DOCSLIB.ORG

The Dissertation Committee for Zachary Andrew Montz Certifies That This Is the Approved Version of the Following Dissertation O

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Dissertation Committee for Zachary Andrew Montz Certifies That This Is the Approved Version of the Following Dissertation O The Dissertation Committee for Zachary Andrew Montz certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation “Negro Laborers to the Crossroads:” Organized Labor and the Traditions of Black Unionism in Houston, Texas, 1935 – 1964 Committee: ________________________________ H. W. Brands, Supervisor ________________________________ Don Carleton ________________________________ William Forbath ________________________________ Laurie Green ________________________________ Tasha Philpot “Negro Laborers to the Crossroads:” Organized Labor and the Traditions of Black Unionism in Houston, Texas, 1935 – 1964 by Zachary Andrew Montz, B.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December, 2013 “Negro Laborers to the Crossroads:” Organized Labor and the Traditions of Black Unionism in Houston, Texas, 1935 – 1964 Zachary Andrew Montz, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2013 Supervisor: H.W. Brands On July 2, 1964, the members of the all-black Independent Metal Workers Local 2 at the Hughes Tool Company in Houston, Texas struck a major blow for the rights of black workers by securing an order from the National Labor Relations Board prohibiting their employer and all- white IMW Local 1 from practicing racial discrimination in union membership policies and in company contracts. The NLRB decision set a national precedent in favor of racial equality in industrial employment. It was the culmination of three decades of effort by black oil and steel workers in and around Houston to use the institutions of organized labor – unions, federal labor agencies, and labor law – to secure substantive economic gains and equality of opportunity, rights, and treatment at work. The long fight against employment discrimination in Houston met opposition both from employers and from white workers reluctant to surrender their positions of marginal privilege. It also split the city’s black community on the labor question. Groups of black workers, civil rights activists, lawyers, and community leaders battled over fundamental issues of strategy and over the proper relationship between black workers and the labor movement, their white counterparts, iii and employers. There were two broad factions: one committed to a social democratic vision of working class advance through the biracial unions of the CIO, the other mistrustful of white workers and labor leaders, favorably disposed towards employers, and dedicated to promoting black self-determination and autonomy through “independent” labor organizations. Drawing upon the records of unions, the NAACP, and the federal labor bureaucracy, as well as Houston’s black newspapers, this dissertation pays particular attention to the many mid- level organizers and activists involved in union campaigns in the 1930s and 1940s and charts the turn towards the courts and the NLRB in the 1950s and 1960s as black workers disappointed with the labor movement fought to secure their rights. In doing so, it aims both to explore the relationship between black workers and organized labor and to assess the strengths and shortcomings of biracial movements, democratic institutions, and the law as means for promoting equality. iv Table of Contents Introduction: Labor, Law, and the Traditions of Black Labor Unionism …………………….…. 1 Chapter One: Work, Race, and the Origins of Unionism in Oil and Steel …………………….. 34 Chapter Two: Industrial Democracy, the CIO, and Black Independent Unionism in Houston, 1935 – 1940 …………..………..………………………………. 84 Chapter Three: Union Power and Black Rights in the Wartime State …..……………….…… 147 Chapter Four: White Majorities, the “Rights of Others:” and the Limits of Biracial Unionism …………..………………………………………….. 210 Chapter Five: Labor, Law, and Black Rights: Houston’s Campaign Against Union Discrimination, 1952 – 1964 ….……………………………………… 241 Conclusion: Hughes Tool, Title VII, and Equal Opportunity in an Era of Union Decline …………..……………………..…..……………………….. 309 Bibliography …………………………………….…………………………………......……... 320 v Introduction: Labor, Law, and the Traditions of Black Unionism The front page of the July 3, 1964 New York Times announced promising news for America’s black workers. In a three to two decision, the National Labor Relations Board, the federal agency overseeing labor unions, ruled that the all-white Local 1 of the Independent Metal Workers union at the Hughes Tool Company in Houston, Texas, had violated federal law by barring black workers from membership and by contracting with the company to keep African Americans out of skilled jobs and apprenticeship programs. The ruling marked the first time that the NLRB had prohibited unions from discriminating on racial grounds. Robert L. Carter, the lead attorney in the Hughes complaint and the general counsel for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, called the decision “almost revolutionary” for the precedent it set prohibiting segregated job, pay, and seniority classifications and racially exclusive apprenticeships, devices that unions and employers across the nation had used to lock black workers into low paying and less desirable jobs.1 The charges against the IMW union had been filed in 1962 by veteran Hughes Tool employee Ivory Davis after his application for an apprenticeship in the tool and die department had been rejected. In twenty years with the company, Davis had become an official with IMW Local 2, the segregated black counterpart to Local 1, but had risen no higher in job status than his present materials handler position. Tool and die work, like all skilled jobs, was reserved for whites, who made up roughly seventy-five percent of the workers at Hughes. The segregation of the company’s workforce had not changed much since Howard Hughes, Sr. first hired three black workers in 1914 to fuel furnaces, carry materials, and sweep up around the thirty-three 1 IMW, Local 1 and IMW, Local 2 and Hughes Tool Company, party of interest., 147 N.L.R.B. 1574 (1964). New York Times, July 3, 1964. 1 white craftsmen who produced the company’s signature rotary oil drilling bit in a small shop on the north end of Houston’s downtown. As Hughes Tool grew to employ thousands of workers in the subsequent half century, segregation remained at the heart of the company’s labor system, favored by management and kept in place by contracts with the IMW, a rubber-stamp union that rarely questioned the company’s designs on the workforce. Although the IMW, an independent union that existed only at Hughes, had throughout its tenure acted as an enabler of management prerogative, it was certified by and subject to the NLRB, just like the larger and better-known unions affiliated with the AFL-CIO. In 1964, the IMW became the back door through which federal nondiscrimination policy came into Hughes Tool. By barring discrimination in union rules and contracts, Robert Carter proclaimed after the victory, Hughes Tool “[gave] Negroes a new tool in their quest for equal opportunity.” The NLRB had wedded unions to the cause of nondiscrimination by creating an affirmative duty to dismantle segregated employment systems and to represent the interests of racial minorities in the workplace on par with those of whites. The decision had, in short, established nondiscrimination as one of the guiding principles of the nation’s labor policy, some three decades after the Wagner Act had established labor’s place in the American state and industrial economy. From July 1964 onward, where unions failed to meet this responsibility black workers now had straightforward recourse through the NLRB, which could remedy the most obvious discriminatory practices with cease-and-desist orders, or in extreme cases, threaten unions with decertification.2 Relatively little historical attention has been paid to the landmark Hughes Tool decision, or to the efforts of the black workers, activists, and lawyers that brought it about. That the precedent-setting NLRB decision originated in Houston, however, would have been of little 2 Ibid. 2 surprise to contemporary labor and civil rights activists. Over the previous decade, black union members in the city’s steel shops and oil refineries, attorneys, and local NAACP officials had been on the leading edge of the challenge to workplace discrimination. Their campaign was prosecuted on several fronts: in negotiations with union locals and officials, in federal administrative agencies, and in the courts. The legal efforts of black Houstonians in particular drew the attention of Robert Carter and the NAACP, who acted alongside the Houston forces to bring cases before the NLRB challenging discrimination by labor unions. With varying degrees of success, the two groups advanced arguments rooted in labor and constitutional law designed to compel unions to respect and represent the interests of their black and white members equally. In 1964, those arguments finally made their full weight felt on behalf of Ivory Davis. That the Hughes Tool precedent, and, more generally, the legal campaign against union discrimination that led up to it, remains a relatively minor part of histories of the civil rights and labor movements is undoubtedly due in part to the somewhat technical nature of labor law and the arcane administrative venues in which parts of this campaign were waged, but its continued obscurity is also rooted in historical coincidence.3 Despite the great promise of
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Howard Hughes
    Howard Hughes Howard Hughes September 24, 1905 Born Houston, Texas, USA April 5, 1976 (aged 70) Died Houston, Texas, USA Chairman, Hughes Aircraft; Occupation industrialist; aviator; engineer; film producer Net worth US$12.8 bn (1958 Forbes 400) Ella Rice (1925-1929) Spouse Terry Moore (1949-1976) Jean Peters (1957-1971) For the Welsh murderer, see Howard Hughes (murderer). Howard Robard Hughes, Jr. (September 24, 1905 – April 5, 1976) was, in his time, an aviator, engineer, industrialist, film producer and director, a palgrave, a playboy, an eccentric, and one of the wealthiest people in the world. He is famous for setting multiple, world air-speed records, building the Hughes H-1 Racer and H-4 Hercules airplanes, producing the movies Hell's Angels and The Outlaw, owning and expanding TWA, his enormous intellect[1], and for his debilitating eccentric behavior in later life. Early years Hughes was born in Houston, Texas, on 24 September or 24 December 1905. Hughes claimed his birthday was Christmas Eve, although some biographers debate his exact birth date, (according to NNDB.com, it was most likely "the more mundane date of September 24"[2] ). His parents were Allene Stone Gano Hughes (a descendant of Catherine of Valois, Dowager Queen of England, by second husband Owen Tudor) [3][4] and Howard R. Hughes, Sr., who patented the tri-cone roller bit, which 1 allowed rotary drilling for oil in previously inaccessible places. Howard R. Hughes, Sr. founded Hughes Tool Company in 1909 to commercialize this invention. Hughes grew up under the strong influence of his mother, who was obsessed with protecting her son from all germs and diseases.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Politics in Districting the Federal Circuit System
    PUSHING BOUNDARIES: THE ROLE OF POLITICS IN DISTRICTING THE FEDERAL CIRCUIT SYSTEM Philip S. Bonforte† I. Introduction ........................................................................... 30 II. Background ............................................................................ 31 A. Judiciary Act of 1789 ......................................................... 31 B. The Midnight Judges Act ................................................... 33 C. Judiciary Act of 1802 ......................................................... 34 D. Judiciary Act of 1807 ....................................................... 344 E. Judiciary Act of 1837 ....................................................... 355 F. Tenth Circuit Act ................................................................ 37 G. Judicial Circuits Act ........................................................... 39 H. Tenth Circuit Act of 1929 .................................................. 40 I. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals Reorganization Act of 1980 ...................................................... 42 J. The Ninth Circuit Dilemma ................................................ 44 III. The Role of Politics in Circuit Districting ............................. 47 A. The Presence of Politics ..................................................... 48 B. Political Correctness .......................................................... 50 IV. Conclusion ............................................................................. 52 † The author is a judicial clerk
    [Show full text]
  • Download Full Book
    Vegas at Odds Kraft, James P. Published by Johns Hopkins University Press Kraft, James P. Vegas at Odds: Labor Conflict in a Leisure Economy, 1960–1985. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010. Project MUSE. doi:10.1353/book.3451. https://muse.jhu.edu/. For additional information about this book https://muse.jhu.edu/book/3451 [ Access provided at 25 Sep 2021 14:41 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Vegas at Odds studies in industry and society Philip B. Scranton, Series Editor Published with the assistance of the Hagley Museum and Library Vegas at Odds Labor Confl ict in a Leisure Economy, 1960– 1985 JAMES P. KRAFT The Johns Hopkins University Press Baltimore © 2010 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. Published 2010 Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper 2 4 6 8 9 7 5 3 1 The Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Mary land 21218- 4363 www .press .jhu .edu Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Kraft, James P. Vegas at odds : labor confl ict in a leisure economy, 1960– 1985 / James P. Kraft. p. cm.—(Studies in industry and society) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN- 13: 978- 0- 8018- 9357- 5 (hardcover : alk. paper) ISBN- 10: 0- 8018- 9357- 7 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Labor movement— Nevada—Las Vegas— History—20th century. 2. Labor— Nevada—Las Vegas— History—20th century. 3. Las Vegas (Nev.)— Economic conditions— 20th century. I. Title. HD8085.L373K73 2009 331.7'6179509793135—dc22 2009007043 A cata log record for this book is available from the British Library.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading Comprehension
    READING COMPREHENSION 4 Howard Hughes, The Aviator Read the text about the life of the billionaire Howard Hughes. • Then choose the correct answer (A, B, C or D) for questions 1–7. • Write your answers in the spaces provided. • The rst one (0) has been done for you. Howard Hughes, The Aviator by Jennifer Rosenberg Howard Hughes’ Childhood Though he grew up in a wealthy household, Howard Hughes Jr. had diffi culty focusing on school and changed schools often. Rather than sitting in a classroom, Hughes preferred to learn by tinkering with mechanical things. For instance, when his mother forbade him from having a motorcycle, he built one by building a motor and adding it to his bicycle. Hughes was a loner in his youth; with one notable exception, Hughes never really had any friends. Tragedy and Wealth When Hughes was just 16-years old, his doting mother passed away. And then not even two years later, his father also suddenly died. Howard Hughes received 75% of his father’s million-dollar estate; the other 25% went to relatives. Hughes immediately disagreed with his relatives over the running of Hughes Tool Company but being only 18-years old, Hughes could not do anything about it because he would not legally be considered an adult until age 21. Frustrated but determined, Hughes went to court and got a judge to grant him legal adulthood. He then bought out his relatives’ shares of the company. At age 19, Hughes became full owner of the company and also got married (to Ella Rice).
    [Show full text]
  • The Fifth Circuit Four: the Unheralded Judges Who Helped to Break Legal Barriers in the Deep South Max Grinstein Junior Divisio
    The Fifth Circuit Four: The Unheralded Judges Who Helped to Break Legal Barriers in the Deep South Max Grinstein Junior Division Historical Paper Length: 2,500 Words 1 “For thus saith the Lord God, how much more when I send my four sore judgments upon Jerusalem, the sword, and the famine, and the noisome beast, and the pestilence, to cut off from it man and beast.”1 In the Bible, the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse are said to usher in the end of the world. That is why, in 1964, Judge Ben Cameron gave four of his fellow judges on the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit the derisive nickname “the Fifth Circuit Four” – because they were ending the segregationist world of the Deep South.2 The conventional view of the civil rights struggle is that the Southern white power structure consistently opposed integration.3 While largely true, one of the most powerful institutions in the South, the Fifth Circuit, helped to break civil rights barriers by enforcing the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education, something that other Southern courts were reluctant to do.4 Despite personal and professional backlash, Judges John Minor Wisdom, Elbert Tuttle, Richard Rives, and John Brown played a significant but often overlooked role in integrating the South.5 Background on the Fifth Circuit The federal court system, in which judges are appointed for life, consists of three levels.6 At the bottom are the district courts, where cases are originally heard by a single trial judge. At 1 Ezekiel 14:21 (King James Version).
    [Show full text]
  • Protected Landmark Designation Report
    CITY OF HOUSTON Archaeological & Historical Commission Planning and Development Department PROTECTED LANDMARK DESIGNATION REPORT LANDMARK NAME: The Angelo and Lillian Minella House AGENDA ITEM: IV OWNER: Ben Koush HPO FILE NO.: 06PL20 APPLICANT: Ben Koush DATE ACCEPTED: Feb-13-06 LOCATION: 6328 Brookside Drive – Simms Woods Addition HAHC HEARING DATE: Feb-23-06 30-DAY HEARING NOTICE: N/A PC HEARING: Mar-02-06 SITE INFORMATION Lot 12, Block 6, Simms Woods Addition, City of Houston, Harris County, Texas. The site includes a historic one-story, concrete block residence and concrete block garage. TYPE OF APPROVAL REQUESTED: Protected Landmark Designation for residence and garage. HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE SUMMARY The Minella House is a significant example of modern, residential architecture as it evolved in mid- twentieth century Houston. It is significant because of its unusual all masonry construction, contemporary design by Houston architect, Allen R. Williams, Jr. It is an example of the Century Built Homes, variations on a standark design, of which the Minella House seemed to be most fully resolved. Its owners, Angelo and Lillian Minella, owned and operated a plumbing supply company in the East End for decades. HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE Lillian and Angelo Minella were originally from the Boston area. Minella worked as a plumber at 366-374 Washington Street in the 1930s in the Brighton Center, Massachusetts commercial area, which had a large Italian-American population.i As late as 1942 Angelo and Lillian were listed in the Essex County City Directory as living on Stanwood Avenue in Gloucester, Massachusetts.ii The Minellas probably left for Texas shortly thereafter.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstention in the Time of Ferguson Contents
    ABSTENTION IN THE TIME OF FERGUSON Fred O. Smith, Jr. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 2284 I. OUR FEDERALISM FROM YOUNG TO YOUNGER ........................................................ 2289 A. Our Reconstructed Federalism ...................................................................................... 2290 B. Our Reinvigorated Federalism ...................................................................................... 2293 C. Our Reparable Federalism: Younger’s Safety Valves .................................................. 2296 1. Bad Faith ................................................................................................................... 2297 2. Bias .............................................................................................................................. 2300 3. Timeliness ................................................................................................................... 2301 4. Patent Unconstitutionality ....................................................................................... 2302 D. Our Emerging “Systemic” Exception? ......................................................................... 2303 II. OUR FERGUSON IN THE TIME OF OUR FEDERALISM ............................................. 2305 A. Rigid Post-Arrest Bail .................................................................................................... 2308 B. Incentivized Incarceration............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Constance Baker Motley, James Meredith, and the University of Mississippi
    CONSTANCE BAKER MOTLEY, JAMES MEREDITH, AND THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSISSIPPI Denny Chin* & Kathy Hirata Chin** INTRODUCTION In 1961, James Meredith applied for admission to the University of Mississippi. Although he was eminently qualified, he was rejected. The University had never admitted a black student, and Meredith was black.1 Represented by Constance Baker Motley and the NAACP Legal De- fense and Educational Fund (LDF), Meredith brought suit in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Mississippi, alleging that the university had rejected him because of his race.2 Although seven years had passed since the Supreme Court’s ruling in Brown v. Board of Education,3 many in the South—politicians, the media, educators, attor- neys, and even judges—refused to accept the principle that segregation in public education was unconstitutional. The litigation was difficult and hard fought. Meredith later described the case as “the last battle of the * United States Circuit Judge, United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. ** Senior Counsel, Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft LLP. 1. See Meredith v. Fair, 305 F.2d 343, 345–46 (5th Cir. 1962) (setting forth facts); Meredith v. Fair, 298 F.2d 696, 697–99 (5th Cir. 1962) (same). The terms “black” and “Afri- can American” were not widely used at the time the Meredith case was litigated. Although the phrase “African American” was used as early as 1782, see Jennifer Schuessler, The Term “African-American” Appears Earlier than Thought: Reporter’s Notebook, N.Y. Times: Times Insider (Apr. 21, 2015), http://www.nytimes.com/times-insider/2015/04/21/ the-term-african-american-appears-earlier-than-thought-reporters-notebook/ (on file with the Columbia Law Review); Jennifer Schuessler, Use of ‘African-American’ Dates To Nation’s Earliest Days, N.Y.
    [Show full text]
  • Lawyers in Love ... with Lawyers
    BBarar Luncheon:Luncheon: TTuesday,uesday, FFeb.eb. 1199 IInside:nside: FFrackingracking Alt.Alt. WWellsells AAttorneyttorney sspotlight:potlight: LLarandaaranda MMoffoff eetttt WWalkeralker IInterviewnterview wwithith FFamilyamily CCourtourt LLawyersawyers inin LoveLove ...... JJudgeudge CharleneCharlene CCharletharlet DDayay wwithith LLawyersawyers Dear Chief Judge and Judges of the 19th JDC, It has come to my attention that our Court is about to approve a policy concerning the use of cellphones in our courthouse. I am told that what is being considered is that only attorneys with bar cards and court personnel will be allowed to bring a cellphone into our courthouse. On behalf of the Baton Rouge Bar Association, I request that we be allowed some input into this decision. I understand that the incident that prompted this policy decision is a person using a cellphone to video record a proceeding in a courtroom. That conduct, of course, is unacceptable. I would like to address with the Court options other than banning cellphones. I would suggest we use signs telling those in the courtroom that, if they wish to use their cellphone, they need to walk out into the hallway and that, if anyone is caught using a cellphone in the courtroom, the cellphone will be taken away and they will be held in contempt of court. The bailiff can announce this before the judge takes the bench. 2013 BOARD OF DIRECTORS Here is our concern: As you know, there are no payphones in the courthouse. Scenario 1: One of our citizens comes to our courthouse as a witness in a trial or to come to the clerk’s offi ce for some reason.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideological Voting Applied to the School Desegregation Cases in the Federal Courts of Appeals from the 1960S and 1970S
    Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons Faculty Publications 2013 Ideological Voting Applied to the School Desegregation Cases in the Federal Courts of Appeals from the 1960s and 1970s Joseph A. Custer Case Western University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/faculty_publications Repository Citation Custer, Joseph A., "Ideological Voting Applied to the School Desegregation Cases in the Federal Courts of Appeals from the 1960s and 1970s" (2013). Faculty Publications. 1743. https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/faculty_publications/1743 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. ARTICLES IDEOLOGICAL VOTING APPLIED TO THE SCHOOL DESEGREGATION CASES IN THE FEDERAL COURTS OF APPEALS FROM THE 1960S AND 1970S JOSEPH A. CUSTER* I. Introduction ............................................... 2 II. Legal M odel .............................................. 4 III. The Attitudinal Model .................................... 6 IV. The Personal Attributes Model............................ 9 V . The Strategic M odel ...................................... 9 V I. Ideological Voting......................................... 10 * Assistant Professor of Law and Director, Saint Louis University Law Library. Author's Note: I thank the Saint Louis University School of Law Half-Baked Faculty Workshop for much fruitful discussion that seriously helped me guide the direction of this paper. In addition, I want to thank the Central States Law Schools Association for inviting me to present this paper where I received more excellent feedback. I want to thank long- time mentor, Peter Schanck for his excellent reading of the manuscript.
    [Show full text]
  • Gaming Advertising and the Struggle for Its First Amendment Rights
    UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations 1-1-1995 Gaming advertising and the struggle for its First Amendment rights Cameron Lee Andrews University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/rtds Repository Citation Andrews, Cameron Lee, "Gaming advertising and the struggle for its First Amendment rights" (1995). UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations. 569. http://dx.doi.org/10.25669/j6k2-tppk This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted.
    [Show full text]
  • SUMMER 2008 - Volume 55, Number 2 SUMMER 2008 - Volume 55, Number 2
    SummerCover1&4.qxp 4/24/2008 7:43 PM Page 1 SUMMER 2008 - Volume 55, Number 2 WWW.AFHISTORICALFOUNDATION.ORG SUMMER 2008 - Volume 55, Number 2 WWW.AFHISTORICALFOUNDATION.ORG Features A Visionary Ahead of His Time: Howard Hughes and the U.S. Air Force —Part III: The Falcon Missile and Airborne Fire Control Thomas Wildenberg 4 The Sacred Cow and the Creation of the United States Air Force Jeffery S. Underwood 14 Air Power in the Global War on Terror: The Perspective from the Ground Randy G. Bergeron 20 Korean War Diary William Y. Smith 28 Book Reviews Rattlesnake Bomber Base: Pyote Army Airfield in World War II By Thomas E. Alexander Reviewed by Joseph L. Mason 46 History of Rocketry and Astronautics: AAS Ser. Vol 27- IAA Sym Vol 18: By Kerrie Dougherty & Donald Elders Reviewed by Rick W. Sturdevant 46 Into That Silent Sea: Trailblazers of the Space Era, 1961-1965 By Francis French & Colin Burgess Reviewed by Rick W. Sturdevant 47 The Son Tay Raid: American POWs in Vietnam Were Not Forgotten By Jon Gargus Reviewed by Joshua Pope 47 Canadian Combat and Support Aircraft: A Military Compendium By T.F.J. Leversedge Reviewed by David F. Crosby 48 Gauntlet: Five Friends, 20,000 Enemy Troops and the Secret that Could Have Changed the Course of the Cold War By Barbara Masin Reviewed by Curtis H. O’Sullivan 48 Striking First: Preemptive and Preventive Attack in U.S. National Security Policy By Karl P. Mueller, et al Reviewed by John L. Cirafici 48 8th Air Force: American Heavy Bomber Groups in England, 1942-1945 By Gregory Pons.
    [Show full text]