boma Lathu Newspaper. Volume 4, Number 11. Reprinted in the government press office as a newspaper, 1975. Retrieved from the Boma Lathu Newspaper file no. 3 The Malawi National Archives, July 2019. This newspaper showed Banda with his female supporters getting off from the plane at Kamuzu International Airport in the central region of Malawi. 213 Malawi News. Volume 4. No 2. Malawi National Archives. Retrieved in July 2019. This piece of evidence showed women in Wales attending Women’s Conference under the ticket of Banda. 214 “Tayilawa Denge Chifuwa cha Ngwazi” (We flew by plane because of Ngwazi). Our Government Newspaper/ Boma Lathu newspaper. Volume 4, Number 11. Reprinted in the government press office as a newspaper, 1975. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 215 Lisa Gilman. The Dance of Politics. 78-82. Also see Philip Short. Banda. (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974.) 15-20. 58

However, the revealed document never showed the exact number of women who flew to Wales, neither displayed information relating to the length of their stay there. It never exposed which class of women enjoyed this trip. These insights suggested that the privilege, while seemed open to all women, few benefited. The class of the women also mattered most. The privilege to fly around rarely applied to village women. The desirability of the destination and the length of the visit determined women’s class involved. For example, those who visited overseas countries usually remained very close to Banda and generally possessed an impressive level of education. Such women impressed Banda with their active and tireless support for his government and also their competence in understanding general political matters. 216 He considered several factors as a prerequisite to this award. Fluency in the English language became a chief factor too. Those who actively supported him but lacked fluency in spoken English language and lacked knowledge of the international politics only earned domestic flights. 217 They flew from one city to another specifically to attend political rallies and support the president during public events such as Independence Day, crop inspection, and others. He also constructed airports in almost every district and a road networks connecting the north and south of Malawi. Establishing airports in various districts became a way of improving transportation in Malawi. However, air transport received little attention and never became a choice of the general population. Very few Malawians used such means of transportation. As a result, those airports later only became spots for pulling women to political events. The air trips became simply political strategies of ensuring collective support for Banda. Women flew from the airports near their locations to main cities. Only women as chairpersons of the Malawi Congress Party in various locations enjoyed the privileges of flying to the cities on the ticket of the president. So much politics comes to light when examining the free air trip as a privilege for women in Malawi. One finds that a very small group of women who maintained close ties with Banda enjoyed this privilege yet public announcement communicated as if every single lady benefited. Many women

216 Banda chose every woman who impressed him whether from the government or party section. After all, these two entities intermingled to the point that no clear boundary existed. Moreover, Banda pursued a philosophy of compulsory participation in political realms which drew into politics all Malawian women. In this sense, every woman worked for Banda whether at a government, party or other levels. Therefore, he rewarded from these various circles. 217 “Women in Karonga flew to the capital city” Boma Lathu Newspaper/ Our Government Newspaper. Printed as a newspaper in the government office press. Volume 5, number 10. File name: Boma Lathu 1980. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 59 never received such reward. The beneficiaries of this rewards, however, submitted themselves to worship Banda and his party tirelessly. In this sense, Banda’s maintained the status of a hero.

4.2.2 Free Hospital Charges President Kamuzu Banda also awarded his mbumba with free medical care at the most advanced hospital. 218When news reached him that one of his favored female supporters fell sick, he, in response, sent her to the Queen Elizabeth hospital to receive high standard treatment Banda himself paid a visit to his women in hospitals and wished them well. 219 Some archival documents revealed that Banda sent Mrs. Manjamkhosi, chairperson of Women’s League, to Queen Elizabeth hospital. 220 Figure 6 shows Banda at Queen Elizabeth hospital visiting Margaret Manjamkhosi. However, we lack clear and established evidence to support the argument that many women received treatment at the hospital as part of their benefits from supporting Banda. While the consensus credits Banda for his kindness to help women desperately seeking medical attention, the only evidence that came in support of the assertion concerns the chairlady Manjamkhosi as already mentioned. Everyone became aware that President Banda supported the woman in question to receive the full treatment. Whether she became the only beneficiary or others also benefited, the observation remains that such privileges intended to reach a small group of women particularly of high class and only those he placed in influential positions. Many women, even if tirelessly supported him, never received such benefits. They only heard the news that Banda initiated the project and spent years hoping for this reward. Rewards became very political and ironic as it gave hope to the majority of women. It appears that Banda targeted those of high ranks to influence others to pay loyalty towards him. He surely knew that women in the position of chairpersons worked directly with others on the ground. Therefore, by targeting such women to receive free treatments, Banda intended to control all other women under the chairmanship of one beneficiary.

218 “Banda visiting Queen Elizabeth hospital” Our Government/ Boma Lathu Newspaper. Volume 4. Number 6. 1976. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, Boma Lathu Newspaper file 3. July 2019. Malawi News, The Commission for women in development, file number 16723. The government of Malawi, cep report no 50. 1977. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 219 Queen Elizabeth Hospital still exists in Blantyre, Southern region of Malawi and remains one of the reliable hospitals with advanced medical care. It was named in honor of the British Queen Elizabeth during the time of colonialism. 220 Malawi News. Vol.3 No. 5. 10. 1970. Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 60

The archived documents that revealed this information never explained what happened when she fully recovered. However, it becomes easy to suggest that she resumed her duties and finally worked to appease Dr. Banda. She and her followers became full worshippers of Banda. They paid loyalty to him without questions. They encouraged other women to give thanks. The politics of this project underscores the fact that Banda benefited more than women. He fully controlled women and made them his worshipers. He used them to mobilize others and suppress the rest of the opposition. Women enthusiastically gave thanks for his kindness and generosity. In their thanksgiving, they fully fulfilled the aims of his project as they worshiped Banda and promised their full loyalty. They also promised to keep check of any murmurings rising against him.

4.2.3 Catering Schools President Banda opened catering schools for women to acquire various cooking skills, but such initiative kicked women out of politics.221 He encouraged Malawians to eat well-cooked food to remain healthy and work towards developing the nation. Through these schools, some women found employment as tutors while others worked to keep the place clean. As such, women benefited in different ways. President Banda spread out these schools in different districts of the country in making sure the development reached to the benefit of an impressive number of women. In various centers, women responded positively towards this development. Many received training and employed the acquired skills at home. 222 Figure 7 in the appendix displays women at catering school. An initiative like this becomes quite difficult to measure the exact intention of the president. While women thought that the development worked to their favor, examining the nature of schools tells that the president, through this program, intended to re-domesticate them. He reminded them of their task to remain at home and cook for their husbands. The project became ironic as it seemed to empower women through the acquisition of cooking skills but actually disempowered them. It intended to kick them out of politics. Many women participated without a clear understanding of the underlying politics. At the completion of the school, they paid their full

221 Our government/ Boma Lathu volume 4. Number 11. Reprinted in the government press office as a newspaper, 1975. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. The newspaper showed women present the food product to Banda. He visited them to monitor the project. 222 Malawi News; Our Government Newspaper, Vol. 3. 12. 1975. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2019. Malawi News. Vol.3 No. 5. 10. 1970. Malawi National Archives, July 2019. 61 support to President Banda making him stronger and hero of the nation. Many of these benefits limited freedom and the power of women. The benefits chained women and even subjected them to a more vulnerable circumstance. This leads to a discussion of women’s accessing surface benefits in the form empowerment and protection.

4.3 Benefits Not Real

4.3.1 Empowerment vs Women’s Limited Power President Banda empowered women to a status where they fully used their capacity to support him, but such empowerment limited their power. Empowerment meant placing women into higher ranking positions of the party and government. Some scholars assessed this idea of empowering women. Linda Semu in particular contended that President Banda promoted women to a position where they became supporters of male politicians.223 She suggested that Banda awarded women with positions of secretary and clerk. In these positions, women only assisted male judges, lawyers and others. Banda also nominated women to parliament in 1977. The consideration for nominating women included literacy level and political support to MCP and its president. Semu expressed ironies in what Banda meant by these nominations. She stated that most of the appointed women never possessed authority. Those whom Banda nominated to parliament remained idol and only worked to serve male interest. They rarely exercised authority and always remained behind the scene. Lisa Gilman also reported that the woman appointed as National Chairperson of the Women’s League Organization held a lower status than the chairperson of men’s body at a regional level. 224 Thus, women’s empowerment held a limited power. Further, President Banda appointed Cecilia Kadzamira as the government official hostess.225 He demonstrated to all women of Malawi that his intention remained that of empowering women into high ranking positions. Kadzamira benefited immensely from this privilege. She lived with Banda in the same house for the entire thirty years period of his reign and

223 Linda Semu. “Kamuzu Mbumba: Malawi Women’s Embeddedness to Culture in the Face of International Political Pressure and Internal Political Change.” 83. 224 Lisa Gilman. The Dance of Politics. 78-80 225 Malawi News, No. 1. The Commission for women in development, file number 16723. The government of Malawi, cep report no 50. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives in July 2019. Also see “Kamuzu Banda dies at 99; Ruled Malawi for three Decades” the Washington Post (1974 current file) November 27, 1997; Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers. The Washington Post pg C6. Retrieved from the Miami University Online Library. 62 also traveled with him on political causes at both domestic and international levels.226 The relationship between Banda and Kadzamira attracted much attention of the general observers specifically because the president upheld the claim that he never married in his life. However, a review of some letters that Miss Kadzamira sent to Banda brings their relationship to question. In 1962, Miss Kadzamira wrote to Banda “It seems years since you left, a day means a month here.“227 While such a text provides little understanding of their status, it still helps to detect a sense romantic relationship between Banda and his hostess. Nevertheless, the question of whether Banda unofficially married her or died a single man remains a confluence of debates. What comes clearly, however, concerns the roles that she played at the state house. She took charge of reviewing and reporting to the president all receptions at the statehouse. She also earned the title, the Mother of the nation, that mostly goes to the first ladies. Miss Kadzamira became exemplary of women’s empowerment. She received popular respect from the general audience wherever she and the president visited.

However, Cecilia Kadzamira possessed no authority in her hands to address public meetings.228 She remained voiceless like other women and only played cards behind the curtain. Although she attracted public attention, she still occupied a marginal position in politics. This symbolized that women, while received rewards from their effort in supporting Banda, still possessed limited power.

4.3.2 Protection Women’s contribution in maintaining Banda’s heroic figure earned them a promise of full protection. 229 President Banda assumed an obligation to protect women. He argued that men violated women’s rights through various social injustices. As women’s savior, Banda rose for their

226 Boma Lathu newspaper. Volume 2, Number 11, November 1974. Also see Linda Semu in Kamuzu Mbumba: Malawi Women’s Embeddedness to Culture in the Face of International Political Pressure and Internal Political Change.” 83 227 Letter from Cecilia Kadzamira to Hastings Kamuzu Banda. November 16th 1962. Hastings K. Banda correspondence. Indiana University Archive Online. Retrieved on July 2nd 2020. 228 Linda Semu “Kamuzu Mbumba: Malawi Women’s Embeddedness to Culture in the Face of International Political Pressure and Internal Political Change.”83-84. 229 Farah Griffin in his essay displayed the ironies of protection that Malcolm X promised to African American women. The promise of protection limited women’s freedom as they became submissive to patriarchal power. In other words, Griffin said that women remained under control of men in exchange of protection from racial violence. This reflected Banda’s promise of protection. 63 protection. 230 He declared to jail every man who caused any form of trouble against women as wives or mothers. No man sexually or physically harmed women for fear of arrest. Banda increased women’s protection and helped address domestic violence. However, in exchange of protection, women dedicated their energy and time to sing songs glorifying Banda. They became submissive to the will of Banda and other male politicians with the promise of protection. However, the submission, instead of yielding high degree of protection, only made women even more vulnerable to abuse. Banda’s effort to protect women only resulted in shifting violence from a domestic to a national level. As husbands refrained from ill-treating their wives, those women experienced increased sexual violence, including rape from male politicians. 231 Women spent some days participating in political activities. During that period, some of them experienced rape or sexual abuse. 232 In fact, male politicians took advantage of the available women. However, such news always remained silent. While women knew it through experience or heard from the experiencers, they never talked about it. They remained with no option but to keep it silent. They never reported this case anywhere because the source of oppression became those close to the authority. In this sense, the question of Banda’s government protecting women becomes controversial. While it appears, on one side of the coin, that Banda protected women, on the other side, the strategy of women’s protection realistically subjected them to another level of male abuse. Further, many of his female supporters remained victims of poverty. In other words, women though seemed to obtain various benefits, still lived in life-threatening poverty.233 Their life never permanently improved in light of economic and social realms. They still occupied marginalized sources of income such as small-scale businesses and non-mechanized farming with low production in quality as well as quantity. While women strove to amplify their income, the call for their presence at political rallies disturbed their plans. They left their own economy staggering to magnify Banda’s social-economic and political image without real benefits. Such a context placed them in poor economic status. Further, women still paid tributes to the president on every set of events. Banda’s government commanded every citizen to pay tributes. 234 This means, women drew

230 Nicholas Dausi. Interview by Lisa Gilman. Blantyre City, Southern Region of Malawi. 2000. Lisa Gilman’s Personal Archives. 231 Lisa Gilman. “The Traditionalization of Women’s Political Dancing Hegemony and Politics in Malawi.” Journal of Folklore Research. 40. 232 Lisa Gilman. The Dance of Politics: Gender, Performance and Democratization in Malawi. 62-65 233 Lisa Gilman. The Dance of Politics: 65. 234 Tributes became a means that Banda drew worthy from poor Malawians. They paid tributes in form of properties or just other possessions such as rice, cattle, eggs, beans and among others. The argument remained that Banda 64 tributes from the already impoverished sources and forwarded them to the president. This worsened their economic situation. Banda, hence, fully controlled, and suppressed women economically as well as politically. Such remained the nature of his invented tradition, which appeared to promote women but exploited, and marginalized them in all walks of life. An examination of Banda’s invented tradition revealed that the president applied the tradition to marginalize the women’s power. He kept women at a lower status than men and exploited them to remain in power for 30 years. While he appeared to promote women, his intentions behind, remained that of suppressing and manipulating them to meet his own interest. Generally, the invented tradition worked against the favors of women.

extracted these materials for consumptions during big gatherings. However, through this way, he overexploited people. Malawi News, The Commission for women development, file number 16723. The government of Malawi, cep report no, 50. 1987. Retrieved from the Malawi National Archives, July 2016. Boma Lathu, Our Government, Section of Women development, file number 16723. 1972. Malawi National Archives. 65

Conclusion:

The Resurrection of the Women’s Power

Women reclaimed their power in the early 1990s, after decades of suppression. Two political institutions suppressed female authority, the colonial and Banda’s regimes. Colonialism transformed Malawi into a pure patriarchal community through the employment of various strategies. Women gradually lost substance in various parameters of social life. While they demonstrated resistance in some selected cases, we note that they mainly became victims of male dominance. Even matriarchal tribes, which initially exercised female rule, adopted components of patriarchal culture. In 1950, however, women challenged the system of male dominance in particular and colonialism in general. They impressed Dr. Banda by fighting for his release from prison in 1960. 235However, the transition from colonial to self-government only meant a transfer of power from one male institution to another. This means, colonial decline in 1964 never opened a room for the free exercise of women’s power. Banda manipulated the system that previously empowered women by adopting the male authority of the Kalonga king and disregarded female rule. He also copied male dominance from the church of Scotland. The blending of these two systems made his tradition that pushed down women’s power.

In the late 1990s, women reclaimed their power, challenged Banda’s autocracy and created a space for women’s empowerment that lasted even in the post- Banda administrations. They employed the very same mechanism of performance to voice against Banda. Women sought an environment that recognized their power, rights, and freedom. The question of human rights became very crucial and energized them to reclaim their power.236 They felt that Banda’s government betrayed them, as physical abuse and arrests of women accelerated in the late 1980s.237

235 Vera Chirwa. The Fearless Fighter: An Autobiography. 45. 236 Willie Givens. “Rights violations threaten referendum in Malawi”, says Amnesty The Richmond Afro-American and the Richmond Planet; Baltimore, Md. [Baltimore, Md]05 June 1993: B8. https://search-proquest-com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/369283371?accountid=12434 237 Many women faced mass incarcerations and physical abuse on political grounds. For example, Vera Chirwa, the wife to Orton Chirwa received death sentence together with her husband. See an article by Caryle Murphy. “Malawi Orders Parents of Md. Women Hanged” The Washington Post (1974 current file). May 24, 1983. Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post pg A1. Retrieved from Miami University Online Library. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/147613431/192CA2128BAB4D67PQ/1?accountid=12434 Also see Stephen Glitzman. “What Makes Malawi the African Albania” New York Times (1923 current file). May 28, 1992. Pro- Quest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg 22. Retrieved from the Miami University Online Library. 66

Vera Chirwa and the former minister; Rose Chibambo, exited Malawi in fear of arrest. Previously, these two women together established the Women’s League of Malawi in 1958 with intents to advance the freedom of women. 238 However, Banda used it for his own interest and pushed down women’s history. These women in the 1990s, therefore, gathered up the energy to reclaim their right and legacy. They came with great force to change the political environment in Malawi for the benefits of women.

Women also capitalized on the political tension that dominated Malawi during the early 1990s. During this timeframe, hot debate sprouted on the political future of the country. Specifically, the question concerned the choice between the one-party rule and the multiparty system.239 The general population preferred a relief from the iron-fisted rule of Banda. Further, the reports from Amnesty International revealed the hidden abusive behavior of the president. The Malawian people also feared the future of Malawi as Banda reached 90 years but still dismissed any discussion concerning succession of power. In this regard, people demanded a change. For example, Chakufwa Chihana arrived in Malawi from Zambia and advanced the call for democracy and a recognition of human rights.240 He condemned Banda and his party for the wrongs done to the people of Malawi. He openly challenged him in public without fear. The news about Chihana reached everyone in the country and people waited to see changes in the political face of Malawi. Chihana also campaigned against nepotism, which characterized Banda’s government. He argued that Banda placed people in government offices based on ethnic backgrounds.241 In this case, only those from the Chewa community served in high ranking positions while northerners remained jobless. In the selection of students to public universities, many children from the Chewa tribe attended tertiary education on government funding, neglecting those from the north.

https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/108913236/AE867304D0224921PQ/1?accountid=12434 238 Vera Chirwa. The Fearless Fighter: An Autobiography. 45 239 “Opposition in Malawi Demands Ruler Yield Power: The voters have spoken, but will Malawi's ruler l”. New York Times (1923-Current file); Jun 17, 1993; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. A12. Retrieved from the Miami University Online Library. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/109122574/5ED699B67BFE4E44PQ/1?accountid=12434 240Chakufwa Chihana originally came from the northern region of Malawi, went to stay in abroad after his disagreements with Banda in the years between 1960 and 1970. He remained in exile until the late 1980s. When he returned, Chihana gathered enough support from the international community to free Malawi from the authoritative rulership of Banda. See Melinda Ham. “Malawi: Loosening the reign?” Africa Report. January 1, 1993, 38. 1: Periodicals Archive Online pg. 29. Retrieved from the Miami University Online Library. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/1304050921/A475500B92FF4747PQ/9?accountid=12434&imgSeq=1 241 Wiseman Chijere Chirwa. “The Dance towards Dictatorship.” 18. 67

While Chihana attacked Banda on various causes in favor of multiparty democracy, women, on the other hand, already united for the cause of reclaiming their power. They employed the same strategies of performative arts to attack an image they supported for decades. In this interest, they actively carried out the tasks of performative arts specifically dancing and singing. In other words, they sang different songs with rebuking lyrics. The very same songs used against Banda’s opponents became instruments that disempowered him at this time. For instance, the song titled “A Kamuzu dziko la Malawi mwalizunza” (Kamuzu you have tortured the Malawi nation) depicts how women challenged Banda’s government. 242 The lyric of this song communicated how much Banda mistreated Malawians. They expressed their concerns about the regime of Dr. Banda and addressed the president directly in public through different songs. 243

However, some evidence proves that women rallied behind the cause of men. Such evidence shows that Chakufwa Chihana enrolled women in the course of advocating for democracy. 244 Just as women previously dressed up in uniforms with images of Banda as a symbol of the national hero, in the1990s, they dressed up in blue and white, the color of Chihana’s party: Alliance for Democracy. They sang songs that demanded the release of Chihana from prison and also organizing mass demonstrations for the cause of a transition to another level of politics. 245

While it seems that women fought for a multiparty democracy under the chairmanship of Chihana, their unity as women intended to bring changes into women’s world. The changes meant something more than just the democratization of Malawi. They needed the recognition and value of the female population. Even when Chihana returned, he found women already in a firm union. He found them already in the position of singing against Banda. By witnessing this action, Chihana confirmed: “Banda has lost support of his people.” 246 Therefore, he worked with different groups of stakeholders in the road to democratize Malawi. The women’s group became one of the partners. Women truly danced and sang in the blue-white uniforms, but based on mutual understanding. In these songs, as already highlighted, women called off Banda and his MCP in the streets. They

242 Chijire Chirwa. “The Dance towards Dictatorship.” 18. 243 Reuben Makayiko Chirambo. "Democracy as a Limiting Factor for Politicised Cultural Populism in Malawi." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (2009): 79. www.jstor.org/stable/40607812. 244 Chijere Chirwa. “The Dance towards Dictatorship, 18. 245 Opposition in Malawi Demands Ruler Yield Power: The voters have spoken, but will Malawi's ruler l. New York Times (1923-Current file); Jun 17, 1993; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. A12 246 Opposition in Malawi Demands Ruler Yield Power: The voters have spoken, but will Malawi's ruler l. New York Times (1923-Current file); Jun 17, 1993; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. A12 68 demanded him to pave a way for a new political atmosphere. This song also dominated during the anti-Banda era. “Tatopa ndi Kongresi! Tatopa ndi Kongresi! (We are tired of the Congress [Party].247

Women, through these songs, mounted pressure on Banda until he surrendered for a referendum in 1993.248 The outcome of the referendum showed that 89% of the people voted against Banda’s one man’s politics. 249 In the following year, the Malawi electoral commission held general elections that confirmed the transfer of presidency to Bakili Muluzi. Malawians valued women’s effort for dismantling President Banda’s reign.

However, not every single woman turned against Banda. Some women solidified their relationship with him. They even extended the level of singing and dancing for Banda. They rallied across the country singing songs against the opposition. 250 This group of women still considered Banda legitimate even in his 90s. They still believed in Banda’s life presidency. He gathered enough courage from the sight of the women on his side. The women who maintained loyalty were the primary and real beneficiaries of Banda. One of the women in this group includes Cecilia Kadzamira, the official hostess. Other women in typical rural areas also stood firm with the name Banda. They only knew Banda as the president, and hence proved less flexible to any change. 251

This means that urban women divided themselves into two categories based on the level of benefit or closeness to Banda. It appears that they held different interpretations of the sense of benefit. While the group that remained with Banda viewed benefits through the lens of free medical treatments, air trips, and vocational education, the other one viewed it from the perspective of

247 Chijere Chirwa. “The Dance towards Dictatorship” 19. 248 The referendum occurred to give freedom of choice to people. People chose between whether to remain in the one-party system under the tyrannical leadership of Banda or to move another level of multiparty politics or political pluralism. In these debates, the majority voted for multiparty politics and therefore elections appeared in 1994 in which Banda exited the stage for Dr Bakili Muluzi. Willie Givens. See, “Rights violations threaten referendum in Malawi”, says Amnesty The Richmond Afro-American and the Richmond Planet; Baltimore, Md. [Baltimore, Md]05 June 1993: B8. https://search-proquest-com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/369283371?accountid=12434 Also see “Opposition Claims Lead in Malawi Voting”. New York Times (1923-Current file); Jun 15, 1993; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. A6. 249 “Malawi votes for reform World Today”; Aug 1, 1993; 49, 8; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 150. Also; “Opposition Claims Lead in Malawi Voting”. New York Times (1923-Current file); Jun 15, 1993; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. A6 250 Chijere Chirwa. The Dance towards Dictatorship 20. 251 “Opposition Claims Lead in Malawi Voting New York Times” (1923-Current file) Jun 15, 1993; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. A6. 69 women’s rights and freedom of choice. They preferred recognition of female power in handling affairs of the government. This means, women wanted equal participation in every aspect of life. Many women, therefore, revolted while a few others still leaned on Banda.

Despite their divisions, the resurrected power benefited all women. They ascended to a high status and a heroic image in the post-Banda administrations. The presidents coming after

Banda acknowledged women’s capacity in transforming the country. 252 For example, Rose Chibambo received a heroic status as one of the individuals who fought for independence in Malawi. Malawians value her and appreciate her contributions to the land of Malawi. Before her death in 2012, she served as board chair of different universities in Malawi, including the University of Livingstonia in the northern region. Further, late President Bingu named a street in Mzuzu city after her name. He also placed her face on the Malawi’s banknote, 200 Kwacha.253 Vera Chiwa, on the other hand, also receives great respect in the country. She serves as a board member of various institutions and remains the source of great inspiration. She provides legal advisor-ship to Malawians.

Woman power yields respect even for those who fought on the side of Banda. For example, Cecilia Kadzamira also receives great respect from the people including every president coming after Banda. She provides advice to the people of Malawi and remains a source of inspiration. She serves as a board member of the Kamuzu Academy in Kasungu, the central region of Malawi.

Other women occupied significant positions of the party and government. The number of women participated in the seat of the member of the parliament also increased. Women participated in the parliamentary section, which previously remained the business of men. The chance became open to all women who wanted to participate in politics at any level. While some women still danced for president Bakili Muluzi who came right after Banda, they participated freely.

Other women in government sectors rose to high ranking positions where they played leading roles in making decisions. For example, Muluzi’s government appointed female teachers as headteachers in elementary and high schools at a national level. Later, President Bingu

252 Mr. R. Chirwa, in conversation with author. Mzuzu City, north Malawi. June 25, 2019. 253 Muti Phonya. “In Honoring Rose Ronthinda, 2016. Chibambo200 Malawi Kwacha equals to $0.27, (2020 rating.) This money in value differs from the $0.27 because it can buy some food, airtime or phone plan, and other things. 70

Wamtharika who assumed power in 2004 after Bakili Muluzi appointed a woman; Joyce Banda to the position of a vice president. 254 When Bingu died on April 4th, 2012, she became the president of Malawi with immediate effect. Many other women ascended to high rankings. Even though the post-Banda presidents empowered women, the period of political torture, which characterized Banda’s rule, still induce fear in some women in rural area in this era. Nevertheless, by reclaiming the female rights and power, women yielded significant changes in their world. They gained recognition, dignity and respect based on their abilities and capacity.

254 Wellman Kondowe. “Presidents and Ideologies: a Transitivity analysis of Bingu Wa Mutharika’s inaugural address.“ International Journal of Language and Linguistics 2014. 175. (http://www.sciencepublishinggroup.com/j/ijll). 71

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Roy, Jay. “Age Seems to Gnaw away at Banda’s Iron Fisted Rule in Malawi” Washington Post Foreign Service. The Washington Post (1923 current file); July 5, 1983; Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post pg A14. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/147606763/717A38F63DAC4D59PQ/1?accountid=12434

Vicker, Ray. “Hastings Banda, Offbeat Nationalist” Wall street Journal. (1923 Current file): August 29, 1972. Pro-quest Historical Newspaper: The Wall Street Journal pg 8. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/115618287/15103791A0C643EEPQ/2?accountid=12434

Willie Givens. “Rights violations threaten referendum in Malawi”, says Amnesty The Richmond Afro-American and the Richmond Planet; Baltimore, Md. [Baltimore, Md]05 June 1993: B8. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/369283371?accountid=12434

Unknown. “An ‘Amazon army’ Service in Malawi: Women’s League taking on role.” (1923 current file) January 3, 1965; Pro-Quest Historical Papers: New York Times pg 21. Retrieved from the Miami University Online Library. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/116761442/4F0A32C69E3243E6PQ/214?accountid=12434

Unknown. “Jehovah Witnesses accuse Malawi government of prosecution” New York Amsterdam News (1962-1993); Nov 25, 1975, Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers: New York Amsterdam News pg. C2. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/123493884/4F0A32C69E3243E6PQ/226?accountid=12434

Unknown. “Kamuzu Banda dies at 99; Ruled Malawi for three Decades” the Washington Post (1974 current file) November 27, 1997; Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers. The Washington Post pg C6. Retrieved from the Miami University Online Library. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/109785883/706A7D2BE0A34495PQ/2?accountid=12434 82

Unknown “Malawi Eases Mini-skirts Banda” Washington Post, Times Herald, 1959-1972. Jun 15, 1972; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post pg. A7.

Unknown “Malawi votes for reform World Today” Aug 1, 1993; 49, 8; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 150.

Unknown. “Miniskirted Girls Get Hint to Leave Malawi” The Washington Post, Times Herald (1959-1973,); April 25, 1968; Pro-Quest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post pg D23. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/143445447/AEB6745D54BD4A9EPQ/1?accountid=12434

Unknown. “Opposition Claims Lead in Malawi Voting” New York Times (1923-Current file) June 15, 1993; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. A6.

Unknown. “Opposition in Malawi Demands Ruler Yield Power: The voters have spoken, but will Malawi's ruler l”. New York Times (1923-Current file); Jun 17, 1993; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times pg. A12. https://search-proquest- com.proxy.lib.miamioh.edu/docview/109122574/5ED699B67BFE4E44PQ/1?accountid=12434

APPENDIX Newspaper Illustrations / Images

Figure 1. Banda received full promise of loyalty.

Figure 2. Loyalty to Banda

Figures 3. Women dancing.

Figure 4. Alice Ntholo appointed as Deputy Minister of Agriculture.

Figure 5. Officials of the Malawi Women’s League in Wales.

Figure 6. Banda visited Queens Elizabeth Hospital.

Figure 7. Women at catering schools.