The Evils of Socialism
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A Bibliography of Henry David Thoreau
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF HENRY DAV ID THOREAU COMPILED BY FRANCIS H ALLEN BOSTON AND N EW YORK HOU G HTON MI FFLIN COMPANY MDCCCCVIII ' 1 131 Z m h u t/ u 04 ] 7 617 1 W W PYRIGHT IN” BY HOU HTON “M 00. , , G ALL RIGHTS RES ERVED FIV E HU NDRED AND THIRTY COPIES PRINTED “ 0 3 3 7 7 PREFACE THE ener a a n of is book is ba sed on th e g l pl th iio r a e ies w e n e r s ic a e rece iith s ie v t b bl g ph h h h p d d , b u tcer ta in e n in a o a r tu r es a ve ee m a e d p h b d , c or da nce wiw a th e a r ticu la r th h ta ppea red to be p em a n h e d ds of th e m a tter to be pr esented . T div sion- - ie n a is a r e owe er se ex a na tor v h d g , h , lf pl y , so ta tit see ce n n m s u nne ss r s ti h a y to a y a y h g u r ter er e a s to th e contents a nda r r a n em ent f h h g , a ndwe m a y pr oceed a tonce to th e a cknowledg m ents w in on ic c m w l o o m it a ll o er i t i h h , h h b b r a h er s th e com iler of is o w h e t o o es to t g p , p h b k m n h a er son w o a ve e him in h or s . -
Socialism, Feminism, and Suffragism, the Terrible Triplets, Connected by the Same Umbilical Cord, and Fed from the Same Nursing Bottle, by B.V
Socialism, feminism, and suffragism, the terrible triplets, connected by the same umbilical cord, and fed from the same nursing bottle, by B.V. Hubbard SOCIALISM FEMINISM AND SUFFRAGISM THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS RARE BOOK COLLECTION CHAPMAN CATT SUBJECT Section V Woman - Sociology No 27 SOCIALISM, FEMINISM, AND SUFFRAGISM, THE TERRIBLE TRIPLETS CONNECTED BY THE SAME UMBILICAL CORD. AND FED FROM THE SAME NURSING BOTTLE By B. V. HUBBARD Chicago: American Publishing Company 1820 City Hall Square Bldg. Copyright, 1915 by B. V. Hubbard DEDICATION To the innumerable multitude of motherly women, who love and faithfully serve their fellowmen with a high regard for duty a veneration for God, respect for authority, and love for husband, home and heaven, whether such a woman is the mother of children, or whether she has been denied motherhood and bestows her motherliness upon all who are weak, distressed and afflicted. This book is also dedicated to the man who is, in nature, a knight and protector of the weak, the defender of the good, who shrinks no responsibility, who has a paternal love of home, a patriotic affection for country, veneration for moral and religious precepts, and who has the courage to combat evil and fight for all that which is good. CONTENTS SOCIALISM Chapter Page Introduction 9 I. Socialism Defined—Immediate Demands Not Socialistic—Ultimate Demands Real Socialism 13 Socialism, feminism, and suffragism, the terrible triplets, connected by the same umbilical cord, and fed from the same nursing bottle, by B.V. Hubbard http://www.loc.gov/resource/rbnawsa.n6027 II. The Materialistic Conception of History—Consequences of the Materialistic Conception of History, Denies the Natural Rights of Man 21 III. -
An Intimate Revolution
AN INTIMATE REVOLUTION FASCISM, SEXUALITY, AND KOMMUNE I IN 1960S WEST GERMANY Hannah Ryan A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours) in History. University of Sydney October 2011 Acknowledgements My thanks go firstly to Dr Margarite Poulos for her guidance and gentle pressure to get on with the job. Thanks too to Dr Frances Clarke and Dr John Gagné, whose seminars showed me how thrilling History can be. My still startled gratitude to Associate Professor Dirk Moses, who moved to Florence and so kindly bestowed many of his precious German texts onto me. They have found a good home on my bookshelf and in my bibliography. My love to Joseph, whose staggering confidence in me inspired me to work harder than was my inclination. I am grateful to Mala and Josh for their heartening Honours solidarity. Matthew and Lucy’s alternate offerings of comfort and critique were also very welcome. Finally, I must thank my mother Victoria Black and my father Christopher Ryan for not asking too many questions but being prepared to sit down with a red pen and a draft when I requested it. I hope they have not taken my writing on the bourgeois family to heart. A note on translation: All translations from German are my own. CONTENTS Introduction 1 Chapter One 14 Socialism with a Sexy Face Chapter Two 37 A Commune with a View Chapter Three 64 Promiscuity and Provocation Conclusion 85 Sexual Revolution? Appendix 88 Bibliography 91 INTRODUCTION Sex is not just sex. -
Anarcha-Feminism.Pdf
mL?1 P 000 a 9 Hc k~ Q 0 \u .s - (Dm act @ 0" r. rr] 0 r 1'3 0 :' c3 cr c+e*10 $ 9 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction.... 1 Anarcha-Feminism: what it is and why it's important.... 4 Anarchism. Feminism. and the Affinity Group.... 10 Anarcha-Feminist Practices and Organizing .... 16 Global Women's Movements Through an anarchist Lens ..22 A Brief History of Anarchist Feminism.... 23 Voltairine de Cleyre - An Overview .... 26 Emma Goldman and the benefits of fulfillment.... 29 Anarcha-Feminist Resources.... 33 Conclusion .... 38 INTRODUCTION This zine was compiled at the completion of a quarters worth of course work by three students looking to further their understanding of anarchism, feminism, and social justice. It is meant to disseminate what we have deemed important information throughout our studies. This information may be used as a tool for all people, women in particular, who wish to dismantle the oppressions they face externally, and within their own lives. We are two men and one woman attempting to grasp at how we can deconstruct the patriarchal foundations upon which we perceive an unjust society has been built. We hope that at least some component of this work will be found useful to a variety of readers. This Zine is meant to be an introduction into anarcha-feminism, its origins, applications, and potentials. Buen provecho! We acknowledge that anarcha-feminism has historically been a western theory; thus, unfortunately, much of this ziners content reflects this limitation. However, we have included some information and analysis on worldwide anarcha-feminists as well as global women's struggles which don't necessarily identify as anarchist. -
Why Nothing Happens
Can Porn Set Us Free? A speech to the Sydney Writers Festival May 25th 2003 Clive Hamilton1 In Growth Fetish I argue that it has become apparent that the liberation movements of the sixties and seventies – the sexual revolution, the counter-culture, the women’s movement and the civil rights movement – have had some unforeseen and regrettable consequences. Contrary to the dreams of the young people of that era, the liberation movements did not create a society of free individuals in which each of us, released from the shackles of social conservatism, could find our true selves. While the goals were noble, the effect has been to open up to the marketers areas of social life from which the forces of commerce had previously been excluded. In a strong sense, the liberation movements of that era did the ground work for the neoliberal economic revolution of the eighties and nineties. It seems to me that the libertarian-left continues to invest so much in the freedoms won in the sixties and seventies that it has lost its capacity for discernment, an ability to recognise the social limits of individual freedoms. The ideas of the libertarian-left have become a reactionary force, for they have substituted an uncritical defence of the freedoms won in an earlier era for a real politics of social change. I’d like to develop this argument with respect to the perennial question of sex, and in particular the commodification of sexuality and what I call the pornographication of everyday life. This is a fitting topic for this Writers Festival not least because one of the overseas literary stars is Catherine Millet, author of the best-selling memoir The Sexual Life of Catherine M. -
Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zoeb Road Ann Arbor
INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) dr section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again - beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. -
Ursula Mctaggart
RADICALISM IN AMERICA’S “INDUSTRIAL JUNGLE”: METAPHORS OF THE PRIMITIVE AND THE INDUSTRIAL IN ACTIVIST TEXTS Ursula McTaggart Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy In the Departments of English and American Studies Indiana University June 2008 Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Doctoral Committee ________________________________ Purnima Bose, Co-Chairperson ________________________________ Margo Crawford, Co-Chairperson ________________________________ DeWitt Kilgore ________________________________ Robert Terrill June 18, 2008 ii © 2008 Ursula McTaggart ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A host of people have helped make this dissertation possible. My primary thanks go to Purnima Bose and Margo Crawford, who directed the project, offering constant support and invaluable advice. They have been mentors as well as friends throughout this process. Margo’s enthusiasm and brilliant ideas have buoyed my excitement and confidence about the project, while Purnima’s detailed, pragmatic advice has kept it historically grounded, well documented, and on time! Readers De Witt Kilgore and Robert Terrill also provided insight and commentary that have helped shape the final product. In addition, Purnima Bose’s dissertation group of fellow graduate students Anne Delgado, Chia-Li Kao, Laila Amine, and Karen Dillon has stimulated and refined my thinking along the way. Anne, Chia-Li, Laila, and Karen have devoted their own valuable time to reading drafts and making comments even in the midst of their own dissertation work. This dissertation has also been dependent on the activist work of the Black Panther Party, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, the International Socialists, the Socialist Workers Party, and the diverse field of contemporary anarchists. -
The Tensions Between Feminism and Libertarianism: a Focus on Prostitution, 3 Wash
Washington University Jurisprudence Review Volume 3 | Issue 1 2011 The eT nsions Between Feminism and Libertarianism: A Focus on Prostitution Nahid Sorooshyari Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_jurisprudence Part of the Jurisprudence Commons Recommended Citation Nahid Sorooshyari, The Tensions Between Feminism and Libertarianism: A Focus on Prostitution, 3 Wash. U. Jur. Rev. 167 (2011). Available at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_jurisprudence/vol3/iss1/6 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Jurisprudence Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE TENSIONS BETWEEN FEMINISM AND LIBERTARIANISM: A FOCUS ON PROSTITUTION NAHID SOROOSHYARI* INTRODUCTION This Note explores the tensions between feminism and libertarianism. In practice, feminism and libertarianism align on several issues. Historically, feminists and libertarians fought together to abolish legal barriers to women's participation in the economy and in the political system.' Currently, feminists and libertarians align on the issues of abortion and birth control.2 Any overlap between the two philosophies is, however, shallow. For feminists, patriarchy is the enemy, and it exists today despite the legal equality of women.3 For libertarians, the state is the enemy, and institutional harm to women only exists in the government- sanctioned oppression of women.4 Now that there are no legally- sanctioned barriers to women's participation in economic and political life,5 but still inequality between the genders,6 the tension between feminism and libertarianism is illuminated. -
The International Socialist Review
THE INTERNATIONAL - SOCIALIST EMIE Vol. VIII JUNE, 1908 No. 12 Socialist National Convention. ^ HE second National Convention of the Social ist Party of America met at Brand's Hall, gj Clark and Erie Streets, Chicago, on Sunday, May 10, 1908, at 12 :30 P. M. Morris Hill- quit, of New York, was elected temporary chairman and Frederick Heath, of Wis consin, temporary secretary. The Conven tion elected a Committee on Credentials and took a recess until 3 :oo o'clock. On reassembling it was found that the Committee on Credentials was not ready with its report and the Convention proceeded to a consideration of the report of the Committee on Rules, which had been previously appointed by the National Committee . This report called for the election of a consi derable number of committees to consider different questions connected with the growth of the Socialist movement. A warm debate ensued as to whether some of these committees should not be dispensed with. The rules, as finally adopted, provided for the election of committees on Platform, Resolu tions, Constitution, Women and Their Relation to the Socialist Partv, Auditing, Ways and Means, Farmers' Program, Rela tions' of Foreign Speaking Organizations, Trade Unions and Government by Commission. The report of the Committee on Credentials showed that no very serious contests had been brought before the Con vention A Nebraska Socialist protested against the seating 721 •J23 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW of Victor Berger and Carl D. Thompson, of Wisconsin, and of John M. Work, of Iowa, on the grounds that they had violated the Constitution by interfering with the Nebraska organiza tion. -
Libertarian Socialism
Libertarian Socialism PDF generated using the open source mwlib toolkit. See http://code.pediapress.com/ for more information. PDF generated at: Sun, 12 Aug 2012 19:52:27 UTC Contents Articles Libertarian socialism 1 The Venus Project 37 The Zeitgeist Movement 39 References Article Sources and Contributors 42 Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 43 Article Licenses License 44 Libertarian socialism 1 Libertarian socialism Libertarian socialism (sometimes called social anarchism,[1][2] and sometimes left libertarianism)[3][4] is a group of political philosophies that promote a non-hierarchical, non-bureaucratic society without private property in the means of production. Libertarian socialists believe in converting present-day private productive property into the commons or public goods, while retaining respect for personal property[5]. Libertarian socialism is opposed to coercive forms of social organization. It promotes free association in place of government and opposes the social relations of capitalism, such as wage labor.[6] The term libertarian socialism is used by some socialists to differentiate their philosophy from state socialism[7][8] or by some as a synonym for left anarchism.[1][2][9] Adherents of libertarian socialism assert that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control certain means of production and subordinate the majority to an owning class or political and economic elite.[10] Libertarian socialism also constitutes a tendency of thought that -
Anarcho-Feminism in Late Victorian and Edwardian Britain, 1880±1914
IRSH 47 (2002), pp. 1±31 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859002000463 # 2002 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Anarcho-Feminism in late Victorian and Edwardian Britain, 1880±1914 Matthew Thomas Summary: This article seeks to interpret the synthesis between anarchism and feminism as developed by a group of late nineteenth and early twentieth-century British women. It will demonstrate that the woman who embraced anarchism made a clear contribution to the growth of feminism. They offered a distinctive analysis of the reasons for female oppression, whether it was within the economic sphere or within marriage. The anarcho-feminists maintained that if an egalitarian society was ever to be built, differences in roles ± whether in sexual relationships, childcare, political life or work ± had to be based on capacity and preference, not gender. By combining these questions they developed a feminism that was all embracing at a time when the struggle for the vote was becoming the main question for women. Despite its small size when compared with socialist organizations like the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP), British anarchism exhibited great diversity, harbouring different ideological tendencies and organizational frameworks.1 Its supporters included communist revolutionaries, libertarian individualists, rural com- munitarians, and industrial unionists. At no time did the majority of these exponents unite under one organizational umbrella; they opted instead for small, independent units, many of whom had little contact with each other. British anarchism was not a political ``movement'' in the traditional sense of a closely regulated and coordinated body. Ideological, gender, ethnic, and class differences divided anarchists into multiform groups and disparate individuals, many of whom had little contact with each other. -
Social Democratic Responses to Antisemitism and The'judenfrage'in
Social Democratic Responses to Antisemitism and theJudenfrage in Imperial Germany: Franz Mehring (A Case Study) PhD Thesis Lars Fischer Hebrew and Jewish Studies Department University College London ProQuest Number: U642720 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U642720 Published by ProQuest LLC(2015). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract This thesis examines German attitudes towards Jews in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, focusing on a dimension of political discourse typically noted for its resistance to antisemitism: Social Democracy. Most scholarship on the dealings of Imperial German society with matters Jewish tends to focus specifically on self-defined antisémites and overt manifestations of antisemitism. In contrast, this study examines how a broader set of prevalent perceptions of (supposedly) Jewish phenomena was articulated by theoretically more sophisticated Social Democrats. Their polemics against antisémites frequently used the term 'antiSemitic' simply to identify their party-political affiliation without necessarily confronting their hostility to Jews, let alone did it imply a concomitant empathy for Jews. While the party-political opposition of Social Democracy against party-political antisemitism remains beyond doubt, a genuine anathematization of anti- Jewish stereotypes was never on the agenda and the ambiguous stance of Franz Mehring (1846- 1919) was in fact quite typical of attitudes prevalent in the party.