Tort Liability of Labor Unions for Picket Line Assaults
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The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index the WORLD's WORST
THE WORLD'S WORST COUNTRIES FOR WORKERS The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 4 The International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) is a confederation of national trade union centres, each of which links trade unions of that particular country. It was established on 1 November 2006, bringing together the organisations which were formerly affiliated to the ICFTU and WCL (both now dissolved) as well as a number of national trade union centres which had no international affiliation at the time. The new Confederation has 340 affiliated organisations in 163 countries and territories on all five continents, with a membership of 181 million, 40 per cent of whom are women. It is also a partner in “Global Unions” together with the Trade Union Advisory Committee to the OECD and the Global Union Federations (GUFs) which link together national unions from a particular trade or industry at international level. The ITUC has specialised offices in a number of countries around the world, and has General Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 6 Foreword .............................................9 ASIA .................................................. 70 Bangladesh ....................................... 71 Part I ..................................................13 Cambodia .......................................... 71 The 2017 Results ...............................14 China ................................................ 72 The ITUC Global Rights Index ...............19 Fiji -
May Made Me an Oral History of the 1968 Uprising in France
May Made Me An Oral History of the 1968 Uprising in France Mitchell Abidor 2018 Contents Acknowledgements 4 Abbreviations 5 Timeline of Events in 1968 6 CHAPTER ONE. Introduction: May ’68 Revisited 8 CHAPTER TWO. Veterans in the Struggle 19 JEAN-JACQUES LEBEL ................................... 19 ALAIN KRIVINE ....................................... 27 PRISCA BACHELET ..................................... 35 HENRI SIMON ........................................ 41 CHAPTER THREE. Students in Paris 48 SUZANNE BORDE ...................................... 48 ISABELLE SAINT-SAËNS .................................. 53 INTERLUDE: SONIA FAYMAN—A DUTIFUL DAUGHTER IN MAY . 58 JEAN-PIERRE FOURNIER .................................. 58 PAULINE STEINER ..................................... 64 PIERRE MERCIER ...................................... 67 CHAPTER FOUR. May Outside Paris 70 JACQUES WAJNSZTEJN .................................. 70 JOSEPH POTIRON ...................................... 76 GUY, BERNARD, DOMINIQUE ............................... 80 MYRIAM CHÉDOTAL AND ELIANE PAUL-DI VICENZO . 89 JEAN-MICHEL RABATÉ .................................. 96 JOSÉ AND HÉLÈNE CHATROUSSAT . 101 CHAPTER FIVE. May and Film 108 MICHEL ANDRIEU ..................................... 108 PASCAL AUBIER AND BERNARD EISENSCHITZ . 115 CHAPTER SIX. Some Anarchists 122 DANIEL PINOS ....................................... 122 WALLY ROSELL ....................................... 129 THIERRY PORRÉ ...................................... 136 About the Author 142 2 People -
Resisting Anti-Union Violence Report 2018 - 2019 for the Truth HONDURAS and Justice!
Resisting anti-union violence Report 2018 - 2019 For the truth HONDURAS and justice! Resisting anti-union violence Report 2018 - 2019 HONDURAS Table of contents Presentation 7 1. About the Network 8 2. Context 9 Socioeconomic Reality in Numbers 10 Human Rights 3. Anti-union Violence 12 12 13 3.33.1 DocumentedAnti-union Violence: Cases a definition of the concept 13 3.2SITRATERCO The Case of Honduras 13 SINDICATO DE TRABAJADORES/AS DE LA AGROINDUSTRIA Y SIMILARES (STAS) (SITRAINFOP) DEPARTAMENTSindicato de Trabajadores OF COLON del Instituto Nacional de Formacion Profesional (SITRASEMCA) IselaSindicato Juarez de and Trabajadores Esly Banegas de Servicios Municipales, Comunales y Afines Labor Activist Miguel Angel Lopez 4. -union Violence in Numbers 26 28 Cases and Victims by Year: 2015 – February 2019 32 Gender of the Victims Final Considerations 33 Recommendations 34 Presentation The Red Contra la Violencia Antisindical [Network Against Anti-Union Violence] is an organization of members of the Honduran Trade Union Movement (General Confederation of Workers - CGT, United Confederation of Honduran Workers - CUTH, Confederation of Honduran Workers - CTH) and labor activists from various parts of Honduras. Today, for the fourth consecutive year, the network presents our annual report, Defending the Right to Freedom of Association: Honduras, 2018-2019. This report details specific information on anti-union violence in Honduras referring to the cases documented and accompanied by this organization during the period of February 2018 to February 2019. The report is composed of four sections: a general description of the context facing considerationsHonduran society, and the recommendations conceptual definition to the of trade‘anti-union union violence’, movement details and 07 of the cases of documented anti-union violence, and finally, a section of the government of Honduras. -
The Crime of Staging an Effective Strike and the Enduring Role of Criminal Law in Modern Labor Relations
Workingusa The Journal of Labor and Society THE CRIME OF STAGING AN EFFECTIVE STRIKE AND THE ENDURING ROLE OF CRIMINAL LAW IN MODERN LABOR RELATIONS Ahmed A. White This article concerns the role of criminal law in modern, post-New Deal labor relations. I emphasize the continuing function of the criminal law in limiting basic labor rights (to organize, strike, and provoke collective bargaining) as reflected in several common practices: the prosecution of labor organizing and protest activity as crimes; the persistent use of injunctions by the courts to curtail labor rights; and the indirect use of the criminal law by the courts and the NLRB to define unfair labor practices and to limit the scope of worker protections under the labor law. I hope to show how these functions reflect both change and continuity relative to the criminal law in pre-New Deal times. The modern criminal law’s labor-repressive functions are far less crude and overt, and administered in a far more professional fashion, than in the days when criminal conspiracy, syndicalism, and vagrancy laws, for example, were used so extensively and blatantly to undermine labor rights. And rather than simply destroying labor rights, these functions operate alongside, and are incorporated into, a body of labor law designed to protect labor rights. On the one hand, this shift has been of real benefit to labor, allowing workers and organizers much more freedom in their struggles with employers. On the other hand, I argue, modern criminal law still plays a significant role in limiting labor rights. The very factors that now ease the criminal law’s impact on workers—the subtlety, professionalism, and procedural regularity with which it is applied, and its coexistence alongside a functional system of labor laws—also obscure and rationalize its real effects on labor rights, making it easier for governments to use the criminal law against labor and harder for labor activists to challenge such practices. -
5/Groups/Public/---Ed Norm/---Relconf/Documents/Meetingdocument/Wcms 153533.Pdf, Paragraphs 727-903
Fair Labor Association Op Memo: Freedom of Association: Monitoring Against Protection Contracts in Mexico Author: CIMP Date: February 14, 2012 Audience: FLA Staff, Constituencies, and Board of Updated: Directors Background The use of “protection contracts” in Mexico to limit workers’ right to freedom of association and collective bargaining is an endemic practice that contravenes ILO’s Conventions 87 and 98 and FLA Workplace Code of Conduct and Monitoring Benchmarks.1 An employer protection collective agreement (generally known as a protection contract) typically takes the form of an agreement between an employer and either the representative of a “ghost” (or yellow) union or a lawyer who has created such a union that purports to be a collective bargaining agreement (CBA). These agreements typically are done without the knowledge or consent of workers. In some instances, protection contracts are drawn up prior to the hiring of any workers at a facility, and are intended to prevent the negotiation of a CBA in the future by an independent union.2 Protection contracts generally reproduce requirements of the labor law and do not contain additional benefits to workers that would be expected from a collective negotiation. An added element of protection contracts are “exclusion clauses.” Exclusion clauses are roughly akin to closed shop agreements, but in the Mexico context, union membership is required for workers to obtain employment at the facility and membership must be maintained. In other words, workers may be fired for establishing or joining an organization that is not the union holding title to the (protection) contract. In February 2009, the International Metalworkers’ Federation (IMF), with backing from the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and five Mexican union confederations, filed a complaint before the ILO Committee on Freedom of Association challenging the compatibility of the Mexican practice of protection contracts with the principles of ILO Convention 87. -
South African Labour-Community Alliances to Promote Public Services
South African labour-community alliances to promote public services Dr. Dale T. McKinley MUNCIPAL SERVICES PROJECT DRAFT PAPER Not for citation or circulation without permission from the author 0 Table of Contents Executive Summary __________________________________________________________________ 2 Introduction ________________________________________________________________________ 4 Core context ___________________________________________________________________ 4 Paper purpose and structure ______________________________________________________ 5 Methodology and limitations _____________________________________________________ 6 Labour and community in neoliberal transition ____________________________________________ 7 Repression, resistance and contradiction ____________________________________________ 7 What kind of alliances, what kind of power? ________________________________________ 11 Resistance, division and realignment ______________________________________________ 14 Whither post-apartheid labour-community alliances? ______________________________________ 18 Undermining the bases for unity __________________________________________________ 18 Impacts of the ‘Zunami’ _________________________________________________________ 21 Three cases of contemporary alliances _____________________________________________ 23 Other labour-community initiatives _______________________________________________ 28 The sources of weakness and disconnection ________________________________________ 31 Reclaiming (some of) the past, inventing -
Sources and Extent of Union Power Sylvester Petro
Notre Dame Law Review Volume 35 Article 4 Issue 5 Symposium 9-1-1960 Sources and Extent of Union Power Sylvester Petro Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Sylvester Petro, Sources and Extent of Union Power, 35 Notre Dame L. Rev. 603 (1960). Available at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr/vol35/iss5/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE SOURCES AND EXTENT OF UNION POWER By Sylvester Petro* The most pressing need in labor relations today is a policy which will meet the social threats posed by union power without increasing the even more critical threats posed by big government. Many unions have abused working men and businessmen, exploited consumers, and demonstrated again and again their power to disrupt the economy. The abuses of big government are different, but they are even more deadly and more irrevocable. Unchecked they mean an end to the personal freedom and private property rights which have been the most significant features of western civilization. A policy which will remove the union threat without increasing the role of government is available and can be expressed in very simple terms. Al- though that policy is at present politically unacceptable, politics can be trusted to follow public opinion. The job, therefore, is one of establishing that the gravest threats can be effectively removed without increasing the role and power of government. -
Gender Stereotypes, Picket Line Violence, and the Law of Strike
Gender Stereotypes, Picket Line Violence, and the "Law" of Strike Misconduct Cases DIANNE AVERY* I. INTRODUCTION This article explores the role of gender stereotypes in the construction of the legal boundaries of acceptable strike behavior for individual workers. Strikes and their accompanying picket lines are a prominent feature of American labor relations and the subculture of unions. As a part of the economic "weaponry" of contract negotiations and union organizing, strikes and pickets are a legitimate - legally protected - form of collective worker activity. But, there are also a number of legal constraints on strikes and pickets. One of these constraints arises from the 1947 Taft-Hartley Amendments to the 1935 Wagner Act. Section 8(b)(1)(A) of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) permits an employer to obtain remedies by filing an unfair labor practice charge against a union which engages in violence during a strike.' There must be evidence, however, that the union had * Professor, School of Law, State University of New York at Buffalo; B.A., Duke University, 1966; M.A.T., Wesleyan University, 1967; J.D., State University of New York at Buffalo, 1982. I am indebted to Carol Darstein, Mary Leary, and Debbie Muhlbauer for their research assistance. An early draft of portions of this paper was presented to several University at Buffalo colleagues and students at a meeting of the Baldy Working Group on Community and Difference in the fall of 1991. The collective and individual responses of the members of that group-especially David Engel, David Gerber, and Frank Munger-were very helpful and greatly appreciated. -
Labour and Community in Transition: Alliances for Public Services in South Africa
municipalservicesproject OCCASIONAL PAPER No. 24 – JUNE 2014 Labour and community in transition: Alliances for public services in South Africa Dale T. McKinley Series Editors: David A. McDonald and Greg Ruiters ABOUT THE PROJECT The Municipal Services Project (MSP) is a research project that explores alternatives to the privatization and commercialization of service provision in electricity, health, water and sanitation in Africa, Asia and Latin America. It is composed of academics, labour unions, non-governmental organizations, social movements and activists from around the globe who are committed to analyzing successful alternative service delivery models to under- stand the conditions required for their sustainability and reproducibility. Copy editor: Madeleine Bélanger Dumontier © 2014 Municipal Services Project This project is funded by the Canadian government through the International Development Research Centre (IDRC). Partners Africa Water Network | Queen’s University | African Centre on Citizenship and Democracy | Red Vida | Centro de Estudios Superiores Universitarios | Regional Network on Equity in Health in Eastern and Southern Africa | Focus on the Global South | School of Oriental and African Studies | People’s Health Movement | Transnational Institute | Public Services International Research Unit | University of Ottawa School of International Development and Global Studies Table of Contents Executive Summary ............................................................................................ 2 Introduction ....................................................................................................... -
Hayek on Labor Unions: Coercion and the Rule of Law
Journal of Private Enterprise, Volume XXIII, Number 1, Fall 2007 Hayek on Labor Unions: Coercion and the Rule of Law Charles W. Baird' California State University, East Bay It is probably... impossible in our time for a student to be a true fiiend of labour and to have the reputation of being one (Hayek [1959] 1967, p. 294). Introduction As this epigraph implies, unions have a much better reputation than they deserve. Even today (2007) a majority of the general public thinks that labor unions are the best friend that any working man or woman could have. That is simply wrong, and in Friedrich Hayek's writings on unions, from Monetag Nationalism and International Stability ([1937] 1972, pp. 21-2) wherein he first noted the inflationary dangers of collective bargaining, to 1980s Unemployment and the Unions (1980), which Arthur Seldon characterized as the summation of Hayek's teaching on unions ([1980] 1984, p. 9), Hayek explained why. He argued that while unions benefited some workers, it was always at the expense of other workers, and that as a whole, unions have made workers significantly worse off than they would otherwise have been. Moreover, he saw unions as they were (and, in large measure, as they still are) in Britain and the U.S. as major threats to the free economy as well as the free society in general. He endorsed voluntary unionism on grounds of freedom of association properly understood, but he saw actual unions in both countries as wholly involuntary organizations to which politicians had granted * I thank Richard Ebeling, president of the Foundation for Economic Education, for providing most of the references I have used in this essay. -
Strike Violence: the Need for Federal Injunctions
University of Pennsylvania Law Review FOUNDED 1852 Formerly American Law Register VOL. 114 FEBRUARY 1966 No. 4 STRIKE VIOLENCE: THE NEED FOR FEDERAL INJUNCTIONS FRANK H. STEWART f & ROBERT J. TowNsED * No country has a good code of laws. The reason for this is evident: the laws have been made according to the time, the place [and] the need. When the needs have changed, the laws which have remained have become ridiculous. Thus the law which forbade the eating of pig and the drinking of wine was very reasonable in Arabia, where pig and wine are injurious. But it is absurd at Constantinople. Voltaire, Laws, from the Philisophical Dictionary An assault is an assault and a battery is a battery. In every jurisdiction in the United States these common-law torts are actionable, civilly and criminally. One is not privileged to strike the landlord, the policeman, or the professor except in self defense. If one disagrees with an opponent he should seek legal redress-except in labor disputes. The mystique of labor law is that strike violence is an aberration so strange and perplexing that ordinary standards of assault and battery simply will not do. The theory seems to be that, since violence is a traditional part of labor disputes, tradition sanctions its use. This tA.B., Harvard, 1952; LL.B., Virginia, 1957. Associate, Taft, Stettinius & Hollister, Cincinnati. * B.A., Michigan State, 1960; LL.B., Harvard, 1963. Associate, Taft, Stettinius & Hollister, Cincinnati. We thank J. Mack Swigert W. Bruce Baird, W. K. Engeman, and H. F. McCann for their patience in reading this manuscript and for their helpful suggestions. -
Labor Union Violence As an Unfair Labor Practice
South Carolina Law Review Volume 34 Issue 2 Article 4 Winter 12-1-1982 Labor Union Violence as an Unfair Labor Practice Thomas R. Haggard University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/sclr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Thomas R. Haggard, Labor Union Violence as an Unfair Labor Practice, 34 S. C. L. Rev. 273 (1982). This Article is brought to you by the Law Reviews and Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in South Carolina Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Haggard: Labor Union Violence as an Unfair Labor Practice LABOR UNION VIOLENCE AS AN UNFAIR LABOR PRACTICE© THOMAS R. HAGGARD* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND LEGISLATIVE HISTORY 275 IL. THE ELEMENTS OF A SECTION 8(B)(1)(A) VIOLATION 287 A. The Meaning of Restraint and Coercion ..... 287 1. Introduction: General Legal Principles .. 287 2. Specific Kinds of Misconduct that "'Restrain"or "Coerce"................. 297 a. Threats and Threatening Statements ....................... 297 b. Assaults Upon Persons ............ 310 c. Hindering Egress and Ingress ...... 315 d. Invasions and Seizures of Company Property ......................... 319 e. Destruction of Company Property.. 323 f. Other Menacing Conduct on the Picket Line ...................... 324 g. Restraint and Coercion Away from the Picket Line and Work Site .... 326 B. The Section 7 Rights That are at Issue ..... 328 C. The Agency Question ...................... 337 1. Proving the Responsibility of the Local Union ................................ 337 OCopyright reserved, 1981, by Thomas R. Haggard. Reprint permission may be obtained from the South Carolina Law Review.