129 GLOBAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES VOL 8, NO. 2, 2009: 129-138 COPYRIGHT© BACHUDO SCIENCE CO. LTD PRINTED IN . ISSN 1596-6216 POST-MILITARISM: PROVENANCE OF PRAETORIAN DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIAN, 1999 – 2007 S. I. EBOHON (Received 10, June 2009; Revision Accepted 10, August 2009)

ABSTRACT

This paper attempts to capture the logic and character of Nigerian politics and governance from 1999 to 2007. The development of ‘command democracy’ took root during this period. On the basis of the empirical evidence adduced, the paper argued that the phenomenon of ‘praetorian democracy’ which became visible from 1999 to 2007 undermined the constitution and due democratic process. Executive contempt for the rule of law, gave the president the power of a military Head of State, while the federal system was run like a unitary state. The dialectical confrontation between democracy and partocracy, in which a black market system of power evolved to leverage the dominant wing of People Democracy Party leadership became the painful reminder of the inglorious military authoritarian antibodies constructed to resist democratic virus. Conscious of the crisis of power fixation that makes acquisition of state power the only guarantee of upward social mobility, shrinking the state to make it less attractive as the politics of the “belly domain” is recommended. rulers, incoherent civil society organizations and INTRODUCTION members of the fast growing Nigerian May 29, 1999 is remembered and supermarket of development intellectuals who celebrated in Nigeria as Democracy Day . This is benefited from praetorian order, have been because, that day is a watershed in the engaged in debates as to the viability of Western reconfiguration of political leadership and type democracy for the Nigerian political project. governance in contemporary Nigeria. The This new debate, received comfort in the popular euphoric and triumphal outburst, which greeted quest for a jettisoning of Western models and the end of the command state system and the theories in the articulation of development beginning of civil democratic rule, overwhelmed programmes. Therefore, a hybrid – ‘Home Grown the government to the extent of declaring May Democracy’ (Ijomah 1998), rather than 29, every year a public holiday. This general international standard of best democratic euphoria of a democratic moment’ is informed by practices became the popular aspiration amongst the fact that, state character and its oscillation the dominant elites. along the democratic continuum has remained As a precursor to the construction of the concern of the informed Nigerian Public since ‘Home-Grown Democracy’, the government of the middle of the last century. and the military, both of The ousting of the Shagari government in which should be non-partisan reportedly worked December 1983 did not only mark the failure of a for the triumph of the Peoples’ Democratic Party second democratic experiment, it equally (PDP) against the All Peoples Party (APP) and heralded the challenge of re-conceptualizing and the Alliance for Democracy (AD) in the 1999 re-engineering praetorian capacity to re-invent Presidential Election. (cf The Guardian, 7 Nigerian democracy. In the military grandeur of December 1999). Over 40 retired Army Generals competence delusion, this collapse of the civil were in the PDP, with many of them having order, created another opportunity of nation- supporters in active military service. It was building project for the political army. A vast alleged that General Obasanjo (rtd) was anointed proportion of the opposition professional by Military institutions to succeed General politicians, opinion leaders, statesmen, traditional Abubakar (Ibid). This temptation was triggered by

S. I. Ebohon, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Benin, Benin city

130 S. I. EBOHON the capacity of the army to create social classes temptations. In the final section, the democratic and new occupational groups. Adekanye (2005) deconstruction alternative is explored. has observed that: Taxonomy of Praetorianism “As a result of the control of the This paper identifies three models – machinery of power and rulership organizational, praetorian absolutists and which they have enjoyed since the praetorian democracy models of governance era of coups began in the mid- within the framework of a transitional society. The 1960’s the military members of analytic trajectory is designed to capture and society in Africa, generally, and in elucidate the broad issues of the manner in which Nigeria particularly, acting from civil-military interactions over three decades have that privileged vantage point engendered the emergence of a unique brand of conferred by their occupation, democracy – Praetorian democracy. Broadly put, have succeeded in elevating praetorianism results from ‘the infiltration of a themselves above not just their small but critical segment of the state apparatus, peers but even other occupational which is then used to displace the government and professional groups hitherto from its control of the remainder and in this ranked higher in terms of status manner excludes the use of the military as the evaluation”. major actor responsible for the illegal action’ (Naison Naoma, 2004: 86). It has been This development was driven by the poignantly hypothesized that military aberration in indigenization policy of the military government developing areas is promoted by the absence of as well as rising oil revenue (Ebohon: 1985 and political culture (Finer: 1963). Controverting this 1991).Thus, with strong temptations to militarize thesis, Huntington pointed out that military the next civilian democratic order, the future does provenance in politics is caused by the decay of not seem to promise a clean brake from the military professionalism (Huntington: 1957 and militarized past. On the other hand, it cannot be 1968). A socio-psychological model of military certain that even if the politicians were left alone aberration that derives from a culture of military to play their game, there would then be a clean rule provides alternative framework: for brake with the authoritarian past (Ibid). It is within socialization practices that produce military the context of the foregoing intellectual ferment culture; (Lucian Pye. 1962). Under this and the marketing of ‘home grown democracy’ as framework, militarism as a guiding mind-set alternative to the Western model, that we must engenders militarism without the military. Two situate the intellectual redefinition of the peculiar models of praetoriarism; praetorian absolutist brand of democracy produced by the General model and praetorian democratic model can be Abubakar transition programme. At the risk of an discerned. The absolutist model violates the rule indictment of a contradiction in terms, we have of law by suspending the constitution while the chosen to call this peculiar brand ‘Praetorian new guards of the praetorian democratic model Democracy’. violates the constitution they swore to defend Intrigued by the temptations of pact- through the creation, instrumentation and driven, military guided transition programme, deployment of extra-judicial and extra-legislative many questions that form the thrust of this paper institutions of state. In this case, the constitution suggest themselves. Can a military junta is not suspended. deconstruct militarism and create an authentic democratic order without a veneer? In an anti- (a) Praetorian Absolutist Model military post-cold war environment, what form of The praetorian absolutist model democracy can militarism breed? What are the acknowledges that the military rules in an prevailing organizational and institutional sub- environment that has other multiple actors and cultures embedded in Nigerian militarism that interest. Its praetorian identity derives from the conduce to democratic subversion? To address fact that the military is not only dominant, military these issues, this paper is discussed around the interests are also super ordinate. South African following themes. The first is the taxonomy of Civil-Military relation of the apartheid era is a Nigerian praetorianism. The second is the logic of typical continental example (P. Frankel: 1984). Nigerian militarism. The third section addresses Similarly, military in conflict zones of Africa: the issue of democracy with authoritarian Angola and Democratic Republic of Congo,

POST-MILITARISM: PROVENANCE OF PRAETORIAN DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIAN, 1999–2007 131 Liberia, are good examples of this patriotic and developmental parlance – ‘home model. Nigerian military governments from Gen. grown democracy’. Gowon to General Abubakar equally drew Praetorian democracy is essentially a identity from this model. post-military order navigated with civil command; The unique character of this model is that, while driven by authoritarian culture and psychology. recognizing other interests, it violates the Unlike the organizational and praetorian constitution and elevates the military to the status absolutist models, it recognizes the need for of major consumer of fiscal resources of states. accommodation of democratic structures even in Indeed, most often, other sectors and interests in their distorted forms. Similarly, it seeks to the society are “completely in the dark about the accommodate a larger gamut of the social forces budgeting process or the actual amount and sectors of society without altering the apportioned to the military”(Naison N:Op. Cit. p. command culture inherent in the praetorian 88). Such praetorian appropriation concentrates absolutist order. In a sense, it recognizes the wealth, influence, prestige and power around the constitution and the democratic structures and military and their cronies. Nigerian administration institutions of state without recognizing the rule of under maximum leader, Gen. Sanni Abacha, is a law that flow from the constitution and those good reflection of this model. democratic structures. The model also posits that, while the The origins of praetorian democracy can barrel of a gun is the source of its power, the be situated in the failure of African democracies, necessity for interaction with other actors even if the failure of militarism and the challenge posed in a diminished role relative to its own is by the emerging liberal culture. A new imperative for praetorian stability. In other words, conjuncture has taken root in most of post- other actors outside the military circle expect colonial Africa as the revolution of rising military participation in governance. In addition, expectation has been betrayed by leadership praetorianism presupposes the absence of failure. The new phenomenon is therefore the tension amongst the actors (Ibid). The military, practical response to a tripod challenge. the model posits, must be neither autonomous Praetorian democracy has taken roots in nor neutral on political issues and consequently several post-colonial African states. In the envisions a society that expects active military Congo, a young army officer, Mobutu Sese participation in the business of governance. The Sekou violently overthrew Partrice Lumumbia in overthrow of Shargari in 1983 and the fall of the 1960 and later transformed into a life President Interim National Government of Ernest Shonekan by establishing the machinery for Praetorian are good historical illustrations. democracy. Kerekou overthrew democratically elected government of Benin Republic and later (b) Praetorian Democracy Model transformed into a President who presided over a A new brand of democracy – praetorian praetorian democratic order with room for democracy – which owes its origin to the participation by politicians. Similarly, General conspiracy theory of governance, may have Eyadema of Togo violently overthrew a emerged in post-colonial, post-imperial Africa like democratically elected President – Sylvanus elsewhere in Latin America. Former Nigerian Olympio and eventually transmogrified into a President, Late Dr. Azikiwe’s case for democracy civilian President. Eyadema’s Togo ran a with military vigilance draws comfort from the praetorian democracy with a strong military base practice of praetorian democracy. His prognosis and distorted democratic structures. At death, his for a guided democracy, in which the military first son was sworn-in as his replacement through plays a crucial role in governance based on the support of the erstwhile President’s Turkish model forms his antidote for military constituency – the military. In Nigeria, the interregnum. Its ascendancy is engendered by administration of retired army General and former the wide prevalence of praetorian virus while its head of state, General – who manifestation is driven by authoritarian was democratically elected as President on the temptations. This new phenomenon is a hybrid of platform of the Peoples Democratic Party 1999 – modern western democracy and Praetorianism 2007, represents the latest brand of such with strong military base – physical or praetorian transformation of democracy in psychological. African Political Sociologists have Africa.Obasanjo captured the advantage of a rationalized this phenomenon with a nationalistic, growing quest by the dominant segment of the elites for guided democracy by deploying the

132 S. I. EBOHON moral and psychological authority of a former expectation wrong. What became apparent was military leader to satisfy that tiny segment’s urge the desire by successive military regimes to for a reinvented Nigerian democracy. With his retain power through the development of regime parallel, extra-judicial, authoritarian structures as security agenda (of a tiny elites) rather than, EFCC, ICPC, Code of Conduct Tribunal, he through the national military institution. Where threatened the relevance of the judiciary. corporate military institutional interest of state Similarly, he transformed the ruling party, the conflicted with personal or regime interest, a People’s Democratic Party into something like a cooperative strategy which depended on Supreme Military Council powerful enough to alternative power centers outside the military: direct the National Assembly. Contesting Civilian bureaucracy, the business sector as well Obasanjo’s democratic credentials, an observer as cultural and intellectual communities became opined, “General Obasanjo didn’t want to leave in alternative attraction. Successive military regimes 1979 but when General Danjuma put his feet in Nigeria from Gowon to General Abubakar down and went further to tender his letter of adopted this strategy. resignation, Obasanjo had no choice but to quit.” (Wilmot, 2007:46) Provenance of Personal Despotism Praetorian democracy has assumed different The secession of Biafra following the forms and characters in a number of post-military assassination of General Aguiyi Ironsi formations. Its character is influenced by the (Balogun;1973) set the stage for Nigerian Civil strength of the contending social forces relative war (1967-1970). However, the success of to the politico-military challenge facing the nation Gowon in the prosecution of the war gave him building project. In other words, this new profound legitimacy as head of State and phenomenon sets the power vector in Commander-in-chief. Indeed, this legitimacy was accordance with the force and organizational soon personified by Gowon as his name became levels of the contending social forces – political an acronym for ‘Go on with one Nigeria’. The armies, the political classes and civil society euphoria created by war victory, combined with organizations. The dominant social force, will the rising price of oil in the world market in the determine the character of civil-military relations face of Arab-Israeli war surged Gowon’s in post-militarism. legitimacy and heightened his charisma. The rentier accumulation occasioned by the Logic of Nigerian Praetorianism: The blossoming oil economy, soon produced a tiny Organizational Precursor of Praetorian bureaucratic – economic militarist’, tempting Democracy in Nigeria. Gowon with extra-military constituency and The practice and character of Nigerian power base. Disturbed by the alienation of the democracy from 1999 – 2007 owes its intellectual military institution by the Gowon administration, and organizational heritage to the logic of Muhammed on ascention canvassed the need to Nigerian Praetorianism from 1966 – 1999. The diffuse power concentrated in the Head of State. Nigerian military, like the state, is a colonial In a bid to preempt another state descent into creation. Its praetorian instinct has roots in its personal autocracy, he envisioned the colonial provenance. As Gutteridge (1969:6) constitution of the three most senior members of intimates, “the armies of Africa are the direct the military junta into a ruling triumvirate with a descendants of the colonial forces raised in the rotational leadership as is typical of the Latin territories of the imperial rulers to sustain the old American military juntas. This was however a order”. However, military professionalism was failed dream, as his successor, General nipped through the policy of quota system. As an Obasanjo opted for more concentration by adding observer opined, the 1962 law that sanctioned a denfence portfolio to that of Head of State. quota system in the military’s recruitment process The failure of the intelligence services to created a significant impression (Dudley, 1971: detect and nip the coup against Muhammed led 171). to the government’s loss of faith in institutional In the imperial project of military socialization intelligence arrangement, although the NSO designed to create espirit de corps, cohesive and (National Security Organization decree) was unified outlook and a tradition of cross-sectional promulgated in respect of the challenge (Ibid. consociational elitism, the imperialist sought to 211). General Obasanjo had serious reservations create a professional national army. Events of the with military intelligence because of its role in the civil war years proved the imperial thinking and coup that brought them to power in 1975. The

POST-MILITARISM: PROVENANCE OF PRAETORIAN DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIAN, 1999–2007 133 same loss of faith in military intelligence was decision-making, as antidote to dictatorship, expressed by Buhari in his ouster in 1985, “I monarchy, oligarchy, aristocracy and feudalism realized it was one of the master plans of the fifth (Isekhure: 1992, Osumah 2007:2). columnist to embarrass and discredit my The converse side of democracy is administration… I knew it was the military authoritarianism. This practice is expressed in intelligence, not the police, not the NSO (Ibid: various forms ranging from dictatorship to 224). monarchy, oligarchy, aristocracy to feudalism. In the aftermath of the abortive coup of The age of enlightenment coupled with the April 1990, Babangida perfected the scheme of universal declaration of human rights, the subverting the military institution through his growing acceptance of education, the plethora of security network that culminated in his ascendancy of liberalism and the phenomenon of creation of an alternative paramilitary service – globalization have gathered the steam which has The National Guard – to undercut the military reduced the popularity of authoritarism. Yet institution. The role of private military companies authoritarian temptations have been unleashed in in the activities of the intelligence services and in a number of democracies although certain the overall arrangement of regime security had authoritarian states have tended to adopt become a source of concern within the military as electoral principles in order to win a claim to an institution (Fayemi 2002: 225). democratic credentials, Contemporary Nigerian Such Babangida agenda took a new and state 1999-2007 epitomizes such contradictions. wider scope under the maximum ruler – General Sanni Abacha. He formed the Libyan – and Democracy Vs Partocracy Korean-trained Special Body Guards services for Political Party organization is the basis his personal protection. This was complicated for organizing governments and capturing power with the strike force and K.Squad – responsible in modern democracies. Yet, governments in for carrying out state sponsored assassination of modern democracies are structured on the basis perceived political enemies. In the post military of electoral victory of parties involved in electoral era, General Obasanjo maintained romance with competition. Dominance in electoral competition the officers who operated these shadowy security does not approximate the totality of the governing agencies. His appointment of Major General process. Therefore, government is different from Abdullahi Mohammed and Major General Gusau the party system. The party niche in the as Chief of Staff and National Security Advisers governing system must be situated within the respectively derived from their role in intelligence contest of majority rule and minority right. In this services and his belief in the officers. vein, partocracy must be seen as the Similarly, the character and logic of institutionalization of the political party as a Prebenda politics which reduced the Nigerian parallel institution to the governing institution. state to a private/personal estate for Institutionalization of the party system derives accumulation by the ruling classes equally from the philosophy of authoritarian state system infested the military (Joseph: 1991). This private which practices the ideology of authoritarianism state concept as a means for advancing the in the name of democracy through acclaimatory personal interest of the ruling classes was not elections on periodic basis. The idea of party only embraced by the Nigerian political army, but supremacy finds a rationalization in this context. equally had serious implications for the dominant It is within the context of such philosophical character of Obasanjo politics from 1999 – 2007. rationalization that we are to situate the The tendency towards de-stating of the State and provenance of Obasanjo’s conception of the PDP privatization of diplomacy and politics are as the conscience of the government and the however, not peculiar to Nigeria (Clapham:1996 supreme driver of the governing process that was and Reno:1993). to emerge on his exit from office. This is Obasanjo’s notion of supremacy of the party in a Democracy and Authoritarian Temptations democratic setting. Democracy, as a political practice and The victory of General Olusegun principle of governance has grown from its Obasanjo (former military dictator) on the medieval/classical form to its new political platform of PDP as President in a civilian character. In its classical form, it is linked with the democratic regime in 1999, is a watershed in small Athenian City state of ancient Greece, Nigeria’s democracy. With his military where every adult citizen directly participated in background, the President as a product of

134 S. I. EBOHON Command State apparatus was unable to PDP (Ibid). In the Anambra saga, state structures appreciate the need to separate the party from were openly assaulted and the Governor government and state jurisdictions. For him, party expelled from the Party and removed from office intrusion in state legislative jurisdiction is a because an Abuja PDP ‘veto manager’ wanted it normal political activity. As is well documented that way. Thus, when Dr. Ngige fell out with Chris elsewhere, “the authority of the PDP national Uba, an agent of Obasanjo, he lost his job and executive committee replicates that of the the office of Governor. The same story goes for Supreme Military Council under the Military Oyo and Ekiti States in the new saga of regime that Obasanjo was familiar with. Unable governmental subordination by Abuja PDP. to extricate himself from the military concept of It is to be noted that in all such governance, he accords semi state jurisdictional confrontations either between state functionaries powers to the PDP in assisting him to handle and the National PDP, or within State PDP state Governors and PDP elected functionaries, the dictator democrat had the legislators, just as the Supreme Military Council upper hand. As in , the schism had over state Governors” (Natufe: 2006). Under between Governor (an Obasanjo his guided democracy, the choice of the party is a agent) and a PDP Senator, Ibikunle Amosun convenient device since he was President of the resulted in the masterminding of impeachment of country and leader of the party. two of its local council Chairmen – those of The party in this respect approximated and Imeko Local Government the government at the federal, state and local Councils’, loyal to the Senator (Ibid). levels. The stature of the party in approximating Perhaps, one possible explanation for the government and compromising good the phenomena of partocracy is the manipulation governance can be illustrated with the peculiar of opposition politics. No doubt, the political experiences of Anambra, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo, space for opposition was liberalized by the Ekiti, Oyo and Plateau states. In these states, the Obasanjo administration. Such gesture paved subordination of the government to the party was way for increase in the number of political parties very well celebrated. Each House of Assembly, from 3 in 1999 to 50 in 2007 (Ibid, p. 12). The was divided into two blocs in line with state fledging media recorded over 60 newspapers and Government’s interest and those of the party as magazines, 40 television stations and about 50 supported by national level party interest. In radio houses by 2005 (Ibid). While this gesture Delta, the crises between the Obielum faction sounds democratic, it was designed to create backed by Abuja and the Governor Ibori faction mere veneer of democracy. The registration and backed by the State Government, resulted in the proliferation of parties was designed to weaken impeachment of Hon. Igbrude, Speaker of the the prospect for the emergence of organized, State House of Assembly and an ardent loyalist self-sustaining and credible opposition through of Igbori (Osumah: 2007:14). In , the the fission of financial and organizational crisis of confidence and in-fighting between Chief resource (Okanlawon 2006: 38). Thus, multi- Tony Anenih and Governor Lucky Igbinedion had partism in Nigeria fostered single party also degenerated into the split of the state authoritarian temptations. Yet, despite such legislature into two blocs which wanted the gesture, the PDP government remained hostile to change of its leadership in a manner that could opposition parties, critics and mass media. give veto power to extra-legislative agent; ‘Veto In its bid to stunt the development of Manager1’ of the party at the national level. In opposition, the PDP denied opposition parties of , the feud between deputy Senate legitimate funding. In addition, opposition parties President, an Obasanjo right hand man – Alhaji were denied police permit to organize rallies. Ibrahim Mantu, former Science and Technology Similarly, some rallies were broken by the police Minister, Pallen Tallen and Fidelis Tapgun, and security operatives in defiance of police Industries Minister on the one hand and the State permit. Civil society organizations and labour Governor, Chief Joshua Chidi Darieye on the movements were similarly denied permit by the other hand resulted in the split of the state House police to protest against unfavourable of Assembly into two blocs. The split, government policies. Press gag was a policy of materialized the eventual unconstitutional government inspite of increased space and impeachment of the Governor for alleged gross accommodation of new media houses. The misconduct by eight law makers under the African Independent Television for instance was leadership of Hon. Dapalung backed by Abuja shut down for its critical comment on the third-

POST-MILITARISM: PROVENANCE OF PRAETORIAN DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIAN, 1999–2007 135 term bid of Obasanjo. The PDP government also particularly PDP Governors, for instructions, did invoked the outdated sedition law against not only threaten the premise of Nigerian journalists such as Gbenga Aruleba of African federalism, it equally reduced it to husband and Independent Television and Rotimi Durojaiye of wife relationship in which the state governors are Independent newspaper for their comments on the wives in a gendered political contestation. the state of the Presidential aircraft. The last blow This pattern transformed the federal government on the press was the refusal of government to into a national government similar to that of a pass the Freedom of Information Bill. unitary system. (Ibid: 11). In this context, state To make a hegemonic single party, governments abdicated their jurisdictional dominance out of the ruling PDP, the quickest responsibilities to the Presidency in Abuja. option was election rigging and falsification of The abdication of jurisdictional results. In his “elections without elections, the responsibility by the states is forced by unitary threat to Nigerian democracy” Perepreghahofa complaint institutions as ICPC, EFCC and Code (2006:7) reported seven strategies of election of Conduct Tribunal. The issue is not whether the rigging by the ruling PDP. In a forced bid to win federal government has the power to create and enjoy local constituency political relevance these institutions but whether they can have and popularity for the President, PDP/AD jurisdiction to investigate fiscal management of electoral Pact made AD to lose five out of its six states and sanction erring state officials. The states to PDP in its original constituency bases. jurisdictionality of EFCC is further suspect given Resistance from certain AD members resulted in that the head was a member of Presidential controversial assassination of prominent Yoruba Kitchen Cabinet. In addition, its role in politicians. impeachment of state governors raises more questions. No impeachment proceeding against a From Democratic Federalism to state governor without the prodding of EFCC Decentralising Unitarism succeeded. Similarly, no impeachment A central feature of authoritarian proceeding with EFCC prodding against a state temptations in contemporary Nigerian political governor failed. The role of the President and discourse is that, constitutionally contrived, PDP in the impeachment of Governor’s Fayose federalism is in head-on collision with unitary of Ekiti, Ladoja of , Darieye of Plateau command system. As prescribed by the state, Deprieye of Bayelsa, Dr. Ngige and Peter constitution, Nigeria as a federal political system, Obi of are classic examples of is structured and defined in such a way that the jurisdictional appropriation of state realm in a independence of the federating units vis-à-vis the federal system. It was reported that the central government is guaranteed in the key impeachment crisis in was not the areas of the national economy and politics. As prompting of Obasanjo and his EFCC. Ekiti poignantly rendered elsewhere, a federal system house leaders were invited to Abuja for a briefing “provides a vital conceptual base for good on the impeachment of Fayose but with governance as it emphasizes the two instruction to spare his Deputy, Chief (Mrs) fundamental premises of federalism. First, both Abiodun Olujimi. According to the report, the levels of government – the central government President ordered the Federal Minister of Justice and the states (federating units) - are and Attorney General, Bayo Ojo, to declare the independent, but never subordinate to one impeachment as unconstitutional as the House another. Second, the relationship between the eventually impeached the Governor and his central government and the federating units is deputy. Obasanjo and the PDP leadership horizontal and not vertical… When any of these subsequently “rejected the impeachment of the elements are vitiated, federalism is compromised Deputy Governor – Chief (Mrs) Abiodun Olujimi, and the basis of good governance under insisting that the State House of Assembly as a federalism is eroded” (Natufe: 2006.10). matter of urgency reverse the impeachment” The inauguration of the fourth Republic in (Tribune Oct. 18, 2006, Natufe Op. Cit. 92). In a May 1999 marked another watershed in the national broadcast declaring a state of unique configuration of democratic federalism in emergency in Ekiti state on October 19, 2006, Nigeria. The regular visits, voluntary or President Obasanjo cited relevant sections of the mandated, in the form of patro-client political constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria reciprocity, usually made to the Presidency in 1999, to demonstrate the unconstitutional action Abuja or PDP Headquarters by state Governors – of the Ekiti State House of Assembly in effecting

136 S. I. EBOHON the impeachment of Governor Fayose and his corrupt practices and ascertain the exact size of deputy, and to justify his constitutional powers in his asset. As senator and president of the senate dismissing Ekiti State House of Assembly. He of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he arrogated proceeded to announce the appointment of Brig. state power to the executive president of the General Tunji Olurin (rtd.) as the Administrator of federal republic. He ought to have known that this the state for six months. His action according to is the responsibility of the state House of him was to resolve the counter claim of three Assembly and not that of the Presidency. Governors and to “preserve law and order, good governance and ensure probity in governance in CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Ekiti State”. (The Times of Nigeria Oct. 19, 2006). The articulation and empirical On allegation of jumping bail in the U.K. substantiation of the phenomenon of Praetorian the EFCC similarly stage managed the democracy broached in this work, is not contrived impeachment of Governor Darieye of Plateau to convey the notion of a military rule in the name state with only 8 members of the state House of of democracy. We have argued that post- Assembly as other members were in hiding to militarism, produced a peculiar mind-set, escape EFCC arrest and eventual forced predicated on physical, attitudinal and impeachment consent. In Bayelsa, Governor sociological conjuncture that derived from the Deprieye’s mysterious escape from the U.K. was political army. This development has given birth greeted with impeachment action prompted by to a ‘command democracy’ instead of a popular the EFCC. Members of the state House of democracy. Assembly were airlifted and quarantined in an In a fundamental sense, the work further unknown part of the federation for two weeks. On validates the notion that “No academic study can their arrival from Lagos, the impeachment escape the spirit and concerns of the period in proceedings which took place in the House which it is written (Clapham,1996:271). This Chamber were concluded less than 30 minutes. paper seeks therefore, to correct the notion of Ladoja of Oyo state was similarly military disengagement as an alternative for removed as Governor under a similar democracy. In a sense, Nigerian democracy unconstitutional circumstance. In Anambra State, (1999 -2007) is a mere political fashion fair an elected Governor Dr. Ngige was similarly enough for window dressing. The point that removed from office for falling out with his PDP emerges from the empirical investigation is that “God Father” Chris Uba (Member of PDP Board regular conduct of elections and the existence of of Trustee). As if the activism of such extra constitutionally contrived democratic structures judicial institutions as the EFCC was not enough, and institutions of state; like the Senate, House of the PDP government equally conceded certain Representatives, the Federal Executive, the extra-legislative influence to the party by way of Judiciary as well as the plethora of democratic giving so much powers to the national executive structures and institutions ranging from the ward committee to pilot and guide legislative activities. to local and state levels have not conveyed the In this respect, the legislature can talk but not act democratic alternative that is the dream of the without the mandate of the PDP executive Nigerian project designers. committee. The personality of Obasanjo as Comfronted with the task of developing President of ‘command democracy’ and the international standard of best democratic political leaders general social and psychological practices, the following recommendations are loss of relationship with democratic state apparati germane. The first option is to shrink and over time culminated in the reverence of the deconstruct the state in a way that it plays a President as “Baba”, and as a source of legal and lesser role in the economic process. This will executive authorities. Thus, it is normal to refer reduce its attraction as politics of the ‘belly state matters and legislative problems to domain’ (Clapham:1996, Robert and Rosberg Obasanjo for resolution. Such reverence was 1982 and Jean-Francois, 1993). Secondly, for the exhibited by former Senate President, Ken purpose of vitiating ‘command democracy’ all Nnamani, when he sent a petition to Obasanjo in members of the former political armies must be July, 2005 chronicling Governor Chimaroke barred from partisan politics. This must be Nnamani of ’s (his home state) enshrined in the constitution. Finally, the concept corrupt practices and democratic subversion. In of political followership must be rediscovered, this petition, he requested Obasanjo to institute a recaptured and reinvented in such a way that high powered body to probe the Governor’s followership is strengthened and understood by

POST-MILITARISM: PROVENANCE OF PRAETORIAN DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIAN, 1999–2007 137 the people to mean responsibility to check (eds) K. Koonings and D. Kruijt (London: political leaders as ultimate owners of mandate. Zed, Press).PP.204-237.

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