Thoughts on the Liberal Peace
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Kant's Foedus Pacificum
University of Texas Rio Grande Valley ScholarWorks @ UTRGV Political Science Faculty Publications and Presentations College of Liberal Arts 12-2020 Kant’s foedus pacificum: athP to peace or prolegomena to neoliberalism and authoritarian corporatist globalization in contemporary liberal democratic states? Terence Garrett University of Texas Rio Grande Valley, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/pol_fac Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Garrett, Terence. 2020. “Kant’s Foedus Pacificum: Path to Peace or Prolegomena to Neoliberalism and Authoritarian Corporatist Globalization in Contemporary Liberal Democratic States?” Annales. Ethics in Economic Life 23 (2): 7–20. https://doi.org/10.18778/1899-2226.23.2.01. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts at ScholarWorks @ UTRGV. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UTRGV. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Annales. Ethics in Economic Life 2020 Vol. 23, No. 2, 7–20 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1899-2226.23.2.01 Terence M. Garrett University of Texas Rio Grande Valley Public Affairs and Security Studies Department Department of Political Science e-mail: [email protected] Kant’s foedus pacificum: Path to peace or prolegomena to neoliberalism and authoritarian corporatist globalization in contemporary liberal democratic states? Abstract Immanuel Kant’s language and concept of foedus pacificum (league of peace) combined with his call for a spirit of trade promised a prescription for world peace—“seeking to end all wars forever” (Kant, 1795/1983, p. -
The Strongmen Strike Back Robert Kagan
POLICY BRIEF The strongmen strike back Robert Kagan Authoritarianism has returned as an ideological and strategic force. And it returns at just the moment when the liberal world is suffering a major crisis of confidence. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION Today, authoritarianism has emerged as the Of all the geopolitical transformations confronting greatest challenge facing the liberal democratic the liberal democratic world these days, the one world—a profound ideological, as well as strategic, for which we are least prepared is the ideological challenge. Or, more accurately, it has reemerged, and strategic resurgence of authoritarianism. We for authoritarianism has always posed the most are not used to thinking of authoritarianism as a potent and enduring challenge to liberalism, since distinct worldview that offers a real alternative the birth of the liberal idea itself. Authoritarianism to liberalism. Communism was an ideology—and has now returned as a geopolitical force, with strong some thought fascism was, as well—that offered a nations such as China and Russia championing comprehensive understanding of human nature, anti-liberalism as an alternative to a teetering politics, economics and governance to shape the liberal hegemony. It has returned as an ideological behavior and thought of all members of a society in force, offering the age-old critique of liberalism, every aspect of their lives. and just at the moment when the liberal world is suffering its greatest crisis of confidence since We believed that “traditional” autocratic the 1930s. It has returned armed with new and governments were devoid of grand theories about hitherto unimaginable tools of social control and society and, for the most part, left their people disruption that are shoring up authoritarian rule at alone. -
HABERMAS [Kabinettskriege], Philosophy Assumed This Role a Second Time
8 Does the Constitutionalization of International Law Still Have a Chance?1 The Introduction Divided As the European system of states was taking shape, phi losophy, in the persons of Francisco Suarez, Hugo Grotius, West and Samuel Pufendorf, still played the role of pacemaker in the creation of modern international law. Moreover, when legally constrained international relations later stabilized at the level of violence of so-called cabinet wars BY JORGEN HABERMAS [Kabinettskriege], philosophy assumed this role a second time. With his conception of a-"cosmopolitan condition" or "wekburgerlichen Zustand," Kant took a decisive step Edited and Translated by beyond international law centered exclusively on states. Since then, international law has not only developed into CIABAN CRONIN a specialized brand of legal theory. Following two world wars, the constitutionalization of international law has evolved along the lines prefigured by Kant toward cosmo politan law and has assumed institutional form in inter national constitutions, organizations, and procedures.2 Since the end of the bipolar world order and the emergence of the US as the pre-eminent world power, an alternative to the evolution of a cosmopolitan constitution has emerged. A world dominated by nation-states is indeed 2-00 in transition toward the postnational constellation of a polity global society. States are losing their autonomy in part as they become increasingly enmeshed in the horizontal 115 THE KANTIAN PROJECT THE CXJNSTITUTIONALIZATION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW networks of a global society.3 But in this situation the accord priority to its own, ethically rather than legally, Kantian project of a cosmopolitan order not only has to justified national interests, even over the objections of its confront the traditional objection of "realists" who affirm allies. -
Perpetual Peace, a Philosophical Essay, by Immanuel Kant, 1795
Perpetual peace, a philosophical essay, by Immanuel Kant, 1795; tr. with introduction and notes by M. Campbell Smith ... with a preface by Professor Latta. Kant, Immanuel, 1724-1804. London, G. Allen & Unwin ltd.; [1915] http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015063009818 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-us-google We have determined this work to be in the public domain in the United States of America. It may not be in the public domain in other countries. Copies are provided as a preservation service. Particularly outside of the United States, persons receiving copies should make appropriate efforts to determine the copyright status of the work in their country and use the work accordingly. It is possible that current copyright holders, heirs or the estate of the authors of individual portions of the work, such as illustrations or photographs, assert copyrights over these portions. Depending on the nature of subsequent use that is made, additional rights may need to be obtained independently of anything we can address. The digital images and OCR of this work were produced by Google, Inc. (indicated by a watermark on each page in the PageTurner). Google requests that the images and OCR not be re-hosted, redistributed or used commercially. The images are provided for educational, scholarly, non-commercial purposes. Generated for member (Columbia University) on 2015-09-09 17:18 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015063009818 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-us-google PERPETUAL PEACE A PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAY BY IMMANUEL KANT 1 795 Translated with Introduction and Notes BY M. -
East Asian Democratization and Value Change
Noises and A Comparative Survey of DEMOCRACY, GOVERNANCE AND DEVELOPMENT Working Paper Series: No. 11 Noises and Interruptions – The Road to Democracy Wai-man Lam Hsin-Chi Kuan Chinese University of Hong Kong Issued by Asian Barometer Project Office National Taiwan University and Academia Sinica 2003 Taipei 1 Asian Barometer A Comparative Survey of Democracy, Governance and Development Working Paper Series The Asian Barometer (ABS) is an applied research program on public opinion on political values, democracy, and governance around the region. The regional network encompasses research teams from twelve East Asian political systems (Japan, Mongolia, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, China, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Singapore, and Indonesia), and five South Asian countries (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal). Together, this regional survey network covers virtually all major political systems in the region, systems that have experienced different trajectories of regime evolution and are currently at different stages of political transition. The ABS Working Paper Series is intended to make research result within the ABS network available to the academic community and other interested readers in preliminary form to encourage discussion and suggestions for revision before final publication. Scholars in the ABS network also devote their work to the Series with the hope that a timely dissemination of the findings of their surveys to the general public as well as the policy makers would help illuminate the public discourse on democratic reform and good governance. The topics covered in the Series range from country-specific assessment of values change and democratic development, region-wide comparative analysis of citizen participation, popular orientation toward democracy and evaluation of quality of governance, and discussion of survey methodology and data analysis strategies. -
Perpetual Peace? Critical Remarks on Mortimer J
Perpetual Peace? Critical Remarks on Mortimer J. Adler's Book By Waldemar Gurian jj\4ORTIMER J. Adler's much quoted address in which he castigated American professors has been widely misunderstood. When he declared that their errors were more dangerous than -the threat from Hitler, he did not intend to discount them. On the contrary, he was paying a most impressive compliment, to the importance and effect of their writings and other activities. Adler is professor of the philosophy of law in the University of Chicago, and his yardstick must be applied to himself. It would be inappropriate to pass over his How to Think About War and Peace' in silence or to regard it as an unimportant and uninfluential work. This new book, praised as a product of hard thinking, will be read only by few, even though it will be bought by many in response to the intense propaganda of the publisher. Adler claims that he describes the necessary approach to a most urgent problem. It is true that he modestly abstains from presenting any blueprints for the postwar world. He humbly abandons to Prime Minister Churchill and President Roosevelt a concern with such mat- ters of immediate practical importance as relations with the Soviet Union or the fate of Germany. But on the other hand, he is more ambitious than those who are preoccupied with planning for our gen- eration. He is trying not only to find principles of thought about peace and war but also to circumscribe the realm and the, direction of pract- ical, meaningful work in behalf of a truly lasting, and therefore uni- versal and perpetual, peace. -
Military Neoliberalism: Endless War and Humanitarian Crisis in the Twenty-First Century Michael Schwartz Stony Brook State University
Societies Without Borders Volume 6 | Issue 3 Article 3 2011 Military Neoliberalism: Endless War and Humanitarian Crisis in the Twenty-First Century Michael Schwartz Stony Brook State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/swb Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Schwartz, Michael. 2011. "Military Neoliberalism: Endless War and Humanitarian Crisis in the Twenty-First Century." Societies Without Borders 6 (3): 190-303. Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/swb/vol6/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Cross Disciplinary Publications at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Societies Without Borders by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Schwartz: Military Neoliberalism: Endless War and Humanitarian Crisis in th M. Schwartz/Societies Without Borders 6:3 (2011) 190-303 Military Neoliberalism: Endless War and Humanitarian Crisis in the Twenty-First Century Michael Schwartz Stony Brook State University Received January 2011; Accepted August 2011 ______________________________________________________ Abstract This article seeks to understand the dynamics of twenty-first century military intervention by the United States and its allies. Based on an analysis of Bush and Obama administration policy documents, we note that these wars are new departures from previous interventions, calling on the military to undertake post-conflict reconstruction in ways that was previously left to indigenous government or to the civilian aspects of the occupation. This military-primary reconstruction is harnessed to ambitious neoliberal economics aimed at transforming the host country’s political economy. -
Capitalism, Peace, and the Historical Movement of Ideas
International Interactions, 36:169–184, 2010 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0305-0629 print/1547-7444 online DOI: 10.1080/03050621003785066 GINI0305-06291547-7444International Interactions,Interactions Vol. 36, No. 2, Apr 2010:Capitalism, pp. 0–0 Peace, and the Historical Movement of Ideas Capitalism,J. Mueller Peace, and Historical Movement of Ideas JOHN MUELLER Ohio State University A logical and causal exploration of the growing acceptance of capitalism and peace, or war aversion, is part of what Robert Dahl has called “the historical movement of ideas.” Although war aversion and the acceptance of free-market capitalism have undergone parallel and substantially overlapping historical trajectories, support for capitalism does not on its own logically or necessarily imply war aversion or support for peace. Not only must capital- ism be embraced as an economic system, but at least three other ideas must be accepted as well: prosperity and economic growth must be taken as a dominant goal; peace must be seen as a better motor than war for development, progress, and innovation; and trade, rather than conquest, must be held to be the best way to achieve the dominant goal. Moreover, the causal direction may well be misspecified: it is not that free-market capitalism and the economic development it spawns cause peace, but rather that peace causes—or facilitates—capitalism and its attendant economic development. This also may explain why peace is more closely associ- ated with capitalism than with democracy. KEYWORDS capitalism, democracy, ideas, peace, war Downloaded By: [Ohio State University Libraries] At: 17:49 20 December 2010 Robert Dahl has observed that “because of their concern with rigor and their dissatisfaction with the ‘softness’ of historical description, generalization, and explanation,” most social scientists have turned away from what he calls, “the historical movement of ideas”. -
The Political Economy of Liberal Democracy*
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY* Sharun Mukand Dani Rodrik Department of Economics John F. Kennedy School of Government University of Warwick Harvard University Coventry CV4 7AL Cambridge, MA 02138 United Kingdom U.S.A. Revised January 2016 * The first draft of this paper was written at the Institute for Advanced Study, to which we are grateful for support. We also thank members of the IAS School of Social Science lunch table for useful discussions, as well as Carles Boix, William Ferguson, Sumon Majumdar, Jan-Werner Müller, Ira Katznelson, and commentators at presentations at Northwestern, London School of Economics, the NBER, Brown, and WINIR-Rio for helpful suggestions. -2- THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY ABSTRACT We distinguish between three sets of rights – property rights, political rights, and civil rights – and provide a taxonomy of political regimes. The distinctive nature of liberal democracy is that it protects civil rights (equality before the law for minorities) in addition to the other two. When democratic transitions are the product of a settlement between the elite (who care mostly about property rights) and the majority (who care mostly about political rights), they generically fail to produce liberal democracy. This is because the minority has neither the resources nor the numbers to make a contribution to the settlement. We develop a formal model to sharpen the contrast between electoral and liberal democracies and highlight circumstances under which liberal democracy can emerge. We discuss informally the difference between social mobilizations sparked by industrialization and decolonization. Since the latter revolve around identity cleavages rather than class cleavages, they are less conducive to liberal politics. -
LUCA KRISTÓF* Cultural Policy in an Illiberal State. a Case Study Of
LUCA KRISTÓF Intersections. EEJSP Cultural Policy in an Illiberal State. A Case Study of 3(3): 126-147. DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v3i3.328 Hungary after 2010 http://intersections.tk.mta.hu [[email protected]] (Institute for Sociology, Centre for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences) This work was supported by the Bolyai scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Abstract In social sciences literature, numerous attempts have been made to capture the political essence and features of Hungary’s ‘illiberal’ regime but few were aimed at analyzing specific public policy fields in the illiberal democracy. This paper analyses the cultural policy of the Orbán regime, focusing on the role of ideology. A qualitative case study based on document analysis looks at the legitimizing function of post-communist traditionalism in a managed illiberal democracy (Csillag and Szelényi, 2015). Governmental policy making in the field of culture is analyzed on two interrelated levels: (1) attempts to rewrite the cultural canon, and (2) institutional and financial changes. The results show that post-communist traditionalism serves as a discursive framework for the partial replacement of the cultural elite as well as the redistribution of cultural positions and resources, thus contributing to the creation of a new, loyal elite for the managed illiberal political system. Keywords: Cultural Policy; Cultural Elite; Illiberalism; Post-communist Traditionalism; Hungary. INTERSECTIONS. EAST EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF SOCIETY AND POLITICS, 3 (3): 126-147. CULTURAL POLICY IN AN ILLIBERAL STATE 127 1. Introduction: illiberal democracy in Hungary? Fared Zakaria in his famous article noted noticed already in the 1990s that, in contrast with Francis Fukuyama’s popular democratic teleology, countries that had recently undergone the process of democratization, did not turn into western type liberal democracies. -
Herder's Debate with Kant
[Intellectual History Archive 2, 2018] Piirimäe, Imperialism and Peace HUMAN RIGHTS, IMPERIALISM AND PEACE AMONG NATIONS: HERDER’S DEBATE WITH KANT Eva Piirimäe,12 University of Tartu I Human rights is a central normative idea in contemporary political thinking. Yet it is also increasingly common to argue that this idea is not a ‘fixed thing’. As Lynn Hunt has suggested, it is rather a ‘field of conflict’ or ‘a programme, an outlook, embedded in our political and cultural imagination and sensibility’.3 Perhaps it is therefore not entirely surprising that strongly diverging interpretations have been put forward about the origins of this idea during the recent decade. Lynn Hunt herself has charted its complex and often ruptured evolution, tracing its origins back to the emerging values of bodily integrity and empathetic selfhood in the eighteenth century.4 Samuel Moyn, by contrast, has argued that there is not much in common between the Enlightenment’s ‘eternal’ or natural rights of man and human rights, the latter constituting ‘a different conception altogether’.5 The Enlightenment’s natural rights were to be achieved through the construction of spaces of citizenship in which rights were accorded and protected, while human rights are ‘entitlements that might contradict the sovereign nation-state from above and outside’.6 Even more recently, in an Oxford Amnesty lecture of 2012, James Tully has restated the idea of the Enlightenment origins of human rights, focusing on the ways in which rights are derived and seen to be implemented both within states as well as outside them.7 In his lecture, Tully provides what he characterises as a ‘simple historical overview’ of two distinctive traditions of human rights. -
Emancipation and Kantian Critique 'Towards Perpetual Peace'*
PSA 66th Annual International Conference, 21-23 March 2016, Brighton Emancipation and Kantian Critique ‘Towards Perpetual Peace’* Mustafa A. Sezal Yildirim Beyazit University [email protected] In 1784, Immanuel Kant wrote an essay response to the question “what is enlightenment?” that was posed previous year by Reverend Johann Friedrich Zellner in the monthly magazine Berlinische Monatsschrift. According to him, enlightenment was human being’s ‘emancipation from its self-incurred immaturity’1. Kant’s description of enlightenment provides us a starting point for a deeper analysis of his other political writings, moral principles, and their relationship to Critical Theory. Therefore, this paper seeks to locate Kantian ‘good will’ in his political philosophy that would lead to ‘perpetual peace’. Then, building upon Andrew Linklater’s works on ‘cosmopolitan harm conventions’2, ‘civilising processes’3, and ‘emancipation’4 will argue that emancipatory International Relations (IR) and Security Studies are essentially Kantian. Emancipatory project of Critical Security Studies (CSS) can thus be linked to Kant’s cosmopolitanism and articles of perpetual peace that, in a sense, depicts the elaborate intricacies of Kantian philosophy in IR that goes beyond the simplistic view of ‘democratic/liberal peace thesis/theory’. Kant’s political philosophy is essentially a continuation or a macro-projection of his moral philosophy. In this vein, understanding political notions such as ‘perpetual peace’ need a brief introduction through his moral philosophy and particularly the ‘categorical imperative’. In the Groundwork for Metaphysics of Morals, Kant describes the ‘categorical imperative’5 through a two-dimensional formulation: “Act only on that maxim by which you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law” and “[a]ct as though the maxim of your action were to become by your will a universal law of nature”6.