Practicing Transformative Planning: the Territory-Landscape Plan As A

Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 https://doi.org/10.1186/s40410-019-0111-2

RESEARCH ARTICLE Open Access Practicing transformative planning: the territory‑landscape plan as a catalyst for change Louis Albrechts1, Angela Barbanente2* and Valeria Monno2

Abstract This paper advocates the need for transformative planning practices to cope with contemporary crises of climate change and intensifying economic inequality that regions, city-regions, and cities are increasingly confronted with. In-depth examination of planning processes is useful to grasp some crucial promises and problems of transformative planning and open up new possibilities for practice. Accordingly, the paper includes an investigation into the Terri- tory-Landscape plan-making process developed in the Apulia region, Italy. This explicitly and intentionally aimed at promoting a radical discontinuity in regional planning culture and practice by changing the well-established relation- ship between territory-landscape protection and spatial planning. The process revealed that ‘landscape’ could func- tion as a constructive picklock for proposing an alternative to the development-as-growth model frmly entrenched in the region, and envisioning desirable futures focused on the concept of ‘local self-sustainable development’. This implies subverting the hegemony of the ‘economic’ that has reduced dwellers to consumers, and the territory to a mere physical support for any kind of land transformation and urban development which exclude dwellers participa- tion. Using the lens of transformative theory and building on an interpretive research approach that included also direct experience, the paper provides insights on changes in vision and concepts, discourses and practices, approach and instruments experienced in such a planning process. In conclusion, it refects on lessons learned, and highlights some difculties and contradictions with which the way towards transformative planning is paved for researchers engaged in turning their ideas into signifcant achievements in the real world. Keywords: Transformative planning practices, Territory-landscape, Situated planning processes, Self-sustainable local development, Planning vision and concepts

Claiming change: planning ambitions cannot be tackled by means of traditional approaches and contextual conditions (Hames 2007), by “just more market” (Hamilton 2004; Our globalised and increasingly urbanised society faces Sachs and Esteva 2003), by extrapolating from the past the combined contemporary crises of climate change and the present, by simply relying on economic growth and intensifying socio-economic inequality and global (Hamilton 2004; Mishan 1967). Tis paper argues that economic disruption (Pelling et al. 2011). While some society as a whole has to accept that it lives in a world believe in the strength of creative capitalism and the— in which much of what it does and how it does it sim- in their view—huge improvements in quality of life it ply cannot continue (Hames 2007, p 278). Tere is ample can provide (Gates 2008), others are convinced that the evidence that the problems and challenges that regions, current challenges are central and structural, and hence city-regions, and cities are confronted with cannot be tackled and managed adequately either on the basis of *Correspondence: [email protected] the neoconservative perspective or on the basis of the 2 Politecnico di Bari, Bari, Italy intellectual, technical-legal apparatus and mindset of Full list of author information is available at the end of the article traditional planning. Tis implies that only the proactive

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response (Ackof 1981) seems appropriate, as it calls for an alternative vision of regional spatial development. Its the transformative practices that are needed to cope with concepts, content and process challenged the “urbanism the continuing and unabated pace of change driven by tradition” (CEC 1997) characterising the regional plan- (structural) problems and challenges. ning system; they also broke with the Italian frst genera- Transformative practices not only refuse to accept that tion of regional landscape plans in compliance with the the current way of doing things is necessarily the best national law n. 431/1985. Finally the TLP difered sig- way. Transformative practices must be imagined as dif- nifcantly from the late 1990s-early 2000s regional spatial fering radically and structurally from the present reality. plans, which were generally centred on principles that are Tey focus on new concepts and new ways of thinking difcult to reconcile such as sustainability, competitive- that change the way resources are used, (re)distributed, ness, and territorial cohesion (Fabbro 2003). and allocated, and the way the regulatory powers are In what follows we will refect on the TL planning exercised (Albrechts 2010, p 1117). As a concrete socio- experience, with the aim to highlight its transforma- historical practice aimed at socially producing a radical tive ingredients and potentials. Tis paper is biased and change, transformative planning—within an intrinsically somehow unbalanced to the extent that it is written from changing, fuxing, and transforming social and physical an insider’s perspective as one author was in charge of reality (see Chia 1999, p 210)—is called upon to recog- the plan. She is an academic who, from 2005 to 2015, was nise the forces of change and to look for visions, means appointed as deputy president of the Apulia regional gov- and instruments to produce alternatives. ernment with responsibility for spatial planning, land- With references to radical change, transformative plan- scape and cultural heritage. In our interpretive research ning has been conceptualized in diferent ways. A num- approach (Yanow 2000), this unconventional participa- ber of strong manifestos for change have been drawn tion was an opportunity to deepen our analysis of the TL up—for reconsidering the absolute faith in economic planning experience and grasp its situated and context- growth (Mishan 1967; Hamilton 2004), for living inter- dependent aspects. Her immediate involvement made it culturally (Landry 2000; Sandercock 1998), for creat- a real-life account of planning-in-action. It ofered a more ing a more sustainable society (Sachs and Esteva 2003), intimate view of the decision-making process than could for social mobilization (Friedmann 1987), for an urban be obtained from any other perspective (for a compara- political ecology (Heynen et al. 2005), for recapturing ble approach see Meyerson and Banfeld 1955; Krum- democracy (Purcell 2009) and for a more radical planning holz and Forester 1990). Tus, our analysis is based not (Albrechts 2013, 2015). Tese manifestos rise some cru- only on the critical revision of ofcial documents and cial general questions when confronted with the actual multimedia information, but also on frst-hand materi- rationalities involved in diverse systems and processes als such as minutes of political and technical committees of planning practice, such as: in which direction should and accounts of formal and informal meetings during the change move, and which forces of change need to be long and turbulent process of drawing up and approving mobilised? what substantive contents should nurture the the plan. planning process in diferent action contexts? and what Te paper refects on the TL planning process. It planning instruments are more suitable to favour trans- describes the key cultural and political contextual con- formative practices? Conceptualisations of radical change ditions that contributed to trigger the TLP as a trans- depend on context. Planners have to recognize the situ- formative planning experience. Ten it discusses its ated nature of processes, knowledge and values which transformative content focusing on changing vision guide both urban and regional planning approaches and and concepts, discourses and practices, and planning transformations at the local level. approach and instruments. Finally it points out what can A focus on practices could be helpful to grasp such be learned from and about transformative planning from crucial aspects. Accordingly, this paper focuses on the this experience. territorial-landscape plan (TLP) for the Apulia region, Southern Italy, which was approved in 2015 after 7 years A framework for grasping the transformative after its outset. Tis planning process explicitly and in TLP intentionally aimed at promoting a radical discontinuity Several powerful and catching concepts in planning are in the regional planning culture and practice by changing very slippery. Tey can mean diferent things to diferent the established relationship between territory-landscape people and be used in several diferent ways and be con- protection and spatial planning. tested. Transformative practices is one of them. Te TLP is a spatial plan that applies to the whole Te transformative agenda is a modern term for struc- regional territory. It was part of the cultural and political tural change that has been discussed by many in the past change occurring in Apulia and related eforts to support (see Ozbekhan 1969; Schön 1971; Etzioni 1971) in the Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 3 of 13

context of planning theory. From our point of view, trans- redistribution pertains to the national level, politics of formative practices focus on the structural problems in empowerment, which takes place over claims staked out society; they construct images/visions of a preferred out- around the major bases of social power, and politics of come and how to implement them (see Friedmann 1987). place, which sets out to defend people’s life spaces against Transformative implies refusing to accept that the cur- the rapaciousness of capital and bureaucratic fat, are up rent way of doing things is necessarily the best and there- to the regional and local levels. fore abandoning the usual boundaries of ‘reasonableness’ Politics of empowerment and politics of place can (see de Bono 1992). It claims for generating discontinu- strengthen each other in co-production processes at the ity and changing concepts, structures and ideas that only regional and local levels. In transformative planning, persist because of the process of continuity. Transforma- these processes are interpreted as mobilizing practices of tive is about discontinuity and a conception of ‘futures’ collective political organization and action. Drawing on that transcends mere feasibility and that results from awareness of causes of inequality and path dependency, judgments and choices formed, in the frst place, with they involve communities in co-producing practices that reference to the idea of ‘desirability’, to the idea of ‘bet- can be transformative to the extent that they are able to terment’ and to the practice of the good society (Fried- enlarge the imagination of possible alternative futures, mann 1982). Futures have to be imagined as difering provoke a shift towards sociospatial justice, and ground radically and structurally from the present reality. Tus, their legitimacy in a future to be brought about, that is an transformative planning becomes the activity whereby idea to realize (Albrechts et al. 2019). (within certain boundaries) the purpose of changing dif- fers from the established or traditional way of thinking, A region in search of a diferent way of dealing in which there is no choice and we are not even aware of with structural ‘underdevelopment’ problems other possibilities. Apulia is a peninsula of 19.347 km­ 2 and approximately From a radical perspective, the starting point of trans- 900 km of coastline, with almost 4.1 million inhabit- formative practices is always a concrete problem. “Trans- ants and 258 municipalities ranging from 320.000 to 150 formative theory” focuses on the structural problems of inhabitants. It is located in Southern Italy, the so-called capitalist society viewed in a global context and provides Mezzogiorno. Tis is an area characterized by a long- a critical interpretation of existing reality. Such a theory term economic gap from Central to Northern regions: cannot be arbitrarily invented. It must grow out from and in 2016 the unemployment rate (19.4%) was well above be informed by long periods of sustained oppositional the national average (11.7%), and the per capita GDP was practice. Based on experience, it combines an amalgam considerably lower than the national average (65.1%).1 of analysis, social vision, and hard strategic thinking with In this region as in the whole Mezzogiorno, modern- the intent to shape ongoing political practice, even as it ist development policies implemented after the World continuously absorbs new learning (Friedmann 1987, pp War II have always been unsuccessful. Such a failure is at 389–390). the base of the widespread narrative depicting the Mez- From a radical perspective transformative practices zogiorno as an ‘underdeveloped’ community. However, involve constructing ‘desired’ answers to the structural Apulia has always been a more complex environment problems of our society through citizens mobilisation. that could not be easily stigmatised as ‘underdevel- Tey entail developing visions through social production oped’. At the end of the 1990s-beginning of 2000s, such processes which are not merely temporal extensions of an inconsistency between the dominant narrative and the here and now but symbolize more just and solidaris- the contextual specifcs gave rise to a critical thinking tic socio-spatial assets as a result of constant confronta- emphasising the failure of exogenous development poli- tion on the places in which we want to live in, or think we cies as a result of political patronage and dominant eco- should live in. Envisioning is a collective process linked to nomic interests. Te emergence of such critical thinking values, to choices, and therefore is far from neutral. determined a myriad of macro, and above all, micro Primary objective of transformative planning is the political changes. Tese in turn stimulated the construc- recovery of political community and, with it, an active tion of a diferent narrative on the Apulia development, public life. A process of recovery involves both “self-pro- including numerous social, cultural and political ideas duction of life” and “collective self- reliance” (Friedmann and practices providing alternatives to the post-World 1987, p 386). As such, transformative (radical) plan- War II development-as-growth model. Accordingly, a ning stands in necessary opposition to the established new regional storytelling emerged, which was capable of powers. Tree kinds of politics are relevant: politics of empowerment, politics of redistribution, and politics of place (Friedmann 1987, pp 407–408). While politics of 1 Eurostat (2017) http://ec.europa.eu/euros​ tat/data/datab​ ase​ . Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 4 of 13

overcoming socio-institutional barriers and changing the of already existing and active civil society groups working established collective imaginary. It was centred on the on local political issues (Romano 2005). criticism of a world ruled by the “business fundamental- Te new regional government proposed a change from ism” and an “obsessive competitive pressure”, which has both the historical condition of marginality of Apulia to a condemned the South, in its pursuit of progress imposed new identity based on its Mediterranean belonging, and by the capitalist system, to become an incomplete, imper- the deeply rooted practices of political patronage and eco- fect, and not-yet North (Cassano 2012, pp xvii–xviii). nomic lobbyism to grassroots democracy (Duran 2015, It explained the diference between the Mediterranean pp 251–252). Te political vision distanced itself from and Northern thinking and showed the Mediterranean the post-World War II development-as-growth model diferential, autonomous identity to be recovered and based on the emulation of ‘more (economically) devel- rediscovered in terms of an alternative world (Cassano oped’ areas. Tis model had been supported by a land use 2012). Te Mediterranean alternative thinking catalysed planning system essentially centred on municipal land use several diferent and yet divided components of a nas- plans mainly concerned with the management of future cent, fragmented civil society including catholic move- (abundant) options for urban expansion. In a region ments, the radical left, local environmentalism, and other depicted as ‘underdeveloped’, local governments and NGOs. As all over the world, in Apulia too as a result of communities had usually regarded positively any devel- the crisis of representative democracy, a lively local civil opment, hoping to gain local economic and employment society was slowly coming to light. Although underrep- benefts. Tis hope had made them overlook the degrada- resented, this civil society developed, and its ideas spread tion and destruction of environmental and cultural herit- throughout the region inspiring the old as well as new age, as well as the erasure of local knowledge, experience generations. It promoted another democratic political and skills, provoked by such development. system: one led by engaged citizens/society acting for the In opposition to the post-World War II development common good. However, it lacked leadership and a clear model, the regional government envisioned a develop- and catalysing alternative development model (Cassano ment perspective focused on the enhancement of social 2004). Some NGOs and other civil society organisations capital, especially youth, and culture and environment 2 established close relationships with a group of intellec- considered as common goods (Damiani 2011). Tis tuals, academics and professionals from diferent felds, opened the opportunity for planning to fnd a new role including urban and regional planning. Tey called for a in regional development policies, centred on the protec- self-directed line of thought as a base for enacting a new, tion and enhancement of the territory as the historical endogenous development path. product of long-lasting cultural processes in coevolu- In such a vital cultural environment, Nichi Vendola, a tive relationship with the natural environment. Tis was politician of the so called “radical left” (March 2011), sur- a demanding challenge, which required a new planning prisingly won the primary election of the centre-left coa- ethic and the design and implementation of diferent lition in 2005, and in the same year was elected president planning instruments. Te TL planning process which of the regional government. Tis election was the frst started in 2007 was one of them. one giving birth to a government leaded by a radical left party both in Italy and in Apulia, a region which in the The TLP as a catalyst for change past had been uninterruptedly governed by centre and Against the backdrop discussed in the previous sections, right-wing political coalitions. the TLP was intended as a support to change the culture Such a victory was supported by a political program and practices of territorial transformation, and start the proposing a diferent vision of the development potenti- construction of a new history in the collective interpreta- alities of the region, drawn on ideas of political, cultural tion and production of the regional territory. and entrepreneurial change. All this contributed to turn Te TLP is a statutory spatial planning instrument discontent into new hope. Te president was re-elected legally required by the national Cultural Heritage and in March 2010, and thus governed until 2015. Landscape Code (hereafter Code), approved in its fnal Te regional government proposed a form of ruling form in 2008. However, in discontinuity with the domi- merging in a unique manner leadership and participatory nant planning approach both at the local and regional rituals (Romano 2005). It expressed a viable alternative to the centre-right managerial, technocratic, efciency-ori- 2 ented one characterising the previous 2000–2005 govern- See the “Programmatic Declarations” of the president to the regional council on the initiation of "a new development cycle based on the strengthening of ment (Gelli 2006). Some regional government members tangible and intangible resources, set up by women, men, youth, and cultural had the active backing of the political, social and cultural and environmental heritage of the territory”. movements, which had sprung up throughout Apulia out http://old.regio​ne.pugli​a.it/web/fles​/presi​dente​/dichi​arazi​onipr​ogram​matic​ he.pdf. Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 5 of 13

level, the TLP adopted a strategic approach. It can be Landscape has an intrinsically ambivalent nature. It defned a strategic plan embedded in a statutory setting. denotes the external world mediated through subjective In sum, it combined a long-term vision, a selective range human experience (Cosgrove 1984). Te term landscape of objectives and issues, an open, proactive approach to recalls the aesthetic values of the Italian beauty, and plan-making and implementation, with statutory legal therefore is deeply engrained in the Italian culture. Te certainty and clear rules for the transformation of pro- quality of landscape as an aspect of local identity belongs tected areas. to the collective imaginary of Italian people, albeit in Key actors of the TL planning process were academic complex forms that cannot be traced back to an ideal- researchers in diferent positions. Tey constituted the ized landscape as symbolic of national identity (Agnew planning team. Te TLP preparation ofered them the 2011). Apulian landscapes are strictly linked to human opportunity not only to experience their knowledge or work. Owing to the fat or gently hilly morphology of the understand the realities of planning practice but, more region, its landscapes have been largely ‘built by hand’ importantly, to turn their critical analyses of usual plan- and mirror physical and social change through historical ning practices into proposals for change. Te deputy and contextual experience. On the other hand, the Euro- president of the Apulia regional government, who pro- pean Landscape Convention (Council of Europe 2000) moted the TLP, together with a small group of plan- provided a wider framework to shift the focus of land- ners and some environmentalist associations, had been scape conception from private interests to the common questioning the dominant spatial planning practices, good (Pedroli et al. 2013; Settis 2013). All of these factors and therefore the positions of most professionals who made the concept of landscape become a powerful pick- tended to side with powerful lobby groups, such as the lock for changing spatial planning practices through the construction industry. Te scientifc coordination of the TL P. plan was given to Alberto Magnaghi, an activist planner Stories play a crucial role in transformative planning (Sager 2016), university academic and founder of the so- because they can be powerful agents or aids in the ser- called ‘territorialist school’. Te preparation of the plan vice of change, as shapers of imagination of new alterna- was entrusted to a group of 15 young experts in difer- tives (Sandercock 2003, p 18). Te planning team played ent felds, many of which PhDs, who later became an in- an important role in changing the well-established story- house planning team hinged on the organization of the telling through the construction of a new narrative. Tis regional planning department.3 was selective and purposeful, i.e. partisan, based on choices that involve values, and contestable. It was not Towards a new development vision only persuasive but also constitutive (Trogmorton 2003, Te TLP vision was based on the concept of “self-sus- pp 128–130). Te new narrative included the represen- tainable local development” (Magnaghi 2005). Tis tation of the criticalities left by the metropolisation of implies subverting the hegemony of the ‘economic’ that the territory and the impacts that this generated on the has reduced dwellers to consumers, and the territory to quality of places, in terms of dissemination of urbaniza- a mere physical support for any kind of land transfor- tion, fragmentation of urban living, degradation of pub- mation and urban development which exclude dwell- lic space, standardisation of landscapes (Magnaghi 2005; ers participation. Te ultimate goal of the perspective Nogué and Wilbrand 2017). Te new narrative provided of self-sustainable local development is to reconnect future-oriented fgures/forms/images that unsettled the dwellers and producers in the protection and enhance- existing social imaginary and the real and rational works ment of territory values as foundations for an alterna- produced by it. tive development that fnds in the reproductive rules of local resources its self-generating capacity and durabil- Constructing new narratives and practices ity (Magnaghi 2005, p 69). As such, self-sustainable local Te new narrative was constructed interactively through development calls for a continuous learning process of a process that the planning team defned the Social Pro- local communities, aimed at increasing their “place con- duction of the plan. Such process started at the very sciousness”, that is their ability to recognise and appreci- beginning of the plan drafting, and involved citizens, ate meanings and qualities of places, and shape and take associations, stakeholders, and local authorities, on the care of their living environment. Te concept of land- one hand, in increasing collective awareness of criti- scape was essential to this purpose. calities in usual practices of land use transformation, on the other hand, in generating a “collective becom- 3 In addition to this planning team, academics from diverse disciplines were ing” (Metzger 2013): becoming attached to a place, see- involved in the scientifc committee, and two research companies provided ing oneself as part of and also as caring for place. Tis support in some phases of the planning process: the Istituto per la Ricerca was anything but easy in a region of about 20 thousand Sociale (IRS), Milan, and IUAV Studi and Progetti, Venice. Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 6 of 13

square kilometres and 4 million inhabitants. It required Te TL planning team used such projects purpo- the use of several devices, each of them more or less suit- sively as examples to show possible alternative modes of able for listening, involving, activating, and empowering description, interpretation and transformation of local diferent public and private organizations, institutions, territories-landscapes. Te regional government gave associations, social groups, and individual inhabitants. them relief, prominence and funding. In areas lacking of In addition to hundreds of informal meetings, thir- public or private proactive actors new projects were pro- teen formal conferences were held in cities and villages moted. Te former were used as concrete practices from throughout the region. In the initial stage of the pro- which the latter could draw inspiration. Some projects cesses, images and photographs were used to empha- mainly focused on creating and enhancing social and cul- sise the negative social, economic and environmental tural values, such as eco-museums and community maps. consequences produced by a development model based In other ones the improvement of physical environ- on the absolute faith in economic growth: marginal ment prevailed. Tese included projects for river reha- ghetto neighbourhoods, low quality buildings and infra- bilitation, for the re-use of old sheep tracks, for recovery, structures, standardised settlement in the peri-urban conservation and improve of agrobiodiversity in margin- areas, severe anthropic pressures on coastal eco-systems alised rural areas, a slow mobility network and a guest- obstructing the public use of beaches. Te negative situ- house for a protected area, redevelopment projects of ations were connected to the future visions, projects and natural chasms and canals falling in an endoric basin for actions. An Internet site was constructed to provide con- tourism use, environmental regeneration of peripheral tinuously information on plan-making progress and an urban areas, the recovery of degraded areas of abandoned on-line Landscape Observatory was created to facilitate quarries, and the enhancement of cultural and environ- interaction between citizens and the planning team. Any- mental values in internal rural areas. Tey contributed one interested in making their voices heard could point to the transformative agenda by pointing out concrete out on a GIS map what they perceived as landscape val- ways to tackle long-lasting structural problems exacer- ues to be protected or damages inficted to them, and as bated by the post-WWII development model, such as best practices to be promoted and worst practices to be migration of young people, abandonment of agricultural prevented. A prize was launched for the promotion of land, environmental degradation in urban and coastal best practices in landscape protection and improvement. areas, increase in inter- and infra-regional disparities. Te Social Production fed not only on discourses but For example, they suggested the vision of a new alliance also on practices. It was also intended as a way to dis- between city and countryside, which became a territorial cover a number of bottom-up initiatives to be strength- project at the regional scale that was defned the “city- ened and developed, or to promote and initiate new countryside pact”. Tis aimed at halting the long-lasting ones. As such, the Social Production acted as a catalyst destruction of the countryside by seemingly endless new for mobilizing latent wills and energies of individuals and urban expansions. For this purpose, projects for promot- groups, and actively involving them in the plan-making ing endogenous development paths aiming at empower- process. It brought to light counter-hegemonic groups ing local communities in rural areas and enhancing their that had been active in defending local territories-land- environmental, socio-economic and cultural strengths scapes against development-as-growth land use plan- were included. Tey were intended as integrated multi- ning. It disclosed situated practices promoted by a lively actor and multi-sector projects focusing on the recon- local civil society acting for the common good. Tese nection of internal areas to the coast, the conservation of practices were socially innovative initiatives focusing on the diversity and connectivity of the ecological networks, place qualities and liveability, experiments of alternative the improvement of accessibility to rural areas and cul- modes of place management, opposing the ideas of ter- tural heritage, the creation of complementary among ritory and landscape underlying business-as-usual plan- traditional practices, agriculture multifunctionality and ning practices. Te Social Production activated a tight sustainable tourism, as a way to increase opportunities cooperation between the TL planning team, government for valorisation of rural areas. Each of the Experimen- and non-government planners, and civil society groups, tal Integrated Projects developed in diferent modes and who co-produced transformative planning practices that temporalities, involving numerous actors and generat- were defned Experimental Integrated Projects.4 ing diferent processes of social interaction and learning. What they have in common is a tentative and explora- tory nature, which entails a leaning towards learning all together in a co-productive efort to ‘do things’ difer- 4 About ffty local authorities and several active civil society groups carried ently from business-as usual. out thirteen projects during the plan-making processes: https://www.paesa​ ​ ggiopuglia​ .it/osser​ vator​ io-del-paesa​ ggio/proge​ tti-speri​ menta​ li.html​ . Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 7 of 13

Fig. 1 Overview of the essential parts of TLP

A strategic plan embedded into a statutory setting communities—individual and social groups—can recon- Te Social Production of the plan nurtured descriptions nect the broken relationships between dwellers and pro- and interpretations of the varied regional territories- ducers, and develop their capacity to govern themselves landscapes (the Atlas of Territory-Landscape Heritage), in order to preserve or increase the quality of territories- and future visions, projects and actions for improving landscapes for their environmental and socio-economic their qualities (the Strategic Scenario) (see Fig. 1). Tere- well-being. fore, the Atlas, the Strategic Scenario and the Social Pro- Desirable futures were not predefned. Tey should duction were complementary activities that generated emerge in practice from addressing the Strategic Sce- concepts, structures, and ideas in radical discontinuity nario’s objectives, projects and instruments, as well as from the business-as usual planning practices. directives and guidelines. Twelve general aims,5 divided Te construction of the Atlas included descriptions into specifc objectives, faced the main critical issues of and interpretations of the regional territory-landscape the regional territory. Possible paths towards desirable embedding the new narrative concerning both the prob- futures and end results had to be constructed through lems of the past regional development and their potential processes implying the empowerment of actors from solutions through the enhancement of regional territory- civil society in order to give voice to those who have thus landscape heritage. Tis drew on a ‘structural’ approach which used long-term diachronic analyses (in hydrogeo- logical, ecological, anthropological, and historical terms) 5 Tey can be summarized as follows. Rebalancing the hydro-geomorphologi- to represent co-evolutionary variations in relationships cal equilibrium of the river basins, reducing the disparity between abandoned between nature and culture. In such a way, the Atlas internal areas and over-urbanized coastal areas, improving environmental identifed the multiple identities of places which had quality of the degraded landscapes of contemporary urban and coastal settle- ments, protecting historical rural landscapes and natural resources, improv- been changing over time (Magnaghi 2011). ing the aesthetic-perceptive structure of regional landscapes, promoting wide Te Strategic Scenario aimed to outline desirable social use of regional landscapes, defning territorial and landscape quality futures focused on the concept of ‘local self-sustainable standards for the development of renewable energies, productive activities and infrastructures, and urban and rural housing settlements. development’. Tis pointed out the way in which local Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 8 of 13

far either been unable to express their views and imple- using an informal strategic plan detached from the statu- ment their ideas, or prevented from doing so by the pro- tory planning system, probably would have created prob- growth urban development coalitions. lems of efectiveness and legitimacy much more relevant Te Strategic Scenario designed policy instruments than those highlighted in Nordic countries (Mäntysalo specifcally aiming to support the promotion of Inte- et al. 2015). Moreover, the statutory framework helps grated Landscape Projects to be implemented on the ini- prevent landscapes from being further compromised by tiative of the regional government or municipalities along the usual practices of development planning (Legacy and with active civil society groups. Tey were based on the Leshinsky 2016). lessons learned from Experimental Integrated Projects As a statutory plan, the TLP had to follow the formally and created opportunities to turn such lessons into new established steps of the approval procedure. Tis faced decisions and actions. the emergence of entirely new arenas for discourse and General aims and specifc objectives gave shape to fve key actors participating. Te TLP was adopted by the territorial projects at the regional scale, which require Apulia regional government in August 2013, following public authorities to adopt a proactive approach. Tey formal consent from local governments and state and can be summarised as follows: regional agencies. Ten, it was published and submitted to the mandatory opinion of the regional council com- • Te regional ecological network aiming to improve mittee and made available for ‘comments’ to the general the overall connectivity of the regional ecosystem; public. In this stage, planning arenas moved from the • Te city-countryside pact aiming to improve the informal settings and networks, to the formal institu- quality of life both in rural and urban areas by com- tional settings where decisions are taken. Increasingly, bining urban and agro-silvo-pastoral policies; the formal arenas of representative democracy came to • Te infrastructural system for soft mobility aiming to play a crucial role in the complex interactions through support new ways of enjoying the regional territory- which the delivery of the TLP was achieved. All at once, landscape through an intermodal slow mobility net- the interests that usually had access to representa- work in connection with or as an alternative to the tion gained voice. At this time, the discussions that had main transport network; accompanied the whole plan-making process, turned • Te integrated protection and improvement of coastal into an intense confict. Te opposition political parties landscapes aiming to assure the general public enjoy- in the regional council asked to withdraw the TLP adop- ment of coastal areas, create synergy with inland tion, claiming that this would have crippled the regional areas, stop land take and the formation of a continu- economy, already severely hit by the 2008 crisis. Rep- ous built front along the coast; resentatives of business interests, especially in energy, • Te systems of cultural heritage aiming to overcome mining and construction, strongly opposed to the plan the logic of protection of single points of expert approval. Tis dissent led some representatives of the interest, and to make tangible and intangible qualities majority parties in the regional council and local govern- of place known, usable and accessible both to inhab- ments to distance themselves from the positions of the itants and tourists. regional government that had adopted the plan. Confict resolution was due both to intentional actions Te Strategic Scenario had no prescriptive regulatory and unintentional matters. It needed negotiation with function. Tis was a diferent planning approach to deal interests at stake, 17 formal consultations in the regional with landscape conservation in Italy, where landscape council committee, and more than 200 informal meet- protection is based on a top-down system of rules lim- ings with local governments and associations around ited to protected areas ‘cut out’ from their context. TLP the region. In this stage the varied array of plan sup- entrusted the task of achieving the goal of conservation porters had little voice. Te TLP’s short-term rules were of the entire regional territory-landscape to projects, amended after a difcult formal agreement with the Min- incentives, and actions able to mobilize social, economic istry, in order to give economic actors some time (1 year and cultural actors who recognize their social value. As after the approval) to adapt to the new planning instru- such, it included instilling awareness and care of local ment. Conficting interests at stake between the various natural-cultural heritage, and enabling local communities economic stakeholders (namely energy industry vs. real to respect and enhance it. However, the approval of TLP estate developers, farmers vs. mining industry) made as a statutory plan, implies that municipal land use plans these unable to propose an alternative vision to that of a and regional sectoral plans comply with its legal bounda- more widespread and just development and well-being ries. In an institutional context overburdened with inef- promoted by the TLP. For the majority parties, a crucial fective, old land use plans, and pressures for deregulation, Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 9 of 13

role was played by the sense of pride for being Apulia, a Te TLP deconstructed the concepts of territory and southern Italian region not used to positive records, to be development at the heart of the post WWII Apulian the TLP the frst regional plan approved entirely in line land use planning practices and spatial change that had with the ELC and the Code.6 destroyed natural and cultural resources. Te TL plan- After the decision adopting the TLP, participatory making process started from taking a critical distance procedures to be followed in accordance with the statu- from the pressure for ‘economic competition’ dominating tory planning rules, gave all public and private actors the development discourses across Europe. Te critique the opportunity to submit ‘comments’ on the TLP. Te was connected with a constructive vision. Te new con- regional government received 2.450 comments. Te cept of ‘self-sustainable local development’ emphasized greater part of them came from landowners, private indi- the need to halt following north-western development viduals or companies, to whom the plan took away the paths (Cassano 2012), and to begin talking about and possibility to build in valuable, fragile or at risk areas (i.e., producing the Apulia territory-landscape from a diferent sea coasts, rivers, forests and natural pastures, archaeo- local, endogenous perspective. Tis required to rise social logical sites, peri-urban and rural areas). Te regional ‘place consciousness’. Te foundation of TLP on specifc government examined all the comments, whether they values was made explicit: natural and cultural heritage had been received within the prescribed deadline or out were considered as common goods and, in the light of of time, in order to allow as many people as possible to these values, action principles to bring about a changed defend their own interests. It accepted or rejected each reality were stated. comment transparently and within the law, using ‘good Te Social Production process and the concept of arguments’, i.e. based on the Code rules and TLP aims ‘self-sustainable local development’ were experienced in and objectives. Te plan thus amended was approved practice, within a process that took extensive time and with the agreement of the Ministry in February 2015. showed only some immediate results. Tis highlighted how problematic was turning the concept of ‘self-sustain- What could we learn from and about practicing able local development’ pursued in academic research, transformative planning? into signifcant achievements in the real world. But such Te TLP experience was an attempt to practice trans- a concept gave the TLP political support in moving formative planning. Tis experience can be looked upon towards, even if not achieving, the desirable structural as an “extreme/deviant case” (Flyvbjerg 2006, p 229). change. As such, it opened horizons to the future search Tus, it cannot be generalized. But precisely because of for further transformations, “keeping the image of that the neatness of certain assumptions and characteristics of ultimate goal as the second dimension of the one dimen- an extreme case, it can shed light on some critical issues sional world to which day-to-day practice is in danger of concerning transformative planning. confning us” (Marcuse 2017, p 46). As we have seen, the TLP experience implied changes Te TL planning process fostered a change of (some of) in values and concepts, discourses and practices, plan- the usual practices of land use transformation in a num- ning approach and instruments. It involved the entire ber of places of Apulia region. Tis was possible because regional territory, and combined statutory and strategic of the intense interactive process of Social Production of planning, top-down and bottom-up approach. Te plan- the plan. During this process social practices seeking to making process alternated phases that opened up trans- build citizens’ rights into the territory-landscape were formative cultural processes with phases of discussion ‘discovered’ around Apulia, and new social practices were and mediation with forces resisting change, which degen- stimulated, and for both of them the conditions favour- erated into conficts in the formal decision-taking stage. ing joint action between grassroots organisations and regional/local governments were created. Tis made citi- zenship rights also an opportunity for greater responsi-

6 bility for people and organizations towards the future of As such, the plan had exerted a certain infuence on the new territory-land- scape planning of other Regions and on the guidance for the preparation of territory-landscape. Potential actors, such as community- the new landscape plans in compliance to the Code issued by the Ministry for based action groups and local environmental associations Cultural Heritage and Landscape (http://www.pabaac.benic​ ultur​ ali.it/openc​ ​ were elicited a commitment to engage in a transforma- ms/multi​media​/BASAE​/docum​ents/2012/01/17/69d80​134a2​4aef9​0d016​ 99bd8ee6bc​ b3_circo​ lare3​ 02011​ 1.pdf​ ). Te Ministry considered the plan a tive practice of its own. Some of these groups had fought best practice (See press agency http://www.ansa.it/puglia/notiz​ ie/2015/01/16/​ against development-as-growth practices, most often in a franc​eschi​ni-regio​ni-guard​ino-a-pugli​a_41c6f​e16-63e3-46f4-adb4-fa537​49963​ minority and marginalized position. During the TL plan- 8c.html). Tis was certainly unusual for a southern Italian region that is used to negative records both on economy (e.g. GDP, employment) and environ- ning process they had the opportunity to fnd themselves mental protection (eg. high rates of illegal buildings, wells, quarries), and is in an empowered position while others had the possibil- considered unable to produce innovation and change (Banca d’Italia 2010; ity to look at the government not as an antagonist but as D’Antonio 1992). Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 10 of 13

an ally. Together, they tried to change the situation they Planning literature highlights how difcult is to turn had criticised. Most of them grasped this unique chance single episodes of transformative planning practice into for change. enduring change (Healey 2006). Spatial planning prac- Te Experimental Integrated Projects developed in the tices unavoidably deal with situations characterized by TL planning process were crucial to this purpose. As uncertainty, instability, and value confict (Schön 1983). indicated before and argued in Albrechts et al. (2019), Many episodes of transformative practices on a local politics of empowerment—as mobilizing practices of col- scale vanish with a change of government. Interests and lective political learning and organization—and politics passions that sustained them may quickly turn into dis- of place could supplement each other in co-production content and frustration. Tis may happen also to the experiences developed at the regional and local levels. TLP and the Experimental Integrate Projects co-produced Acting as a hegemonic force, the regional government during the planning process. Approving the TLP as a inevitably triggered power relations and dynamics of statutory plan, which had the formal approval in the rep- inclusion and exclusion. For how open the TL plan-mak- resentative democracy settings, strengthened the legiti- ing process might have been, only some active groups of macy to its contents and projects. But this is not enough the Apulian population could make their voices heard to make these spread far into the ‘mainstream’ govern- at all stages of the process. While some groups had the ance processes. opportunity to be included in co-production activities, Regulatory statutory spatial planning lacks in visioning other groups and critical voices were excluded from the and is not able to mobilize local actors around an idea of process. In efect, including ‘dissensual practices’ (Ran- change and to intercept the new visions of local actors cière 2010) in the Social Production of the plan would who are mobilizing and acting for change. However, in have inevitably weakened the TLP plan making process the TLP experience it was necessary in order to estab- and the Social Production process itself. Yet, as a result, lish the rules governing physical transformation. Tey such a selective combination of inclusion and exclusion aimed at preventing the destruction of natural and cul- of dissensus weakened activism as a means of radical tural resources, avoiding developments that are harmful opposition to dominant power. to the environment and landscape, and curbing the pri- Transformative planning involves decisions that una- vatization of common goods. After the approval, the TLP voidably implicate ethical judgement, (re)distributive gave voice to old and new groups of activists and critical efect, and diferent costs and benefts for diverse social perspectives that had been weakened by the inclusion of groups. In contrast with much contemporary spatial ‘dissensual practices’ (Rancière 2010) into the social pro- planning that “mobilises and reproduces acquiescence duction of the plan. Tey appealed to the plan to counter- for policies and strategies that favour certain groups or act development options that confict with their values.7 interests whilst marginalising more radical alternatives And in future they may also contest the plan for not being incorporating (and containing) issues such as quality able to efectively protect the regional environment. of life, sustainable development and social justice inso- On the other hand, the strategic approach was essential far as they did not confict with the mainstream growth for not considering the plan’s intentions, visions and rules agenda” (Allmendinger and Haughton 2012, p 5), the just as aiming to protect territory-landscape from devel- TLP pursued a selective purpose: the protection of ter- opment. Intentions, visions and rules were consistent ritory-landscape. Tus its strategy deliberately excluded with a new narrative that a part of the economic, social, the visions of aggressive economic powers such as build- cultural, and political groups shared as a support for a ing and energy industry. form of development that considers territory-landscape Te collective appropriation of territory-landscape as as a common good to be protected and enhanced for a a common good is always contested. Te TLP tried to more just development and well-being. Te strategic ena- empower a number of social groups who were likely to be bling function of TLP motivated actors usually marginal- deprived of such a common good, some of which had nei- ised by the pro-growth urban development model, with ther voice nor awareness of being dispossessed. On the hopes for widespread transformative planning practices. other hand, it discontented some established economic 7 powers. Teir voice was heard loudly in the approval Some examples can be useful for understanding how the plan ofers antago- nist groups anchorages to prevent pro-growth development. phase, thanks to the guarantee of inclusiveness, transpar- http://www.salvi​amoil​paesa​ggio.it/blog/2014/05/pugli​a-a-bisce​glie-la-nuova​ ency and responsibility provided by the statutory plan- -area-industrial​ e-si-chiam​ a-paesa​ ggio-eco-produ​ ttivo​ /​ . ning system. Although these were unable to twist formal http://www.salvi​amoil​paesa​ggio.it/blog/2014/05/pugli​a-no-allin​utile​ -e-devastante​ -proge​ tto-della​ -nuova​ -strad​ a-dei-colli​ /​ . procedures to their advantage, their deregulatory initia- http://www.lecce​news2​4.it/attua​lita/tap-nient​e-derog​he-dalla​-regio​ne-pugli​ tives and economic growth discourses are still powerful. a.htm. http://www.brind​isiog​gi.it/parco​-eolic​o-tutur​ano-legam​bient​e-rispe​ttare​ -piano-paesa​ ggist​ ico-regio​ nale/​ . Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 11 of 13

However, if the new narrative had failed to be refected in development and supported by the Strategic Scenario practices and remained completely detached from these, were developed around Apulia on the initiative of local it would have betrayed actors’ expectations and hopes for associations and municipalities,8 or the regional govern- change. Experimental Integrated Projects were essential ment.9 Tis highlights the openness of the TL planning to show ‘live’, during the plan-making process, the ways process, and the ability of the plan to solicit a proactive in which the TL plan could have been implemented. Tey role of government institutions and local groups. On the enabled transformative processes already under way to other hand, conformation or coordination of land use develop and strengthen, and (possibly) ‘travel’ and give plans to the TLP, which was required by the Code not rise to other projects and actions. Te ability to do things later than 2 years after the TPL approval, and involved was essential to demonstrate that some form of radical the powers of the Region and Ministry, is in critical delay. change was possible. Te zoning and rules governing physical transformation, Planning for structural change should be seen as a which catalyse economic interests in future options for social learning process that requires continuous criti- urban growth, are acting as neutralising or counteracting cal refection on the part of planners and relevant pub- forces that hinder the development of grassroots trans- lics (Friedmann 2005, p 214). Experimental Integrated formative practices and local changes, and push back to Projects opened the possibility of a widening of partici- the old business-as-usual planning practices. pants’ cultural and operational horizons, and constituted an opportunity for mutual learning. Tey were far from Epilogue proposing ‘ready to use’ solutions to complex problems. Te institutionalization of the new TLP’s narrative (Hea- Tey demonstrated both to the regional government ley 2006), i.e. its penetration in the norms, attitudes and team and local actors how difcult may be to move from practices in the most sensitive social groups, thus pro- discourses to practices and, conversely, how practices viding a basis for structural change, requires great efort can contribute to making discourses richer in content and much time (Albrechts and Balducci 2013). Te long and detail. Involving many people in practical activities process of Social Production of the plan was essential throughout the region was also crucial to keep social to create a common base of storytelling, language, and tension alive during the long time needed to achieve the awareness through interaction. It required a proactive approval of the TLP. role of the public sector, as a promoter or supporter of Te aim of sustaining on-going experiences and pro- new projects and actions. Tus, if the Social Production moting new ones contributed to bring the milieu to the of territory-landscape is interrupted in the implemen- fore, or rather the foundation of a fuid and dynamic tation phase and the old bureaucratic, restrictive-reg- regional collective identity anchored to the territory- ulatory planning tradition in landscape protection from landscape values. An open and future-oriented idea of development takes over, this process will stop and the protection and enhancement of local cultural and envi- basis for structural change will be gradually destroyed. If ronmental resources linked to the concept of ‘self-sus- the public sector will be inactive rather than proactive in tainable local development’, revealed the potential of promoting project and actions for self-sustainable local social innovation based on culture and identity building development, the dynamics of private sector will defne (Moulaert et al. 2005) to break self-reinforcing processes the development agenda, and the public sector will only and initiating a process of change. have to play a reactive role. Te trajectory of planning episode usually combines For this purpose, it is crucial that politics is willing to both ‘path dependency’ and generative force, shifting dis- take risks of promoting a radical change. Tis requires courses and practices, and reshaping policy communities the ability to demonstrate, through robust arguments and institutional arenas (Healey 2007). and concrete examples, the social, environmental and Te strategic approach was the product of a specifc economic damage caused by the dominant development institutional setting which shaped what was imagined as strategic, and yet which may come to have the capacity to challenge and transform that setting (Hajer 2005). In this 8 For example the eco-museum of the sail swamp in Taranto promoted by a respect, the ability to do things is crucial for any public group of associations in 2016 and funded by the Foundation with the South policy that really wants to achieve the political goals it has (http://www.esperienze​ conil​ sud.it/ecopa​ mar/​ ) and the implementation of set. It is even more important for transformative plan- city-countryside pact in the municipality of San Severo in the Province of Fog- gia (http://mosaicodis​ ansev​ ero.org​ ). ning, since it has to demonstrate that doing things difer- 9 See the call for proposals approved in February 2018 for fnancing projects ently is possible. After the TLP’s approval, projects and within the framework of the “regional ecologic network”, “city-countryside actions inspired by the concept of self-sustainable local pact” and “integrated protection and improvement of coastal landscapes”. http://www.regio​ne.pugli​a.it/docum​ents/10192​/21433​302/DET25​31120​ 18.pdf/b7923​8bf-e558-4b6e-bd4c-afed5​89eb4​ce?versi​on=1.0. Albrechts et al. City Territ Archit (2020) 7:1 Page 12 of 13

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