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Stuart Hall in RECENT WEEKS, the Process of the Left 12 December 1985 Marxism Today Realignment- Realignment is the order of the day. At root it is about the crisis of the Left. And that is what it must address. It is a means not an end, a beginning not a conclusion. for What? Stuart Hall IN RECENT WEEKS, the process of the Left. (see Martin Jacques' assessment realignment on the Left has been rapidly in the last MT). The speech, with its 'new gathering steam. By realignment, I mean a left' touches and its hard-edged assault on narrowly conceived parliamentary 'real­ fundamental regrouping of people and the far Left, stirred up turbulent and ism'. Whatever else realignment is about, ideas across the existing boundaries, in­ ambivalent feelings everywhere, while at it is certainly not about that. itiating a process by which the Left slowly the same time being somehow cathartic. The relevant questions remain: what and painfully acquires the capacity to Another, less tangible sign, is my impress­ new political positions are being staked address its own crisis. It seems now as if ion that it has become easier for people to out? Is the process addressed to the fun­ what the Left could not achieve on its own ask awkward questions, air fundamental damental issues of the crisis of the Left? may yet happen as a result of combined Where, in all this, is the renewal of the pressure from two different directions at meaning, content, perspectives and lan­ once. The first is from 'Thatcherism' - there is a tiny bit of hard Left guages of the Left? weaker, now, but still, after the riots, very inside of all of us The failure to grasp this brings in its much 'in place' - which has brought the wake all sorts of short-circuits and false crisis of the Left to a head by disorganising stopping points. Realignment is not an it and effectively rewriting the political uncertainties and express scepticism about event but a process which has to be agenda. Second, as the result of a series of the commonsense of the Left without continuously negotiated. If realignment is strategic reversals - amongst which I having their heads bitten off or their left defined exclusively in organisational would list the defeat of the miners' strike credentials instantly questioned by the terms, then it is perfectly possible to (despite the heroic struggle); the subse­ keepers of holy writ. Nothing but good can assume that, once a few extremists have quent emergence of the UDM breakaway flow from this oiling of rusty political left or some new alliances forged, the union in Nottingham and elsewhere; the wheels. process has been completed. Another false crisis about ballot money which the TUC seems too paralysed to resolve; the debacle What's it all about? around rate-capping and the sluggish qual­ This seems an opportune moment, then, ity of Labour's recovery in the polls. to ask what realignment is really about? Realignment is already beginning to Why does the Left need it, and is what it deliver some tangible results. The defeat of needs what it is getting? Some things can the Morning Star challenge at the Com­ be definitively said at this point about what munist party congress in May, the emerg­ realignment is not about. It was never ence of a left critique of the Scargill about getting quick popularity in the opin­ leadership in the NUM and David Blunk- ion polls by an opportunistic move to the ett's attempt at the Labour party confer­ centre or by subordinating everything to ence to find an alternative to the disaster winning the next election. It was never looming at Liverpool are all, in their principally 'about' - and cannot therefore different ways, straws in the political wind be measured in terms of- greater loyalty to of realignment. Another is the drift of or 'rallying around' the Labour leadership. many people in the Campaign, Tribune and There is nothing new about this type of Chartist groupings within the Labour Left loyalism. It has consolidated a variety of towards the Labour Coordinating Com­ Labour leaderships, of varying political mittee and the painful detachment of Ken complexions, in the past without setting in Livingstone from the 'impossibilists' in motion any fundamental reappraisal or the old GLC coalition. Clearly, some of the forging any new strategies for change. On stable formations of the Left are beginning the contrary, loyalism has most often been to dissolve and regroup. Part of the same associated with a tactical closing of ranks, a phenomenon was the impact of Mr Kin- surge of electoral opportunism and the nock's conference speech on the whole of taming of the Left within the confines of a December 1985 Marxism Today 13 ending is to be found in the belief that everywhere the whiff of grapeshot directed don't happen to share. There are differ­ swearing at the 'hard Left' is really what it at the Hatton 'extremists', but you would ences of this kind, the product of different is all about and is, in itself, sufficient. have searched in vain for the slightest hint traditions, outlooks and formations, on the Nothing could be further from the truth. It of how significant, in Labour's thinking, Left which are likely to persist for the is one thing to expose the disastrous con­ the strategy of the GLC should have foreseeable future. Indeed, the whole idea sequences of the one-eyed militancy become, and the political lessons which of a 'monolithic Left' now seems to be a espoused by the Liverpool council under should be drawn. contradiction in terms, against the grain of Hatton's leadership, whose constancy in contemporary experience. the issue of the rates is having to be bought Rather, it is the 'hard Left' as a peculiar at the price of sacking thousands of council the ritual expurgation of the and distinctive political style, a set of workers whose jobs the strategy was in part habits, a political-cultural tradition, devised to protect in the first place. hard Left is not what stretching right across the actual organisa­ But it is not enough. It is Mrs Thatcher's realignment is about tional sub-divisions of the Left, which is at government, not Derek Hatton, who issue. It is the 'hard Left' as keeper of left chose local authority spending as a consciences, as political guarantor, as the strategic front of struggle. The Liverpool The hard Left litmus paper of orthodoxy, which is the crisis flows directly from the application of Realignment, then, is only a means to a monetarist doctrine to local authority larger end. In this context, the attempt to spending, the general attempt to restore isolate the 'hard Left', which has become market criteria at the expense of public the cutting-edge of the process, does not need, the attack on the living standards of mean trying to get rid of this or that the less well-off and the government's grouping whose political position (on, say, authoritarian and anti-democratic charac­ nationalisation or council housing or the ter. It is an offensive aimed explicitly at state or the Soviet Union or Poland) we Labour and its constituents and its politic­ al base in the large urban conurbations. What is more, it is precisely along this very front that, in some places-most notably in the GLC, but also in South Yorkshire - that the Left has made the most imagina­ tive and innovative political response, in the form of the new 'municipal socialism'. Yet, if you listened carefully to Mr Kin- nock's speech, you would have caught 14 December 1985 Marxism Today problem. That is why realignment turns tion associated with the days of a trade Its conception of socialism remains pro­ out to be a lengthy process with all sorts of unionism shaped by the experience of the foundly statist - Fabian or Soviet style. It stopping points, and why it keeps running white, skilled, organised, male labour has never really squared up to the pro­ into the sand. It is because there is a tiny force in heavy productive industry, which found damage done to the Left by the bit of the 'hard Left' inside all of us - continues to dominate trade union think­ experience of actual-existing socialism. It patrolling the frontiers of consciousness, ing and strategy long after the actual social has lost the capacity to advance a convinc­ repressing from memory certain profound composition of its membership has been ing political vision of a more egalitarian, but awkward facts, ruling certain ques­ transformed. It is to be found in what I can more open, more diverse, more liberta­ tions 'out of court', keeping us all on the only call the untheorised 'neo-trotskyism' rian, more democratic, more self- straight and narrow and thus helping to which shapes some of the unthinking organising type of socialism, conceived in hold in place certain automatic and un­ responses of the independent Left. For relation to the actual historic trends at questioning responses. example, the nostalgia for an undefined work in the world today. This is what is Ken Livingstone is a good case in point 'class politics' recently to be heard from really meant by the 'hard Left'. here. In the political areas where he moves some sections of the feminist movement, The need to erode these positions and in his own right and initiates, his political when the very term was clearly a coded habits on the Left is what is meant by instincts are totally opposite to those of the way of launching an attack on the political 'rethinking'.
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