Comparative Case Study on Institutionalizaiton of Ruling Parties Under Military Authoritarianism: Democratic Republican Party Un

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Comparative Case Study on Institutionalizaiton of Ruling Parties Under Military Authoritarianism: Democratic Republican Party Un The International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 6(08): 5580-5589, 2019 DOI: 10.18535/ijsshi/v6i8.06 ICV 2015: 45.28 ISSN: 2349-2031 © 2019, THEIJSSHI Case Study Comparative Case Study on Institutionalizaiton of Ruling Parties under Military Authoritarianism: Democratic Republican Party under Park Chung-Hee Regime in South Korea (1961-1979) and Golkar under Suharto Regime in Indonesia (1966-1998) Sungdeuk Lee Department of Political Science, University of Indonesia, Jakarta 16424, Indonesia Email: [email protected] Abstract: Abstract: South Korea and Indonesia have experienced similar military political interventions and coups which brought a long military authoritarian regime. Strong military authoritarian regime with their own ruling parties could last for 18 years in South Korea and 32 years in Indonesia. In South Korea, Park Chung-hee Regime ended in 1979 when he was murdered by his subordinates, which was followed by the dissolution of the ruling party, Democratic Republican Party. Whereas in Indonesia, the reform movement with socio-political instability by the economic crisis in 1997 resulted the collapse of Suharto's hegemony and authoritarian regime in 1998 while the ruling party, Golkar still exists today. This study aims to find answers to why there have been differences in the end of both parties, related with the political party institutionalization. And this study would like to show that the Democratic Republican Party failed to be institutionalized while the Golkar Party could survive and win the election again. Thus, this study would like to say that the level of institutionalization must be different in the Democratic Republican Party and the Golkar Party. Keywords: Institutionalization of political party, Democratic Republican Party, GOLKAR, Military Authoritarian Regime, Ruling Party, South Korea, Indonesia. Introduction a. Background General Park Chung-hee ruled for 18 years and General 2 After World War II, a common phenomenon found in many Suharto ruled for 32 years. newly independent Asian countries was military political b. Research Problem intervention such as a coup. Due to a lack of democratic Even if military political intervention in political parties in two political experience and social instability, almost all newly countries looked very similar, each ruling party finally had a independent countries in Asia have experienced direct political big difference at the end. When there was a new military coup intervention and enormous political influence by the military, after the death of Park Chung-hee in South Korea in 1979, the and military political dominance has continued in several Democratic Republican Party was dismissed by a new military countries so far.1 elite group.3 However, in Indonesia, President Suharto was South Korea in Northeast Asia and Indonesia in Southeast Asia able to hand over his presidency to Vice President Habibie in have very different environments such as language, religion 1998 without collisions between elite groups in the military or and race, but both countries have very similar historical massive bloodshed on the streets. Indeed, Golkar could return backgrounds. In addition to similar experiences in economic to normal political party and has survived so far. development and democratization, these two countries have experienced similar military interventions and military coups c. Research Question that have brought long authoritarian regime. From the background and the problems that have been President Park Chung-hee carried out a military coup in 1961 presented, the research question is why the military needed in South Korea and was elected as the 2nd president in 1963. President Suharto, Indonesia's 2nd president, took supreme 2 political power in 1966 by Supersemar (Eleventh March Order: Angel Rabasa & John Haseman, The Military and Democracy Sequence Eleventh March), and became president of Indonesia in Indonesia, Rand Institute, 2002, p. 7. 3 in 1968. The time gap between the two regimes was about five See Jongseok Woo, Security Challenges and Military Politics years apart from the start, but there was homogeneity which in East Asia. From State Building to Post Democratization led to a long authoritarian regime with a strong military (New York: The Continuum International Publishing Group, background. Through their direct or indirect military coup, 2011); Jian-Chuan Kwok, Explaining Civil-Military Relations in Southeast Asia, as a Thesis for getting Master Degree in Political Science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology 1 Howard Handelman, The Challenge of Third World (September 2010); Patterns of Civilian Control of the Military Development (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, in East Asia’s New Democracies (Journal of East Asian 1996), p. 186. Studies, 1/2009). 5580 The International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention, vol. 6, Issue 08, August, 2019 Sungdeuk Lee / Comparative Case Study on Institutionalizaiton of Ruling Parties under Military Authoritarianism: Democratic Republican Party under Park Chung-Hee Regime in South Korea (1961-1979) and Golkar under Suharto Regime in Indonesia (1966-1998) political parties after taking power, and how did they factionalism into social institutionalize Democratic Republicans in South Korea and forces. Golkar in Indonesia? And when facing the crisis of the regime, * Polarization is a signal and how did the political party institutionalization affect ends of the starting point of party the Democratic Republic Party in South Korea and Golkar in politics. Indonesia? Step Enhancement * Formed political parties 3 attract popularity and public d. Research purposes support through effective This study aims to study differences in political party party composition. institutionalization under military authoritarian regime in South * Strong political motivation Korea and Indonesia and will examine in more detail how including regime control and these differences in institutionalization affected the reorganization of the social sustainability of each political party. The reason for choosing order. two countries is the military authoritarian regime which began * Expand political with the same historical background, causing the two ruling participation through political parties, Democratic Republican Parties in South Korea internal political struggles. 4 and GOLKAR in Indonesia. * In a typical pattern of party Theoretical Review development in the West, small faction groups Huntington saw the party system develops in four stages. The developed into larger first step is stage of factionalism, the second one is the stage of factions and attracted new the polarization, the expansion phase is the third stage, and the supporters into politics. fourth stage is political institutionalization with acquiring the * Expand the formation of 5 value and stability of the party organization. political parties and political Step Stage Characteristics participation directly Step Factionalism * Political participation and through new strength and 1 institutionalization is very support competitions. low. Step Institutionalization * Building a growing party * The absence of detailed 4 system. modern political * Formation and completion organizations. of political party systems: * Lack of homogeneity, very These are divided into three low bonding, lack of types: the dominant system permanence. of one party, the two-party * a small number of people system, and the multi-party in organizations compete. system. * Is a group interest at the * From the dominant system level of family or relatives. of one party, it develops into Step Polarization * Political participation a multi-party system that can 2 begins to develop. bring together alternatives * Polarization with existing and control the system. This factions because of the can replace government emergence of new socio- policy and private leadership political forces, and from the dominant one party polarization in new forces as system. well. * Do not rely on personal * Formation of political leadership by certain leaders parties, which means the but have several generation conversion of traditional replacement candidates in various organizations. * Political stability and 4 Marcus Mietzner, The Political Resurgence of the Military in political vitality can be Southeast Asia Conflict and leadership, New York: Routledge, secured for a long time. 2011, p. 12. 5 Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, Huntington defines institutionalization as the process by which (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), p. 217. organizations and procedures acquire value and stability. 5581 The International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention, vol. 6, Issue 08, August, 2019 Sungdeuk Lee / Comparative Case Study on Institutionalizaiton of Ruling Parties under Military Authoritarianism: Democratic Republican Party under Park Chung-Hee Regime in South Korea (1961-1979) and Golkar under Suharto Regime in Indonesia (1966-1998) Institutionalization is necessary for political parties to acquire political forces. verification steps and sustain value and stability. Huntington argues that the and candidates for degree of institutionalization of all political systems can be new political judged by adaptability, complexity, autonomy, coherence of its powers. organizations and procedures. If these elements were identified Coherence- * Not integrated * Integrated and and measured, the political system could be described as Disunity and fragmented.
Recommended publications
  • Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
    INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University,
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com09/26/2021 05:50:49AM Via Free Access 96 Marcus Mietzner
    Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 165, no. 1 (2009), pp. 95–126 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-100094 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 MARCUS MIETZNER Political opinion polling in post-authoritarian Indonesia Catalyst or obstacle to democratic consolidation? The introduction of democratic elections in Indonesia after the downfall of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998 has triggered intensive scholarly debate about the competitiveness, credibility, and representative- ness of these elections. Understandably, discussion has focused mainly on the primary actors in the elections – parties, individual candidates, and voters. In particular, authors have analysed the linkage between leadership, polit- ico-religious cleavages, and voting patterns (Liddle and Mujani 2007), or the extent to which voters are influenced by financial incentives when casting their ballots (Hadiz 2008b). But this concentration on voting behaviour and electoral outcomes has shifted attention away from another development that is at least as significant in shaping Indonesia’s new democracy: the remark- able proliferation of opinion pollsters and political consultants. Ten years after the resignation of long-time autocrat Soeharto, a whole army of advis- ers informs the political elite about the electorate’s expectations, hopes, and demands. Indeed, public opinion polling has acquired such importance that no candidate running for public office can afford to ignore it, and voters have consistently punished those who thought they could. The central role of opinion polls in post-Soeharto politics – and the diver- sity of views expressed in them – have challenged much of the conventional wisdom about the Indonesian electorate.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System In
    Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 418 2nd Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2019) Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System in the Multi-Party Context in Indonesia Putra Kaslin Hutabarat Idrus Affandi Student of Civic Education Department, Professor of Civic Education Department, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia Bandung, Indonesia Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Abstract- This paper will have political implications in actually related to the party's rational choice in maximizing terms of the implementation of the presidential election system resources to prepare forces ahead of elections [4]. In that is relevant to the style of political parties in Indonesia. practice a democratic consolidation emphasizes the Reviewing the chosen solution for implementing the existence of strong legitimacy targets and solid coalitions so presidential threshold system in the upcoming presidential that all elements including political parties have strong election. This paper was made using descriptive qualitative and using a comparative design. Data collection using interviews, commitments. In other words, democratic consolidation collection and study. The subject of this study was a cadre of requires more than lip service that democracy is in principle the PDI-struggle Party DPP namely Mr. Ir. Edward Tanari, the best governance system, but democracy is also a M.Sc and Head of the Gerindra Party DPP Secretariat namely commitment normative is permitted and reflected Mr. Brigadier General (Purn) Anwar Ende, S.IP. besides this (habituation) in political behavior, both in elite circles, research also took the opinion of political communication organizations, and society as a whole [5].
    [Show full text]
  • Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: a Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System
    Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: John O. Haley, Chair Michael E. Townsend Beth E. Rivin Program Authorized to Offer Degree School of Law © Copyright 2015 Yu Un Oppusunggu ii University of Washington Abstract Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor John O. Haley School of Law A sweeping proviso that protects basic or fundamental interests of a legal system is known in various names – ordre public, public policy, public order, government’s interest or Vorbehaltklausel. This study focuses on the concept of Indonesian public order in private international law. It argues that Indonesia has extraordinary layers of pluralism with respect to its people, statehood and law. Indonesian history is filled with the pursuit of nationhood while protecting diversity. The legal system has been the unifying instrument for the nation. However the selected cases on public order show that the legal system still lacks in coherence. Indonesian courts have treated public order argument inconsistently. A prima facie observation may find Indonesian public order unintelligible, and the courts have gained notoriety for it. This study proposes a different perspective. It sees public order in light of Indonesia’s legal pluralism and the stages of legal development.
    [Show full text]
  • The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
    Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey.
    [Show full text]
  • O Timor Português Na Política Externa De Suharto: O Regresso Ao Status Quo Ante, 1965-1974
    Moisés Silva Fernandes 272 O Timor Português na Política Externa de Suharto: o Regresso ao Status Quo Ante, 1965-1974 ■ Dados curriculares e biográficos Moisés Silva Fernandes é investigador associado sénior do Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa. Dedica-se ao estudo de Timor nas relações luso- , 1965-1974 -australo-indonésias, de Macau nas relações luso-chinesas e da política externa portuguesa contemporânea. As suas mais recentes publicações incluem o livro Sinopse de Macau nas Relações Luso-Chinesas, 1945-1995, Lisboa, Fundação Oriente, 2000, e vários trabalhos editados em revistas e actas académicas. Status Quo Ante Quo Status ■ Palavras-chave Mudança de regimes políticos; política externa da Indonésia; status quo ante; Timor Português. ■ Resumo Com a ascensão ao poder de Suharto na sequência do violento golpe de Estado de 1965 as relações indonésio-portuguesas, que tinham entrado num período de crispação mitigada desde a criação do eixo Jacarta-Pequim, em 1963, entraram numa fase diferente. Assistiu-se a uma crescente aproximação e cooperação entre os governos centrais da Indonésia e de Portugal, por um lado, e entre as administrações de Kupang e Díli, por outro. Este novo ambiente, que se foi solidificando gradualmente, representou uma significativa ruptura com a declaração de Sukarno a exortar à libertação do Timor Português, de 17 de Agosto de 1965. ■ Abstract With Suharto’s accession to power after the 1965 violent coup d’état Indonesian- O Timor Português na Política Externa de Suharto: na Política Timor Português O ao o Regresso -Portuguese relations, which had been under a certain mitigated strain since the establishment of the Jakarta-Beijing axis in 1963, entered a new phase.
    [Show full text]
  • Supporting Democratic Indonesia: British and European Options
    POLICY The European Think Tank with a Global Outlook BRIEF Supporting Democratic Indonesia: British and European Options Summary: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s landslide win in the 20 October run-off presidential election has lifted local and foreign hopes that Indonesia’s nascent democracy will finally be in safe hands. Yet, his administration faces a fractured parliament and a challenging array of long-delayed economic and administrative reform challenges. As the world’s most populous Islamic country, as a political leader of the developing world, and as the world’s largest exporter of liquid natural gas, Indonesia is of considerable importance to Britain and Europe. Britain and Europe can help Indonesia consolidate its democracy. To do this effectively though, they must take into consideration the growing role of Islamic parties and the problems the new President will face in working with the parliament and addressing popular alienation. British and European aid programmes should shift to strengthening Indonesia’s political parties in a neutral manner, supporting more substantial administrative reform and championing institutional leaders of reform, such as the National Economic Council. A Policy Brief from the Foreign Policy Centre provides commentary and practical policy recommendations on topical problems confronting the international community. The views are not necessarily those of the Foreign Policy Centre. The author of this Policy Brief is Dr Malcolm Cook., Programme Director Asia & the Pacific for the Lowy Institute in Sydney (www.lowyinstitute.org). Before joining the Institute in November 2003, Malcolm ran his own consulting practice on Southeast Asian political and economic policy reform and risk analysis and successfully completed his doctorate on the politics of banking liberalization in Southeast Asia at the Australian National University.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/01/2021 01:16:39PM Via Free Access | Islam and the Making of the Nation
    5 The ‘War of the Roses’ The Islamic state and the Pancasila Republic (1949-1962) [The government] should not consider [the Darul Islam] an enemy, rather like a father his son. Regardless of how naughty the son, if taught a lesson he should not be beaten to death, rather given a lecture, or dealt just one blow, drenched in affection. It is similar with a domestic rebellious movement.1 Disillusioned by the Republic’s acquiescence to Dutch demands, under pressure by the TNI’s operations in West Java and let down by Masyumi’s inability to make political Islam relevant in parlia- mentary politics, on 7 August 1949 Kartosuwiryo and the dewan imamah had officially proclaimed the establishment of the Negara Islam Indonesia. As shown in the previous chapter, Masyumi’s political leadership and some elements of the TNI reached out to Kartosuwiryo’s NII in the following months to find a political solution to what had become known as the ‘Darul Islam problem’ (soal Darul Islam). This chapter follows the relationship between the Islamic state and the Indone- sian Republic in the aftermath of the surrender of Dutch sovereignty, focusing in particular on how the transformation from the federal RIS to a unitary state affected NII’s attitude and activities. Diplomacy had dictated the rhythm of Indonesian politics for years, with treaties followed by ceasefires followed by their infringe- ment. Some provinces in the archipelago were slowly warming up to the idea of a federal Republic under the patronage of the House of Orange, but the population of West Java – regardless of its alle- giance to the Islamic state – remained unimpressed by the Roem- Van Royen agreement, which, far from confirming the country’s independence, had established the Negara Pasoendan as an instru- ment of The Hague.
    [Show full text]
  • Searchable PDF Format
    D. tr/. Atdtt SET AFIRE THE BAA{TEA/G SPIRIT ! EVER FOR$TARD, NO RETREAT! FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS PEKING D. N. Atdtt SET AFIRE THE BANTENG SPIRIT ! EVER FORSTARD, NO RETREAT ! Political Report to the. Second Plenum of the Seventh Central Committee of Communist Party of Indonesia, Enlarged with the Members of the Central Auditing Commission and the Central Control Commission (Djakarta, 23rd-26th December, 1963) FOREIGN I-ANGUAGES PRESS PEKING 1964 CONTENTS CONTTNUE FORWAED F'OR CONSISTENT LAND REFORDT. TO CRUSH 'MA.T,AYSTA" A.ND FOts THE FORMATION OF A GOTONG ROYONG CAEIhTET WITH NASA.KOM AS THE COREI o (1) FOOD AND CLOTI{ING (2) CRUSFI "NTALAYSIA" (3) CONTINUE WITH CONSTRUCTION 46 (a) 26th May, 1963 Economic Regulations 47 (b) The 1963 and 1964 State Budgets DI. (c) Economic Confrontation r,vith "Malaysia,, 52 (d) The Penetration of Imperralist Capital into Indonesia 55 (e) Back to the Dekon as the Cn15, Way to Continue with Economic Consiruction 57 II, CONTINUE TO CRUSH IIIIPERIAT,ISM AND REVI- SIONXSM! 63 (1) THE STRUGGLE TO CRUSH IMPERIALISM IS CONTINUING TO ADVANCE ON ALL FRONTS 12) IN ASIA, AFRICA AND LAIIIN AMERICA TFIERE IS A REVOLUTIONARY SITUA- TION THAT IS CONTINUOUSLY SURGING FORWARD AND RIPENIIVG 3) SOUTHEAST ASIA IS ONE OF THE CENTRAL POINTS IN TI]E REGION OF I\{AIN CON- TRADICTION 95 (4) IT WOULD BE BETTER IF TTIERE WERE NO MOSCOW TRIPARTITE AGREEMENT AT ALL 98 (5) COMNIUNIST SOCIETY CAN ONLY BE R,EALISED IF IMPERIALISM HAS BEEN WIPE.D OF'F T}IE EA,RTH 103 (O) 'I}ID INTERNATIONAL CONINTUNIST MOVE.
    [Show full text]
  • The Existence of the State Minister in the Government System After the Amendment to the 1945 Constitution
    IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 25, Issue 5, Series. 1 (May. 2020) 51-78 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org The Existence of the State Minister in the Government System after the Amendment to the 1945 Constitution ParbuntianSinaga Doctor of Law, UniversitasKrisnadwipayana Jakarta Po Box 7774 Jat Cm Jakarta 13077, Indonesia Abstract: Constitutionally, the existence of ministers called cabinet or council of ministers in a presidential government system is an inseparable part of the executive power held by the President. The 1945 Constitution after the amendment, that the presence of state ministers as constitutional organs is part of the power of the President in running the government. This study aims to provide ideas about separate arrangements between state ministries placed separately in Chapter V Article 17 to Chapter III of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia concerning the authority of the state government or the power of the President, and also regarding the formation, amendment and dissolution of the ministries regulated in legislation. This study uses a normative juridical research approach. The results of the study show that the Minister of State is the President's assistant who is appointed and dismissed to be in charge of certain affairs in the government, which actually runs the government, and is responsible to the President. The governmental affairs referred to are regulated in Law No. 39 of 2008 concerning the State Ministry, consisting of: government affairs whose nomenclature is mentioned in the 1945 NRI Constitution, government affairs whose scope is mentioned in the 1945 NRI Constitution, and government affairs in the context of sharpening, coordinating, and synchronizing government programs.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Digital Commons @ UM Law INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Republic of Singapore Jonathan Chen is an Associate Research Fellow, Indonesia Programme at the Insti- tute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Republic of Singapore Adhi Priamarizki is an Associate Research Fellow, Indonesia Programme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S.
    [Show full text]
  • Dwifungsi ABRI Dalam Konflik Internal PDI 1976-1998 Alphonsius
    Criksetra: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah, Vol. 9, No. 2, 2020 Dwifungsi ABRI Dalam Konflik Internal PDI 1976-1998 Alphonsius Rodriquest Eko. W1, Kurniawati2, M. Hasmi Yanuardi3, Maulani4 1234Prodi Pendidikan Sejarah, Universitas Negeri Jakarta E-mail: [email protected] Abstrak: Penelitian ini mengkaji tentang pelaksanaan konsep Dwifungsi ABRI dalam konflik internal Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI). Penelitian bertujuan untuk mengetahui keterlibatan militer dalam konflik internal PDI. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah, yakni terdiri dari pengumpulan sumber, verifikasi/ kritik sejarah, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Terlibatnya militer dalam kehidupan sosial-politik di Indonesia tidak lepas peran Jenderal A.H.Nasution. Puncak dari campur tangan ABRI dalam konflik internal PDI adalah dengan terjadinya Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996. Konflik yang melibatkan DPP PDI Megawati dan DPP PDI Soerjadi ini diduga juga melibatkan pihak eksternal partai, khususnya pemerintah dan ABRI. Dampak dari Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996 dirasakan semua pihak yang terlibat, baik pemerintah, ABRI, PDI dan bahkan masyarakat Kata kunci: Dwifungsi, ABRI, PDI ABRI Dual Function in Internal Conflict of PDI 1976-1998 Abstract: This study examines the implementation of the dual concept of ABRI in the internal conflict of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). The research aims to determine the involvement of the military in the internal conflicts of the PDI. The research method used in this study is the historical method, which consists of collecting sources, verifying / critique history, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that the involvement of the military in socio-political life in Indonesia could not be separated from the role of General A.H.Nasution.
    [Show full text]