Strike Violence: the Need for Federal Injunctions
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Tort Liability of Labor Unions for Picket Line Assaults
University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform Volume 10 1977 Tort Liability of Labor Unions for Picket Line Assaults David R. Case University of Michigan Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons, Legal Remedies Commons, Legislation Commons, and the Torts Commons Recommended Citation David R. Case, Tort Liability of Labor Unions for Picket Line Assaults, 10 U. MICH. J. L. REFORM 517 (1977). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr/vol10/iss3/7 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TORT LIABILITY OF LABOR UNIONS FOR PICKET LINE ASSAULTS In the tense and volatile atmosphere that accompanies labor disputes, no situation is more likely to produce violence than the picket line. The confrontation of antagonistic parties at the picket line enhances the possibility of personal assaults. Although as saults by pickets will usually be unfair labor practices,1 the Na tional Labor Relations Act (NLRA) 2 does not provide a mechanism for fully compensating the victims of such assaults. 3 In addition, those who commit picket line assaults will often be judgment-proof. 4 Thus, in order to secure adequate compensation for their injuries, the victims of picket line assaults must be able to attach tort liability to labor unions. -
Tape Subject Log (Rev
1 NIXON PRESIDENTIAL MATERIALS STAFF Tape Subject Log (rev. 10/08) Conversation No. 60-1 Date: June 8, 1971 Time: 8:03 am - unknown before 10:31 am Location: Cabinet Room The President met with Vice President Spiro T. Agnew, John B. Connally, Melvin R. Laird, John N. Mitchell, Winton M. (“Red”) Blount, Rogers C. B. Morton, Clifford M. Hardin, Maurice H. Stans, James D. Hodgson, Elliot L. Richardson, George W. Romney, John A. Volpe, George P. Shultz, Robert H. Finch, Donald H. Rumsfeld, George H. W. Bush, John D. Ehrlichman, Clark MacGregor, Peter M. Flanigan, Peter G. Peterson, Herbert G. Klein, Dr. Edward E. David, Jr., Raymond K. Price, Jr., Ronald L. Ziegler, Robert J. Brown, Edward L. Morgan, Edwin L. Harper, John C. Whitaker, Neal Ball, Egil (“Bud”) Krogh, Jr., Raymond J. Waldman, Leonard Garment, John F. Evans, Jr., Lewis A. Engman, Roy D. Morey, Peter Michel, Geoffrey C. Shepard, Martin C. (“Marty”) Anderson, Kenneth R. Cole, Jr., Paul W. McCracken, Caspar W. (“Cap”) Weinberger, Arnold R. Weber, and Arthur J. Sohmer [General conversation/Unintelligible] Attendance at meeting -Aids to Cabinet officers -Ehrlichman’s view of input -Responsibilities of those attending -Domestic Policy Council planning -Budget planning for Fiscal Year 1973 -Legislative package -Republican Party platform Topics/Issues -Homes in America -Goals -Policy -Programs -Focus of discussion -Domestic Council approach -Identification of next year’s issues -Summary of action-forcing events -1972 election -Emphasis -Action needed -Polls -Perceptions of people 2 NIXON -
Analysis of WORK STOPPAGES 1960
Analysis of WORK STOPPAGES 1960 Bulletin No.1302 September 1961 UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR Arthur J. Goldberg, Secretary BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS Ewan Clague, Commissioner For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. - Price 30 cents Preface This bulletin presents a detailed statistical anal- ysis of work stoppages in 1960, continuing an annual fea- ture of the Bureau of Labor Statistics' program in the field of industrial relations. Preliminary monthly esti- mates of the level of strike (or lockout) activity for the United States as a whole are issued about 30 days after the end of the month of reference and are available upon request. Preliminary estimates for the entire year are available at the year's end; selected final tabulations are issued in April of the following year. The methods used in preparing work stoppage statistics are described in appendix B. The Bureau wishes to acknowledge the coopera- tion of employers and employer associations, labor unions, the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, and various State agencies in furnishing information on work stoppages. This report was prepared in the Bureau's Divi- sion of Wages and Industrial Relations by Loretto R. Nolan and Julian Malnak under the direction of Joseph W. Bloch. Contents Page Summary_—____----__________-----------______ ______ -----_____—_—_--------- 1 Trends in work stoppages. ----,-----------------__________—_--_____—____ 1 Sizeof stoppages ---------------------___________--------------_—_--------- -
The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index the WORLD's WORST
THE WORLD'S WORST COUNTRIES FOR WORKERS The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 4 The International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) is a confederation of national trade union centres, each of which links trade unions of that particular country. It was established on 1 November 2006, bringing together the organisations which were formerly affiliated to the ICFTU and WCL (both now dissolved) as well as a number of national trade union centres which had no international affiliation at the time. The new Confederation has 340 affiliated organisations in 163 countries and territories on all five continents, with a membership of 181 million, 40 per cent of whom are women. It is also a partner in “Global Unions” together with the Trade Union Advisory Committee to the OECD and the Global Union Federations (GUFs) which link together national unions from a particular trade or industry at international level. The ITUC has specialised offices in a number of countries around the world, and has General Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 6 Foreword .............................................9 ASIA .................................................. 70 Bangladesh ....................................... 71 Part I ..................................................13 Cambodia .......................................... 71 The 2017 Results ...............................14 China ................................................ 72 The ITUC Global Rights Index ...............19 Fiji -
May Made Me an Oral History of the 1968 Uprising in France
May Made Me An Oral History of the 1968 Uprising in France Mitchell Abidor 2018 Contents Acknowledgements 4 Abbreviations 5 Timeline of Events in 1968 6 CHAPTER ONE. Introduction: May ’68 Revisited 8 CHAPTER TWO. Veterans in the Struggle 19 JEAN-JACQUES LEBEL ................................... 19 ALAIN KRIVINE ....................................... 27 PRISCA BACHELET ..................................... 35 HENRI SIMON ........................................ 41 CHAPTER THREE. Students in Paris 48 SUZANNE BORDE ...................................... 48 ISABELLE SAINT-SAËNS .................................. 53 INTERLUDE: SONIA FAYMAN—A DUTIFUL DAUGHTER IN MAY . 58 JEAN-PIERRE FOURNIER .................................. 58 PAULINE STEINER ..................................... 64 PIERRE MERCIER ...................................... 67 CHAPTER FOUR. May Outside Paris 70 JACQUES WAJNSZTEJN .................................. 70 JOSEPH POTIRON ...................................... 76 GUY, BERNARD, DOMINIQUE ............................... 80 MYRIAM CHÉDOTAL AND ELIANE PAUL-DI VICENZO . 89 JEAN-MICHEL RABATÉ .................................. 96 JOSÉ AND HÉLÈNE CHATROUSSAT . 101 CHAPTER FIVE. May and Film 108 MICHEL ANDRIEU ..................................... 108 PASCAL AUBIER AND BERNARD EISENSCHITZ . 115 CHAPTER SIX. Some Anarchists 122 DANIEL PINOS ....................................... 122 WALLY ROSELL ....................................... 129 THIERRY PORRÉ ...................................... 136 About the Author 142 2 People -
Resisting Anti-Union Violence Report 2018 - 2019 for the Truth HONDURAS and Justice!
Resisting anti-union violence Report 2018 - 2019 For the truth HONDURAS and justice! Resisting anti-union violence Report 2018 - 2019 HONDURAS Table of contents Presentation 7 1. About the Network 8 2. Context 9 Socioeconomic Reality in Numbers 10 Human Rights 3. Anti-union Violence 12 12 13 3.33.1 DocumentedAnti-union Violence: Cases a definition of the concept 13 3.2SITRATERCO The Case of Honduras 13 SINDICATO DE TRABAJADORES/AS DE LA AGROINDUSTRIA Y SIMILARES (STAS) (SITRAINFOP) DEPARTAMENTSindicato de Trabajadores OF COLON del Instituto Nacional de Formacion Profesional (SITRASEMCA) IselaSindicato Juarez de and Trabajadores Esly Banegas de Servicios Municipales, Comunales y Afines Labor Activist Miguel Angel Lopez 4. -union Violence in Numbers 26 28 Cases and Victims by Year: 2015 – February 2019 32 Gender of the Victims Final Considerations 33 Recommendations 34 Presentation The Red Contra la Violencia Antisindical [Network Against Anti-Union Violence] is an organization of members of the Honduran Trade Union Movement (General Confederation of Workers - CGT, United Confederation of Honduran Workers - CUTH, Confederation of Honduran Workers - CTH) and labor activists from various parts of Honduras. Today, for the fourth consecutive year, the network presents our annual report, Defending the Right to Freedom of Association: Honduras, 2018-2019. This report details specific information on anti-union violence in Honduras referring to the cases documented and accompanied by this organization during the period of February 2018 to February 2019. The report is composed of four sections: a general description of the context facing considerationsHonduran society, and the recommendations conceptual definition to the of trade‘anti-union union violence’, movement details and 07 of the cases of documented anti-union violence, and finally, a section of the government of Honduras. -
Labor and the Cold War
University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1959 Labor and the cold war Stewart Meacham Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Meacham, Stewart, "Labor and the cold war" (1959). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 522. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/522 COLD WAR by STEWART MEACHAM AUTHOR'S ACKNOWLEDGMENT Friends in the labor movement as well as colleagues on the staff of th American Friends Service Committee have been kind enough to read th manuscript of this pamphlet. I have profited greatly from their comments and criticism, but full responsibility for the finished product is mine alone. It represents my own views and not necessarily those of friends nor of the Peace Education Program of the American Friends Semi Committee. September, 1959 Stewart Meacham COLD QWAR by STEWART MEACHAM Pzibli~hedar an educaiional service by PEACEEDUCATION PROGRAM AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE 160 North 15th St., Philadelphia 2, Pa. CONTENTS Introduction .................................................... I I . The Cold War and the Domestic Economy . I1. The Cold War and National Security ............ 111 . The Cold War and World Economic Development IV . What Can Be Done? Bibliography INTRODUCTION During the last 12 years the United States and the Soviet Union have been engaged in cold war. -
American Working-Class Identity and Memory Within Transformations of Capitalism Andy Stec
Hamline University DigitalCommons@Hamline Departmental Honors Projects College of Liberal Arts Spring 2019 “It’s in the Blood”: American Working-Class Identity and Memory within Transformations of Capitalism Andy Stec Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.hamline.edu/dhp Part of the Labor History Commons, and the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Stec, Andy, "“It’s in the Blood”: American Working-Class Identity and Memory within Transformations of Capitalism" (2019). Departmental Honors Projects. 85. https://digitalcommons.hamline.edu/dhp/85 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts at DigitalCommons@Hamline. It has been accepted for inclusion in Departmental Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Hamline. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. “It’s in the Blood”: American Working-Class Identity and Memory within Transformations of Capitalism Andrew Joseph Stec An Honors Thesis Submitted for partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors in History and Philosophy from Hamline University April 2019 1 Acknowledgements 2 Scholarship on Postwar American Capitalism 7 Reacting to the Crisis of Keynesianism (1967-1990s) 8 In Retrospect to the Fall of Keynesianism (2000s) 25 Postwar American Capitalism in Transition 29 The Postwar Industrial Union 32 The Fall of Keynesianism: Alienation 37 The Fall of Keynesianism: End of Prosperity 39 National Malaise -
Automation and the Meaning of Work in the Postwar United States
The Misanthropic Sublime: Automation and the Meaning of Work in the Postwar United States Jason Resnikoff Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2019 © 2019 Jason Zachary Resnikoff All rights reserved Abstract “The Misanthropic Sublime: Automation and the Meaning of Work in the Postwar United States” Jason Resnikoff In the United States of America after World War II, Americans from across the political spectrum adopted the technological optimism of the postwar period to resolve one of the central contradictions of industrial society—the opposition between work and freedom. Although classical American liberalism held that freedom for citizens meant owning property they worked for themselves, many Americans in the postwar period believed that work had come to mean the act of maintaining mere survival. The broad acceptance of this degraded meaning of work found expression in a word coined by managers in the immediate postwar period: “automation.” Between the late 1940s and the early 1970s, the word “automation” stood for a revolutionary development, even though few could agree as to precisely what kind of technology it described. Rather than a specific technology, however, this dissertation argues that “automation” was a discourse that defined work as mere biological survival and saw the end of human labor as the the inevitable result of technological progress. In premising liberation on the end of work, those who subscribed to the automation discourse made political freedom contingent not on the distribution of power, but on escape from the limits of the human body itself. -
View / Open Jeung Oregon 0171A 12691.Pdf
LABOR MARKET POLICY AMERICAN STYLE: STATE CAPACITY AND POLICY INNOVATION, 1959-1968 by YONGWOO JEUNG A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Political Science and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2020 DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE Student: Yongwoo Jeung Title: Labor Market Policy American Style: State Capacity and Policy Innovation, 1959- 1968 This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Political Science by: Gerald Berk Chairperson Craig Parsons Core Member Joseph Lowndes Core Member Daniel Pope Institutional Representative and Kate Mondloch Interim Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded March 2020. ii © 2020 Yongwoo Jeung This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs (United States) License. iii DISSERTATION ABSTRACT Yongwoo Jeung Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science March 2020 Title: Labor Market Policy American Style: State Capacity and Policy Innovation, 1959- 1968 This dissertation delves into the American state’s capabilities by examining its experiments with corporatism and labor training during the 1960s. The dissertation relies on the frameworks of layering, patchwork, intercurrence, and entrepreneurship from various disciplines including comparative historical analysis, historical institutionalism, American Political Development, and the school of political creativity. The dissertation first challenges the mainstream view that regards as impossible any tripartite bargaining among U.S. labor, management, and the state. The United States experimented with the unique tripartite committee—the President’s Committee on Labor- Management Policy—in the early 1960s to address emerging problems such as automation and intractable industrial conflicts. -
The Crime of Staging an Effective Strike and the Enduring Role of Criminal Law in Modern Labor Relations
Workingusa The Journal of Labor and Society THE CRIME OF STAGING AN EFFECTIVE STRIKE AND THE ENDURING ROLE OF CRIMINAL LAW IN MODERN LABOR RELATIONS Ahmed A. White This article concerns the role of criminal law in modern, post-New Deal labor relations. I emphasize the continuing function of the criminal law in limiting basic labor rights (to organize, strike, and provoke collective bargaining) as reflected in several common practices: the prosecution of labor organizing and protest activity as crimes; the persistent use of injunctions by the courts to curtail labor rights; and the indirect use of the criminal law by the courts and the NLRB to define unfair labor practices and to limit the scope of worker protections under the labor law. I hope to show how these functions reflect both change and continuity relative to the criminal law in pre-New Deal times. The modern criminal law’s labor-repressive functions are far less crude and overt, and administered in a far more professional fashion, than in the days when criminal conspiracy, syndicalism, and vagrancy laws, for example, were used so extensively and blatantly to undermine labor rights. And rather than simply destroying labor rights, these functions operate alongside, and are incorporated into, a body of labor law designed to protect labor rights. On the one hand, this shift has been of real benefit to labor, allowing workers and organizers much more freedom in their struggles with employers. On the other hand, I argue, modern criminal law still plays a significant role in limiting labor rights. The very factors that now ease the criminal law’s impact on workers—the subtlety, professionalism, and procedural regularity with which it is applied, and its coexistence alongside a functional system of labor laws—also obscure and rationalize its real effects on labor rights, making it easier for governments to use the criminal law against labor and harder for labor activists to challenge such practices. -
5/Groups/Public/---Ed Norm/---Relconf/Documents/Meetingdocument/Wcms 153533.Pdf, Paragraphs 727-903
Fair Labor Association Op Memo: Freedom of Association: Monitoring Against Protection Contracts in Mexico Author: CIMP Date: February 14, 2012 Audience: FLA Staff, Constituencies, and Board of Updated: Directors Background The use of “protection contracts” in Mexico to limit workers’ right to freedom of association and collective bargaining is an endemic practice that contravenes ILO’s Conventions 87 and 98 and FLA Workplace Code of Conduct and Monitoring Benchmarks.1 An employer protection collective agreement (generally known as a protection contract) typically takes the form of an agreement between an employer and either the representative of a “ghost” (or yellow) union or a lawyer who has created such a union that purports to be a collective bargaining agreement (CBA). These agreements typically are done without the knowledge or consent of workers. In some instances, protection contracts are drawn up prior to the hiring of any workers at a facility, and are intended to prevent the negotiation of a CBA in the future by an independent union.2 Protection contracts generally reproduce requirements of the labor law and do not contain additional benefits to workers that would be expected from a collective negotiation. An added element of protection contracts are “exclusion clauses.” Exclusion clauses are roughly akin to closed shop agreements, but in the Mexico context, union membership is required for workers to obtain employment at the facility and membership must be maintained. In other words, workers may be fired for establishing or joining an organization that is not the union holding title to the (protection) contract. In February 2009, the International Metalworkers’ Federation (IMF), with backing from the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and five Mexican union confederations, filed a complaint before the ILO Committee on Freedom of Association challenging the compatibility of the Mexican practice of protection contracts with the principles of ILO Convention 87.