The Two-Step Development of the Post-Gratian Gloss and the Emergence of a New Era in Canon Law" (2014)
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Book Reviews Religious Syncretism and Deviance in Islamic And
Turkish Historical Review 3 (2012) 91–113 brill.nl/thr Book Reviews Religious syncretism and deviance in Islamic and Christian orthodoxies Angeliki Konstantakopoulou * Gilles Veinstein (ed.), Syncrétisme religieux et déviances de l’Orthodoxie chré- tienne et islamique. Syncrétismes et hérésies dans l’Orient Seldjoukide et Ottoman (XIVe-XVIIIe siècle), Actes du Colloque du Collège de France, Octobre 2001 (Paris: Peeters, 2005) (Collection Turcica, vol. 9), pp. 428, ISBN 904 2 915 49 8. Various aspects of the question of religious syncretism in the Middle East have repeatedly been the subject of research. Seen from an ‘orientalist’ and idealistic point of view, this question has been dealt with by national historiographies in a predictably justifi catory fashion. Moreover, after the end of the Cold War era, it resurfaced, integrated into wider questions such as that of the politicisa- tion of religion or that of the emergence of “ethnic-identities”, an issue which has recently engulfed the institutions of the European Union. In the current enfl amed situation, the historian has diffi culty in detaching himself/herself from the crucial present debate on religion/culture and confl icts (dictated as an almost exclusive approach and topic of research according to the lines of the ‘clash of civilizations’ theory). Often encountering retrospective and anachronistic interpretations, (s)he needs to revisit, among other issues, the question of the religious orthodoxies and of the deviances from them. Th e collective work presented here is, in short, an attempt to explore respective phenomena in their own historical terms. Th e participants at the Colloque of the Collège de France in October 2001 developed new analyses and proposed responses to an historical phenomenon which is linked in various ways to cur- rent political-ideological events (Preface by Gilles Veinstein, pp xiii-xiv). -
QUESTION 39 Schism We Next Have to Consider the Vices That Are Opposed to Peace and That Involve Deeds: Schism (Schisma) (Quest
QUESTION 39 Schism We next have to consider the vices that are opposed to peace and that involve deeds: schism (schisma) (question 39); strife (rixa) (question 41); sedition (seditio) (question 42); and war (bellum) (question 40). On the first topic there are four questions: (1) Is schism a special sin? (2) Is schism a more serious sin than unbelief? (3) Do schismatics have any power? (4) Are schismatics appropriately punished with excommunication? Article 1 Is schism a special sin? It seems that schism is not a special sin: Objection 1: As Pope Pelagius says, “Schism (schisma) sounds like scissor (scissura).” But every sin effects some sort of cutting off—this according to Isaiah 59:2 (“Your sins have cut you off from your God”). Therefore, schism is not a special sin. Objection 2: Schismatics seem to be individuals who do not obey the Church. But a man becomes disobedient to the precepts of the Church through every sin, since sin, according to Ambrose, “is disobedience with respect to the celestial commandments.” Therefore, every sin is an instance of schism. Objection 3: Heresy likewise cuts a man off from the unity of the Faith. Therefore, if the name ‘schism’ implies being cut off, then schism does not seem to differ as a special sin from the sin of unbelief. But contrary to this: In Contra Faustum Augustine distinguishes schism from heresy as follows: “Schism is believing the same things as the others and worshiping with the same rites, but being content merely to split the congregation, whereas heresy is believing things that are diverse from what the Catholic Church believes.” Therefore, schism is not a general sin. -
Stages of Papal Law
Journal of the British Academy, 5, 37–59. DOI https://doi.org/10.5871/jba/005.037 Posted 00 March 2017. © The British Academy 2017 Stages of papal law Raleigh Lecture on History read 1 November 2016 DAVID L. D’AVRAY Fellow of the British Academy Abstract: Papal law is known from the late 4th century (Siricius). There was demand for decretals and they were collected in private collections from the 5th century on. Charlemagne’s Admonitio generalis made papal legislation even better known and the Pseudo-Isidorian collections brought genuine decretals also to the wide audience that these partly forged collections reached. The papal reforms from the 11th century on gave rise to a new burst of papal decretals, and collections of them, culminating in the Liber Extra of 1234. The Council of Trent opened a new phase. The ‘Congregation of the Council’, set up to apply Trent’s non-dogmatic decrees, became a new source of papal law. Finally, in 1917, nearly a millennium and a half of papal law was codified by Cardinal Gasparri within two covers. Papal law was to a great extent ‘demand- driven’, which requires explanation. The theory proposed here is that Catholic Christianity was composed of a multitude of subsystems, not planned centrally and each with an evolving life of its own. Subsystems frequently interfered with the life of other subsystems, creating new entanglements. This constantly renewed complexity had the function (though not the purpose) of creating and recreating demand for papal law to sort out the entanglements between subsystems. For various reasons other religious systems have not generated the same demand: because the state plays a ‘papal’ role, or because the units are small, discrete and simple, or thanks to a clear simple blueprint, or because of conservatism combined with a tolerance of some inconsistency. -
Introduction
Introduction FREDERIK PEDERSEN European society underwent fundamental changes during the millennium from 500 AD to 1500 AD. Ideas and practices of marriage differed in fundamental ways between the start and the end of the period. The Roman Empire and its successor states exhibited a multitude of kinship relations and household organizations, some based around a slave economy, others around polygamous marriages. Some allowed marriage partners to dissolve their marriages and others prohibited it. However, by 1500, throughout Europe, the basic family unit could be expected to be organized around a voluntary, monogamous, and lifelong conjugal unit, not only in Christian society, but also among Europe’s Jews. This cultural unity stretched from the farthest north to the Mediterranean and beyond, and it was the result of a multitude of factors. Some developments were caused by changes in relations of production, some were stimulated by theological discussions, and still others came about because of political considerations as kings, nobility and prelates discussed, challenged and refined the institution of marriage and its consequences. The interpretation of marriage in medieval Christian theology (which provided the ideological underpinnings of marriage legislation across Europe) differs profoundly from other cultures and religions in its insistence that marriage was not only a social, secular reality, but also a symbolic recreation of God’s relationship with His Church. For medieval Christians, marriage became a reflection of Christ’s union with the Church, and this interpretation provided the ideological foundations for marriage as exclusive, life-long, and indissoluble.1 Although this interpretation of human sexuality meant that marriage was an integral part of Christianity from the 2 beginning, the Church only decisively took on marriage law during a relatively short period between the eleventh and early thirteenth centuries. -
Spine for Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law
Spine for Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law Top to Bottom Vol. 32 Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 2015 THE STEPHAN KUTTNER INSTITUTE OF MEDIEVAL CANON LAW MÜNCHEN 2015 BULLETIN OF MEDIEVAL CANON LAW NEW SERIES VOLUME 32 AN ANNUAL REVIEW PUBLISHED BY THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS FOR THE STEPHAN KUTTNER INSTITUTE OF MEDIEVAL CANON LAW BULLETIN OF MEDIEVAL CANON LAW THE STEPHAN KUTTNER INSTITUTE OF MEDIEVAL CANON LAW MÜNCHEN 2015 BULLETIN OF MEDIEVAL CANON LAW NEW SERIES VOLUME 32 AN ANNUAL REVIEW PUBLISHED BY THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS FOR THE STEPHAN KUTTNER INSTITUTE OF MEDIEVAL CANON LAW Published annually at the Stephan Kuttner Institute of Medieval Canon Law Editorial correspondence should be addressed to: STEPHAN-KUTTNER INSTITUTE OF MEDIEVAL CANON LAW Professor-Huber-Platz 2 D-80539 München PETER LANDAU, Editor Universität München [email protected] or KENNETH PENNINGTON, Editor The School of Canon Law The Catholic University of America Washington, D.C. 20064 [email protected] Advisory Board PÉTER CARDINAL ERDP PETER LINEHAN Archbishop of Esztergom St. John’s College Budapest Cambridge University JOSÉ MIGUEL VIÉJO-XIMÉNEZ ORAZIO CONDORELLI Universidad de Las Palmas de Università degli Studi Gran Canaria Catania FRANCK ROUMY KNUT WOLFGANG NÖRR Université Panthéon-Assas Universität Tübingen Paris II Inquiries concerning subscriptions or notifications of change of address should be sent to the Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law Subscriptions, PO Box 19966, Baltimore, MD 21211-0966. Notifications can also be sent by email to [email protected] Telephone (410) 516-6987 or 1-800-548-1784 or fax 410-516-3866. -
Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman
Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman emperors had always been conscious of the political power of the military establishment. In his well-known assessment of the secrets of Augustus’ success, Tacitus observed that he had “won over the soldiers with gifts”,1 while Septimius Severus is famously reported to have advised his sons to “be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and despise the rest”.2 Since both men had gained power after fiercely contested periods of civil war, it is hardly surprising that they were mindful of the importance of conciliating this particular constituency. Emperors’ awareness of this can only have been intensified by the prolonged and repeated incidence of civil war during the mid third century, as well as by emperors themselves increasingly coming from military backgrounds during this period. At the same time, the sheer frequency with which armies were able to make and unmake emperors in the mid third century must have served to reinforce soldiers’ sense of their potential to influence the empire’s affairs and extract concessions from emperors. The stage was thus set for a fourth century in which the stakes were high in relations between emperors and the military, with a distinct risk that, if those relations were not handled judiciously, the empire might fragment, as it almost did in the 260s and 270s. 1 Tac. Ann. 1.2. 2 Cass. Dio 76.15.2. Just as emperors of earlier centuries had taken care to conciliate the rank and file by various means,3 so too fourth-century emperors deployed a range of measures designed to win and retain the loyalties of the soldiery. -
On the Integrity of Confession As Prolegomena for Luther and Trent
Theological Studies 54(1993) THE SUMMAE CONFESSORUM ON THE INTEGRITY OF CONFESSION AS PROLEGOMENA FOR LUTHER AND TRENT KiLiAN MCDONNELL, O.S.B. Institute for Ecumenical and Cultural Research, Collegeville, Minn. TT ΤΠΉ THE EXCEPTION of satisfaction, no Reformation issue concern- W ing the sacrament of penance was so hotly debated as integrity of confession, the requirement that one must make a complete confes sion. In part, the heated discussion was related to the role integrity played in Catholic penitential life. Speaking of the Catholic practice just prior to the Reformation, T. N. Tentler contends that 'to exagger ate the importance of completeness seems hardly possible."1 The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) gives the classical formulation: the faithful "must confess all their sins ... to their own priest at least once a year."2 The Protestant historian of penance, H. C. Lea, calls this "the most important legislative act in the history of the Church,"3 partly because a legislated confession is not free. The Council of Flor ence (1438-45) modified the Lateran decree; integrity is defined as "all the sins one remembers."4 Luther objects that even this is an impossible task, like "counting the sands," endlessly numbering and weighing sins, detailing their circumstances, thus leading to torments of conscience, ending in de spair.5 Though Luther himself retains the catalogue of sins as an aid to the examination of conscience,6 as does Melanchthon,7 both cite Psalm 19:13: "Who knows how often one sins?"8 No command exists for 1 Sin and Confession on the Eue of the Reformation (Princeton, Ν J.: Princeton Univ., 1977) 109. -
ABSTRACT the Apostolic Tradition in the Ecclesiastical Histories Of
ABSTRACT The Apostolic Tradition in the Ecclesiastical Histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret Scott A. Rushing, Ph.D. Mentor: Daniel H. Williams, Ph.D. This dissertation analyzes the transposition of the apostolic tradition in the fifth-century ecclesiastical histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. In the early patristic era, the apostolic tradition was defined as the transmission of the apostles’ teachings through the forms of Scripture, the rule of faith, and episcopal succession. Early Christians, e.g., Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Origen, believed that these channels preserved the original apostolic doctrines, and that the Church had faithfully handed them to successive generations. The Greek historians located the quintessence of the apostolic tradition through these traditional channels. However, the content of the tradition became transposed as a result of three historical movements during the fourth century: (1) Constantine inaugurated an era of Christian emperors, (2) the Council of Nicaea promulgated a creed in 325 A.D., and (3) monasticism emerged as a counter-cultural movement. Due to the confluence of these sweeping historical developments, the historians assumed the Nicene creed, the monastics, and Christian emperors into their taxonomy of the apostolic tradition. For reasons that crystallize long after Nicaea, the historians concluded that pro-Nicene theology epitomized the apostolic message. They accepted the introduction of new vocabulary, e.g. homoousios, as the standard of orthodoxy. In addition, the historians commended the pro- Nicene monastics and emperors as orthodox exemplars responsible for defending the apostolic tradition against the attacks of heretical enemies. The second chapter of this dissertation surveys the development of the apostolic tradition. -
Medieval Canon Law and Early Modern Treaty Law Lesaffer, R.C.H
Tilburg University Medieval canon law and early modern treaty law Lesaffer, R.C.H. Published in: Journal of the History of International Law Publication date: 2000 Link to publication in Tilburg University Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Lesaffer, R. C. H. (2000). Medieval canon law and early modern treaty law. Journal of the History of International Law, 2(2), 178-198. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 27. sep. 2021 178 Journal of the History of International Law The Medieval Canon Law of Contract and Early Modern Treaty Law Randall Lesaffer Professor of Legal History, Catholic University of Brabant at Tilburg; Catholic University of Leuven The earliest agreements between political entities which can be considered to be treaties date back from the third millennium B.C1. Throughout history treaties have continuously been a prime instrument of organising relations between autonomous powers. -
The Returning Warrior and the Limits of Just War Theory
THE RETURNING WARRIOR AND THE LIMITS OF JUST WAR THEORY R.J. Delahunty Professor of Law University of St. Thomas School of Law* In this essay, I seek to explore a Christian tradition that is nei- ther the just war theory nor pacifism. Unlike pacifism, this tradi- tion teaches that war is a necessary and inescapable aspect of the human condition, and that Christians cannot escape from engaging in it. Unlike just war theory, this tradition holds that engaging in war is intrinsically sinful, however justifiable that activity may be considered to be in the light of human law, morality or reason. Mi- chael Walzer captured the essence of this way of thinking in a cele- brated essay on the problem of “dirty hands.”1 Although Walzer’s essay was chiefly about political rather than military action, he rightly observed that there was a strand in Christian reflection that saw killing, whether in a just or unjust war, as defiling or even sin- ful, even if it conformed to moral and legal standards. That tradi- tion, though subordinate, still survives in Christian, especially Lu- theran, thought. The Church’s thought about war and peace went through sever- al phases before finally settling on the just war theory. Throughout much of the Middle Ages, the Church’s approach to war was pri- marily pastoral and unsystematic. Although opinions varied widely depending on the circumstances, the early medieval Church was commonly skeptical of the permissibility of killing in warfare. Ra- ther, the Church at that time tended to the view that killing – even in a just war – was sinful and required penance. -
The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great
Graeco-Latina Brunensia 24 / 2019 / 2 https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2019-2-2 The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great Stanislav Doležal (University of South Bohemia in České Budějovice) Abstract The article argues that Constantine the Great, until he was recognized by Galerius, the senior ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES Emperor of the Tetrarchy, was an usurper with no right to the imperial power, nothwithstand- ing his claim that his father, the Emperor Constantius I, conferred upon him the imperial title before he died. Tetrarchic principles, envisaged by Diocletian, were specifically put in place to supersede and override blood kinship. Constantine’s accession to power started as a military coup in which a military unit composed of barbarian soldiers seems to have played an impor- tant role. Keywords Constantine the Great; Roman emperor; usurpation; tetrarchy 19 Stanislav Doležal The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great On 25 July 306 at York, the Roman Emperor Constantius I died peacefully in his bed. On the same day, a new Emperor was made – his eldest son Constantine who had been present at his father’s deathbed. What exactly happened on that day? Britain, a remote province (actually several provinces)1 on the edge of the Roman Empire, had a tendency to defect from the central government. It produced several usurpers in the past.2 Was Constantine one of them? What gave him the right to be an Emperor in the first place? It can be argued that the political system that was still valid in 306, today known as the Tetrarchy, made any such seizure of power illegal. -
Reconstruction Or Reformation the Conciliar Papacy and Jan Hus of Bohemia
Garcia 1 RECONSTRUCTION OR REFORMATION THE CONCILIAR PAPACY AND JAN HUS OF BOHEMIA Franky Garcia HY 490 Dr. Andy Dunar 15 March 2012 Garcia 2 The declining institution of the Church quashed the Hussite Heresy through a radical self-reconstruction led by the conciliar reformers. The Roman Church of the late Middle Ages was in a state of decline after years of dealing with heresy. While the Papacy had grown in power through the Middle Ages, after it fought the crusades it lost its authority over the temporal leaders in Europe. Once there was no papal banner for troops to march behind to faraway lands, European rulers began fighting among themselves. This led to the Great Schism of 1378, in which different rulers in Europe elected different popes. Before the schism ended in 1417, there were three popes holding support from various European monarchs. Thus, when a new reform movement led by Jan Hus of Bohemia arose at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the declining Church was at odds over how to deal with it. The Church had been able to deal ecumenically (or in a religiously unified way) with reforms in the past, but its weakened state after the crusades made ecumenism too great a risk. Instead, the Church took a repressive approach to the situation. Bohemia was a land stained with a history of heresy, and to let Hus's reform go unchecked might allow for a heretical movement on a scale that surpassed even the Cathars of southern France. Therefore the Church, under guidance of Pope John XXIII and Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund of Luxemburg, convened in the Council of Constance in 1414.