Picuris Pueblo Through Time

PICURIS PUEBLO THROUGH TIME:

EIGHT CENTURIES OF CHANGE AT A

NORTHERN RIO GRANDE PUEBLO

Edited by

Michael A. Adler Herbert W. Dick

William P. Clements Center for Southwest Studies Southern Methodist University

Picuris Pueblo Through Time

PICURIS PUEBLO THROUGH TIME:

EIGHT CENTURIES OF CHANGE IN A NORTHERN

RIO GRANDE PUEBLO

Edited by

Michael A. Adler

and

Herbert W. Dick

William P. Clements Center for Southwest Studies Southern Methodist University

iii

Copyright © 1999 Michael A. Adler and the William P. Clements Center for Southwest Studies, Southern Methodist University.

No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the expressed written consent of the publishers, with the exception of brief passages embodied in critical reviews.

This publication was generously supported by the Dedman College Fund for Faculty Excellence, the Clements Center for Southwest Studies, and the Hotel Santa Fe.

Printed in the U.S.A. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

ISBN 1-929531-00-1

iv

DEDICATION

For the People of Picuris Pueblo

who have allowed others the chance to appreciate the long history of their unique home, the Hidden Valley of the Picuries

and for

Herbert W. Dick And Daniel Wolfman,

two archaeologists who, through their work, shed light on much of ancient Picuris

This volume was made possible through funding provided by Southern Methodist University Dedman College Fund for Faculty Excellence and The Hotel Santa Fe

v

CONTENTS

CONTRIBUTORS ...... XIII

PREFACE...... XIV

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... XVIII

1 INTRODUCTION...... 1 Herbert W. Dick and Michael A. Adler

PICURIS PUEBLO...... 1 PICURIS’ PLACE IN THE PUEBLO WORLD ...... 1 POSTCONTACT HISTORY OF PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 4 JUSTIFICATIONS FOR EXCAVATIONS AT PICURIS ...... 6 EXCAVATION PICURIS PUEBLO, 1961–1965 ...... 8 QUANTIFYING PICURIS: POSTEXCAVATION ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION...... 12 WHY STUDY THIS PLACE? ...... 14

2 PICURIS FROM THE INSIDE...... 17 Richard Mermejo

vi

3 PICURIS PUEBLO IN 1890: A RECONSTRUCTION OF PICURIS SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES ...... 19 Donald Nelson Brown

PICURIS SOCIAL STRUCTURE, 1890 ...... 20 KINSHIP SYSTEM...... 20 The Household ...... 20 The Bilateral Extended Family ...... 22 Bilateral Descent Groups ...... 22 Dual Organization...... 22 CEREMONIAL SYSTEM...... 24 Ceremonial Societies...... 24 Hunt Chief...... 26 Scalp Man ...... 26 POLITICAL SYSTEM ...... 26 The Council...... 27 The Governor and His Helpers...... 27 The War Captain and His Assistants...... 27 Ditch Foreman...... 28 SUMMARY...... 28 PICURIS SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES, 1890...... 29 Farming...... 29 Hunting ...... 30 Livestock...... 32 Wild Plants...... 33 Fishing...... 33 Trading...... 34 Wage Work ...... 34 SUMMARY...... 35 RECOLLECTIONS OF A PICURIS BOYHOOD, CA. 1880-1890 ...... 35 CONCLUSIONS ...... 37

4 PREHISTORIC AND EARLY HISTORIC ARCHITECTURE AND CERAMICS AT PICURIS...... 43 Herbert W. Dick, Daniel Wolfman, Curtis Schaafsma, and Michael A. Adler

PIT STRUCTURE ARCHITECTURE, VALDEZ PHASE, A.D. 1050/1100–1200)...... 45 UNIT PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE, POT CREEK PHASE, A.D. 1200–1250 ...... 48 LARGE MULTISTORIED PUEBLOS, TALPA PHASE, A.D. 1250-1325...... 49 LATE LARGE MULTISTORIED PUEBLOS, POST-TALPA PHASE, A.D. 1325 TO PRESENT...... 52 Size and Shape of Surface Rooms...... 56 Picuris Room Size in Regional Perspective ...... 59 Wall Construction ...... 59 Floors ...... 60 Floor Furnishings ...... 60 Hearths ...... 61 Roofs...... 61 Room Fill ...... 62 SUBTERRANEAN ARCHITECTURE AT PICURIS...... 63 Kiva Wall Construction...... 63 Kiva Roof Construction ...... 63 Kiva Ventilator Shafts...... 64 Subsidiary Ventilators...... 64 Wall Niches...... 64 Shelves and Wall Posts ...... 64 vii

Prayer Plume Holes...... 65 Floor Features ...... 66 Sipapus...... 66 Stone Altar ...... 66 Deflectors...... 66 Subfloor Channels...... 66 Kiva D...... 68 Kiva M ...... 68 SETTLEMENT LAYOUT...... 70 PITHOUSES AND KIVAS: DEFINITIONAL AND CONCEPTUAL APPROACHES ...... 71 THE RECORD OF CERAMIC CHANGE AT PICURIS, A.D. 1150–PRESENT...... 74 Mineral-Painted Wares...... 75 Vegetal-Painted Wares...... 77 Talpa Black-on-White...... 79 Vadito Black-on-White ...... 81 Trampas Black-on-white...... 83 Nonlocal Vegetal-Painted Types...... 84 Santa Fe Black-on-White ...... 84 Wiyo Black-on-White ...... 84 Galisteo Black-on-White...... 84 Biscuit A (Abiquiu Black-on-Gray)...... 84 Biscuit B (Bandelier Black-on-Gray)...... 84 Sankawi Black-on-Cream ...... 85 The Glaze Paint Pottery Sequence at Picuris ...... 85 Other Nonlocal Decorated Wares...... 87 Little Colorado Red Wares...... 87 Jeddito Yellow Wares ...... 87 Red Mesa Black-on-White...... 88 Spanish Influenced Wares at Picuris...... 90 Tewa Polychrome ...... 90 San Juan Red...... 90 El Rito Red-on-Brown (Casitas Red-on-Brown)...... 90 Kapo Black...... 91 Undecorated Wares at Picuris ...... 91 Culinary Graywares ...... 91 Apodaca Gray ...... 93 Micaceous Wares ...... 94 Vadito Micaceous ...... 95 Peñasco Micaceous ...... 95 CONCLUSIONS ...... 96

5 CEREMONIAL CACHES FROM PICURIS PUEBLO...... 101 Daniel Wolfman and Herbert W. Dick

POTTERY...... 101 WHISTLES AND FLAGEOLETS...... 105 DESCRIPTION OF THE CACHES ...... 105 Feature 2...... 105 The Cache ...... 105 Feature 6...... 108 The Cache ...... 108 Feature 12...... 110 The Cache ...... 110 Feature 16...... 110 The Cache ...... 110 viii

6 THE MUSIC OF PLENTY IN THE PREHISTORIC AND HISTORIC SOUTHWEST ...... 121 Steve Conway

FLUTES AND WHISTLES IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD...... 121 FLUTES AND FLUTE PLAYERS IN SOUTHWESTERN ORAL TRADITION ...... 122 FLUTES AND WHISTLES IN RITUAL AND CEREMONIES ...... 123 PREHISTORIC FLUTE IMAGERY ...... 124 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS...... 125

7 THE NONAVIAN FAUNA FROM PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 127 Arthur H. Harris

MATERIALS AND METHODS...... 127 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ...... 128

8 EVIDENCE OF PREHISTORIC FARMING IN THE VICINITY OF PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 141 Richard B. Woodbury

LOCALITY 1 ...... 141 LOCALITY 2 ...... 141 LOCALITY 3 ...... 142 LOCALITY 4 ...... 143 LOCALITY 5 ...... 144 LOCALITY 6 ...... 144 LOCALITY 7 ...... 144 CHRONOLOGICAL EVIDENCE ...... 145 FUNCTIONAL INFERENCES ...... 145

9 KIVA MURALS AND ICONOGRAPHY AT PICURIS PUEBLO...... 149 Helen K. Crotty

KIVA MURAL ART IN THE SOUTHWEST ...... 150 ANCESTRAL PUEBLO STYLISTIC FEATURES AND THE PICURIS MURALS ...... 150 PICURIS ICONOGRAPHY ...... 157 Terraced Pyramids ...... 157 Lightning Bolts ...... 163 Birds...... 167 Birds atop Terraced Pyramids...... 171 Rainbows...... 175 Corn (Maize) Plants ...... 176 Suns...... 177 Quadrupeds ...... 180 Unidentified Geometric Forms...... 181 CEREMONIAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PICURIS MURALS ...... 181 THE PLACE OF PICURIS IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTHWESTERN MURAL ART ...... 184 ix

10 PICURIS’ PLACE IN THE PUEBLO WORLD ...... 189 Michael A. Adler

WHY EXCAVATE PICURIS? HERBERT DICK'S ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH JUSTIFICATIONS AND GOALS ...... 189 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE LANGUAGES OF PREHISTORY...... 191 REFINING TIME AND SPACE IN THE TAOS REGION ...... 193 VILLAGE FORMATION AND AGGREGATION IN THE TAOS REGION ...... 195 PICURIS AND REGIONAL INTERACTION: INDICATORS OF ISOLATION AND INTEGRATION...... 189 THE EVIDENCE FOR REGIONAL INTERACTION AND SUBSISTENCE CHANGE AT PICURIS...... 198 BIG HOUSES OF ADOBE: SURFACE ARCHITECTURE AT PICURIS ...... 200 THE LESSONS OF THE PICURIS KIVAS ...... 202 Kivas and Structure Abandonment at Picuris...... 203 Kiva Abandonment in the Mesa Verde Region...... 204 Kiva Abandonment in the Northern Rio Grande Region ...... 204 CONCLUSIONS ...... 206

REFERENCES...... 208

x

ILLUSTRATIONS AND FIGURES

FIGURE 1.1 PICURIS PUEBLO AND OTHER IMPORTANT ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES AND SETTLEMENTS...... 2 FIGURE 1.2: EARLY PHOTOGRAPH OF CASTILLO, PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 7 FIGURE 1.3: MAP OF PICURIS, SHOWING EXCAVATION AREAS AND STRUCTURES STANDING IN 1965 ...... 9 FIGURE 1.4: STRATIGRAPHY AND CERAMIC COUNTS, TEST PIT A, PICURIS PUEBLO...... 10 FIGURE 3.1: POPULATION LEVELS AT PICURIS PUEBLO, 1860-1960...... 21 FIGURE 3.2: STRUCTURE OWNERSHIP, PICURIS PUEBLO, 1965 ...... 23 FIGURE 4.1 TEMPORAL PHASES AND LOCAL CERAMIC DATING AT PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 44 FIGURE 4.2 AREA VI, PICURIS PUEBLO. NOTE SUBFLOOR CACHES IN ROOMS 2, 6, 12, AND 16...... 47 FIGURE 4.3 EARLY ROOMS UNDERLYING LATER ROOMS, AREA IX, PICURIS PUEBLO...... 51 FIGURE 4.4 MULTI-STORY COURSED ADOBE ARCHITECTURE (LEFT) AND ROUND HOUSE AT PICURIS 1903 ...... 53 FIGURE 4.5 MULTI-STORY COURSED ADOBE ARCHITECTURE, PICURIS, 1903...... 53 FIGURE 4.6 STANDING ARCHITECTURE AT PICURIS, 1961...... 54 FIGURE 4.7 MAP OF EXCAVATED ROOMS, EAST BIG HOUSE (AREA II) ...... 55 FIGURE 4.8: KIVA E ROOF BEAMS, PICURIS ...... 65 FIGURE 4.9: MINIATURE VESSEL USED AS SIPAPU IN FLOOR OF KIVA B...... 67 FIGURE 4.10: POSSIBLE ALTAR STONES, KIVA D...... 67 FIGURE 4.11 KIVA M, A PARTIALLY EXCAVATED LARGE KIVA AT PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 69 FIGURE 4.12 DATE RANGES FOR CERAMIC TYPES IDENTIFIED AT PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 76 FIGURE 4.13: PAINTED DESIGNS ON TALPA BLACK-ON-WHITE POTTERY, PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 81 FIGURE 4.14: EXAMPLES OF SIKYATKI POLYCHROME POTTERY RECOVERED FROM PICURIS EXCAVATIONS...... 89 FIGURE 5.1 ARTIFACTS FROM VARIOUS LEVELS OF CACHE PIT, FEATURE 6, AREA VI ...... 102 FIGURE 5.2 CACHE PIT AND CONTENTS, FEATURE 16, AREA VI...... 103 FIGURE 5.3 FEATURE 2, AREA VI: SUBFLOOR CACHE IN SOUTHEAST CORNER OF ROOM...... 104 FIGURE 5.4: BONE WHISTLES AND TUBES, FEATURE 2, AREA VI ...... 106 FIGURE 5.5: MATERIALS FROM CACHE, FEATURE 2, AREA VI...... 107 FIGURE 5.6: WHISTLES FROM FEATURE 6, AREA VI ...... 109 FIGURE 5.7: MINIATURE VESSELS FROM FEATURE 6, AREA VI...... 111 FIGURE 5.8: ROLLOUTS OF PAINTED DESIGNS FROM MINIATURE VESSELS, FEATURES 6 AND 16...... 112 FIGURE 5.9: SCHIST ROD, FEATURE 16, AREA IV...... 114 FIGURE 5.10: GROUND AND FLAKED STONE, FEATURE 16, AREA VI...... 114 FIGURE 5.11 FEMALE FIGURINE, FRONT VIEW, FEATURE 16, AREA IV...... 115 FIGURE 5.12: WOOD ARTIFACTS, FEATURE 16, AREA VI ...... 118 FIGURE 5.13: BIRD BONE ARTIFACTS, FEATURE 16, AREA VI...... 119 FIGURE 7.1: CHANGE IN FAUNAL SPECIES THROUGH TIME AT PICURIS, BASED ON PERCENTAGE ...... 129 FIGURE 7.2: CHANGE IN FAUNAL SPECIES THROUGH TIME AT PICURIS, BASED ON MNI...... 129 FIGURE 7.3: CHANGE IN FAUNAL SPECIES (ARTIODACTYL) THROUGH TIME AT PICURIS, BASED ON PERCENTAGE...... 130 FIGURE 7.4: CHANGE IN FAUNAL SPECIES (ARTIODACTYL) THORUGH TIME AT PICURIS, BASED ON MNI...... 130 FIGURE 8.1: COBBLE-LINED TERRACES IN LOCALITY 1 NEAR PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 142 FIGURE 8.2: COBBLE-LINED TERRACES AND STONE GRIDS, LOCALITY 2, NEAR PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 143 FIGURE 9.1: MAP OF THE SOUTHWEST SHOWING PLACES MENTIONED IN THE TEXT...... 151 FIGURE 9.2: KIVA A AND KIVA SUB-A. KIVA A WAS BUILT OVER KIVA SUB-A ...... 152 FIGURE 9.3: MAP OF KIVA B. AREAS OF MURAL PAINTINGS INDICATED ON THE MAP...... 153 FIGURE 9.4 MAP OF KIVA C. MURAL LOCATIONS COVER ENTIRE INSIDE WALL SPACE ...... 154 FIGURE 9.5: MAP OF KIVA D. MURAL LOCATIONS NOT INDICATED ...... 155 FIGURE 9.6: MURALS FROM KIVA SUB-A, PICURIS...... 158 FIGURE 9.7: MURALS FROM KIVA A, PICURIS...... 160 FIGURE 9.8: MURALS FROM KIVA B, PICURIS...... 162 FIGURE 9.9: MURALS FROM KIVA C, PICURIS...... 164 FIGURE 9.10: MURALS FROM KIVA D, PICURIS...... 165 FIGURE 9.11: BIRD PERCH MOTIFS ON POTTERY FROM AWATOVI...... 170

xi

TABLES AND APPENDICES

TABLES

TABLE 3.1: POPULATION LEVELS AT PICURIS PUEBLO, 1860-1960...... 21 TABLE 4.1: ROOM SIZE COMPARISONS, PICURIS PUEBLO ...... 57 TABLE 4.2: COMPARISON OF AVERAGE GROUND-FLOOR ROOM SIZE IN NORTHERN RIO GRANDE PUEBLO SITES ...... 57 TABLE 4.3: ARCHITECTURAL DATA ON SUBTERRANEAN STRUCTURES...... 58 TABLE 7.1: TOTAL TAXA IDENTIFIED FROM THE PICURIS EXCAVATIONS ...... 135 TABLE 7.2: TAXA RECOVERED FROM CHRONOLOGICAL CONTEXTS...... 137

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I: PICURIS TREE RING DATES (FROM HARLAN 1966) ...... 229

xii

Contributors

Michael A. Adler Arthur H. Harris Department of Anthropology Lab of Environmental Biology Southern Methodist University University of Texas - El Paso Dallas, TX 75275 El Paso, TX 79968

Donald Nelson Brown Richard Mermejo Department of Sociology Picuris Pueblo Tribal Office Oklahoma State University Peñasco, New Mexico 87553 Stillwater, OK 74078 Curtis Schaafsma Steve Conway Museum of Indian Arts and Culture Media, Pennsylvania 19063 Santa Fe, New Mexico 87504

Helen K. Crotty Daniel Wolfman (Deceased) Sandia Park, NM 87047 Richard D. Woodbury Herbert W. Dick (Deceased) Amherst, Massachusetts 01002

xiii

Preface

I met Dr. Herbert Dick in 1991 during my first Herb began to list the manuscripts completed field season directing the Southern Methodist and those still in progress, all of which he University archaeology field-school at the Fort planned to publish following his exhaustive Burgwin Research Center outside Taos, New study of the ceramics from the site. Mexico. Along with my field-school students These Picuris manuscripts were not and supervisors, I was in the midst of my first “ghost manuscripts,” those mentally written public open house at Pot Creek Pueblo, a large reports that many archaeologists have ancestral pueblo village that had been the committed to memory but have never put to focus of intermittent field-school excavations paper. Following the excavations and analysis for nearly 30 years. Every person on the field of site materials in the 1960s, Herb had crew was busy, intent on making sure no one ensured that reports on the excavations were stumbled into an excavation pit or leaned too written and manuscripts were completed by heavily on the 700-year-old adobe walls we the scholars he involved in the project. After had cleared that season. Herb Dick strode the Pot Creek Pueblo open house, Herb took onto the site with the ease of one accustomed the field-school crew on a tour of “his” room to the frenetic activity of an archaeological at Fort Burgwin, a padlocked corner room excavation, introduced himself with his no- filled with over 200 boxes of excavated nonsense style, and proceeded to listen materials from Picuris, dozens of maps, and intently to my rookie interpretations of piles of file folders. The room was a treasure northern Rio Grande prehistory. After trove of carefully organized data recovered patiently nodding for several minutes, Herb during the several years of excavation proceeded to tell everyone present not only undertaken at Picuris Pueblo. about Pot Creek Pueblo but also about its Herb Dick did not like having the site contemporaneous sister village that lay under characterized as a well-kept secret. He had the modern structures of Picuris Pueblo. His completed an earlier description of the work at knowledge of the area held everyone’s Picuris (Dick 1965b), and had worked attention. It was clear that I had a great deal to intermittently on compiling the final report for learn about the prehistory of the region and nearly 30 years. Though mindful of the time about the history of research in the Taos area. that had already passed without a published During that first year of work at Pot report of the site, he was rightfully proud of Creek Pueblo I was still familiarizing myself what he had accomplished during many nights with the literature, local chronologies, and and weekends at Fort Burgwin and at Adams material culture of the northern Rio Grande. State College in Alamosa, Colorado, where he Before beginning work in the Taos region, I had taught before he retired and moved to the had heard, from a few archaeologists familiar Taos area in 1988. with the area, snippets of information about During the two years after my first the archaeological work that Dick and others encounter with Herb Dick, he continued had accomplished at Picuris. The amount of working toward his goal of completing the material on Picuris was sparse, giving the ceramic analysis and compiling the Picuris work at Picuris Pueblo the aura of a well-kept volume. His work on the volume continued secret. By all accounts, Picuris seemed to fit even after he was diagnosed with inoperable the profile of so many promising sites in the cancer in 1993. Just before his death that Southwest: extensively excavated but sorely same year, I had one last chance to talk to underpublished. As I spoke with Herb about Herb Dick at Pot Creek Pueblo. Herb was the site, he knew where my polite questions tired and angry, frustrated that his work at about this little-published site were headed. Picuris would not be completed. We did not xiv

discuss the inevitable; we talked of adobe Mermejo, all of whom dug out their own walls and his interpretation of prehistoric records and reminiscences to help interpret architecture. As before, I listened and learned. what was found during the years of work at I never asked Herb Dick’s permission Picuris. Finally, this volume is also dedicated to complete the Picuris manuscript. In fact, to the people of Picuris Pueblo, including it’s probably a safe bet that Herb wouldn’t those people who worked on the excavations have wanted me, or anyone else for that and others who have allowed the continued matter, to synthesize the massive use of documents and artifacts from Picuris, archaeological undertakings at Picuris, the all of whom have helped in putting some order place he fondly (and justifiably) referred to as into the process. the “longest continually occupied settlement The compilation required a substantial in North America.” I respect Herb’s amount of rewriting and editing. Except for individualistic tendencies, but the wealth of the chapters written by Richard Mermejo, history and prehistory that Herb and others Steve Conway, Helen Crotty, and myself, the brought to light remained unpublished in 1993 volume relies heavily on writings of Dick and when he passed away. After Herb’s death I others completed before 1967. Archaeology approached both Martha Dick, Herb’s widow, has remade itself during the three intervening and Daniel Wolfman, Herb’s right-hand man decades. In editing the early manuscripts, I on the Picuris excavations, about the have tried to keep intact the original data and possibility of my editing and compiling the ideas as they were presented in the 1960s, but volume. All three of us agreed that no one have also augmented these perspectives with could complete Herb’s ongoing analysis of the new data, interpretations, and citations. I have Picuris ceramics without many more years of taken an “accretional,” rather than work, but Martha and Dan agreed to help “revisionist,” approach that not only builds on collect the necessary information, photos, and these earlier perspectives but also presents manuscripts in their possession to allow the alternative explanations and interpretations. compilation of a volume in Herb’s honor. The other authors who contributed original Tragically, Dan Wolfman passed away manuscripts have also respected the integrity unexpectedly on November 25, 1994 after of the earlier writings while adding their own helping lay the groundwork for this volume. perspectives to our overall understanding of This volume is dedicated to both Herbert Dick Picuris’ past. and Daniel Wolfman, two wonderful scholars This process of revision, accretion, who never got to see the fruits of their many and reformation is fitting and appropriate for years of labor. Picuris Pueblo, a settlement that has Over the past three years I’ve continually remade itself socially and attempted to “reexcavate” Picuris Pueblo materially over the past millennium of through a careful study of records, photos, occupation. The adobe structures at Picuris correspondence and data compilations. This are an amalgam of mud from old, razed work has depended largely on materials structures, new sediments, ash, straw, and compiled from Herb Dick’s personal archives pottery sherds from long-broken vessels. This and manuscripts. I have edited and updated volume is a similar amalgamation of ideas and the writing completed by Dick, Wolfman, and perceptions that span chronological time, others over the years. With Martha Dick’s technological advancements, and intellectual permission, I have made the late Dr. Dick the generations, all of which have wrought great coeditor of this volume. This work has been change within the discipline of archaeology. aided immeasurably by many people The layers of excavation recorded by Dick and associated with the project, including Martha others have become the layers of interpretation Dick, Curtis Schaafsma, and Richard that compose what we know of Picuris today.

xv

Melting adobe walls and tricky stratigraphy do and wished to teach us, about this unique not leave clear pictures or understandings of place. past human activities, so Picuris’ past can be only partially understood through the archaeological lens. I hope that the chapters in this volume do justice to what Herbert Michael Adler Dick, Dan Wolfman, and others understood, Southern Methodist University

xvi

Acknowledgments

This volume has a long and varied history, and research inside their community. Their as with any project, exists because of many patience and assistance throughout the wonderful, helpful people. Beginning in the excavations, analysis, and compilation of this first half of the 1960s, Herb Dick asked volume are a testament to trust and several scholars to contribute chapters to a collaboration. My thanks to Richard volume entitled “Introduction to Picuris Mermejo, Gerald Nailor, Carl Tsossie, Jonette Prehistory.” Dick put together a draft version Sam, and the many people who helped support with several chapters partially completed this endeavor through the past several years. (Dick, Wolfman, Schaafsma and Wolfman, Several individuals deserve thanks for n.d.), but held off completing the volume until providing information and comments on parts his retirement allowed the time to complete of this text. Linda Cordell and David Hurst his primary focus, the analysis of the Picuris Thomas served as outside reviewers of the ceramic assemblage. His patience was not manuscript, and both provided insightful rewarded, however, and Herbert Dick was comments and suggestions that have greatly diagnosed with inoperable cancer that took his enhanced this publication. Steward Peckham life before he could complete the volume. read and commented on portions of chapter 4. It is Herbert Dick’s fortitude and long Ron Wetherington reviewed portions of the labor that produced much of the foundation of manuscript describing ceramic and this volume, for which we all owe Herb a architectural data from the site. Jeff Boyer great deal of thanks. I offer my gratitude to provided information and maps locating Mrs. Martha Dick, Herb’s wife, who donated archaeological sites in the Picuris area. his materials, manuscripts, photos, and records On the Texas side of the border, to the Fort Burgwin Research Center. Without several individuals also provided invaluable her assistance, this volume would not have assistance and financial support. Dr. James been completed. My thanks also to Dan Jones, then Dean of Dedman College (SMU), Wolfman who, before his untimely death in funded the initial compilation and rewrite of 1994, helped restart the process that resulted the volume through the Fund for Faculty in this volume. Curtis Schaafsma provided Excellence. Thank you for believing in this valuable insights into the overall organization project. Continued support (and great of the Picuris research project. patience) on the part of Dr. David Weber, The authors of the various chapters Director of the Clements Center for Southwest have been gracious and patient over the years Studies (SMU), and Jane Elder, Assistant of work that went into this volume. My Director of the Southwest Center, enabled this thanks to each for their scholarship and volume to make it into print. friendship. Teddy Diggs expertly undertook Finally, Paul Margetson and the Hotel the unenviable task of copy editing the Santa Fe provided financial support for the volume, expertly smoothing and melding the subvention of this volume. The Hotel Santa textual wrinkles that result when a volume Fe is a joint venture of the Picuris Pueblo and takes thirty-five years to produce. My very the private sector, and is the only Native special thanks to Deborah Kelley who American-owned off-reservation hotel in the masterfully interpreted, drew, and redrew the country. The Hotel Santa Fe provides much- very important kiva murals that appear in needed economic opportunities for Pueblo chapter 9. tribal members, and has generously provided The people of Picuris Pueblo provided funds to preserve this part of the history of the opportunity for Herbert Dick to undertake Picuris Pueblo. As part of my thanks to the xviii

Hotel, a short description of this wonderful interior is decorated with New Mexican institution is provided here. furnishings, pottery, paintings and an For its majority owners, the people of impressive sculpture by the patriarch of the Picuris Pueblo, the Hotel Santa Fe Native-American art, Allan Houser, giving the represents extraordinary opportunities for first-time visitor a sense of entering another employment and economic development. The culture and another time. The Corn Dance hotel's art and gift shop displays a wide range Cafe, a first-class restaurant situated within of crafts, including jewelry, beadwork, the open-plan lobby, is the only Santa Fe weavings, sculpture and paintings or restaurant to serve authentic Native American drawings, and generates crucially important fare, reinforcing the unique Native-American income for Picuris artisans and serves as an experience that is Hotel Santa Fe and serving important showcase for their work. as a perfect introduction to the foods and Constructed in the style of Northern customs of pueblo peoples. New Mexico pueblos, the earth-tone structure Guests at the hotel are invited to is built in the shape of a cross. Carved over participate in study programs, including a 60- the hotel entrance are the words "Mah-waan, mile journey to Picuris Pueblo where they mah-waan" or "welcome" in Tiwa. explore ruins and kivas and learn, from Surrounding gardens are filled with tall native experienced guides, about the culture and trees and colorful flowers, as well as powerful history of the Picuris people. This unique works of art by Native American sculptors, cooperative venture has served to unite making Hotel Santa Fe an island of tranquility disparate cultures by introducing guests to the within blocks of the busy Santa Fe Plaza. Picuris way of life while, at the same time, Inside the lodge-style lobby, the focus providing Picuris Pueblo tribal members of which is a traditional kiva fireplace, Native unequalled opportunity to compete in today's American flute music plays softly. The economic marketplace.

xix

Chapter One : Introduction

Herbert Dick and Michael Adler

literally translated from northern Tiwa as Picuris Pueblo “the mountain people” (Richard Picuris Pueblo (San Lorenzo), one of the Mermejo, pers. comm., 1995). There is oldest, continually occupied settlements no single history of the pe’ewi, since the in North America, is a northern Tiwa history of Picuris can be told, and is speaking community located 15 air miles being told, in different languages. There south of Taos, New Mexico. Both the are the stories of Picuris still told by the modern and the precontact portions of people themselves to their children of Picuris Pueblo are located just across the Picuris, tales recounted in the home, in Rio Pueblo from the present community school, and in the dim light of the kiva. of Peñasco, New Mexico (Figure 1.1). This is largely an unwritten history of Introductions to the history and vibrant ancestors, of times of exodus prehistory of Picuris are available in when the ancestors left the Pueblo, of various manuscripts and monographs lessons learned from kinspeople long (Dick 1965b, n.d.; Dick et al. n.d.; buried in the deep past of thousands of Schroeder 1974). This chapter stories. This history still lives, but not introduces Picuris, its history, and alone. Over thirty years ago the people excavations at the pueblo, drawing in of Picuris opened their community to a part from unpublished sources by new language of history, one spoken by Herbert Dick, Daniel Wolfman, and archaeologists who talked of data, others who worked long years on this chronological dates, ceramic types, and project. soil types. This is the history from the outsider’s perspective. Richard Picuris’ Place in the Pueblo World Mermejo, a Picuris man who helped The origin of the name Picuris has been Herb Dick excavate at the pueblo, sums variously assigned. Hodge, Hammond up these different histories concisely in and Rey (1945:279) linked it to the Chapter 2, stating that to really Keresan name for the pueblo, whereas understand the Native American John Bourke believed the term to be perspective, “you have to be [a Native from the Picuries’ own tongue (Bloom American], live with them, speak their 1936:276). Bandelier (1890:1:123) language, and be born into the culture.” reported the northern Tiwa called this This volume speaks, for the most place Ualana or Pingultha (also Pinuelta part, in the language of the archaeologist or Piwweltha). Harrington (1916:193) and ethnographer, from the outside attributed the name to the early Spanish looking in. The result is a different term used for the place, though this begs history, complementing and the question as to where the Spanish contradicting the history told within the term originated. pueblo by the descendants of the first Whatever the etymology of the pe’ewi. There is no single, correct place-name, the people of Picuris call history, only an accumulation of voices themselves and their ancestors who telling stories in different languages. settled this ancient place “pe’ewi,” Like an archaeological site, any

1

Figure 1.1 Picuris Pueblo and Other Important Archaeological Sites and Settlements

2 historical accumulation is necessarily not just at Picuris but across the Pueblo incomplete due to many winnowing world. Like the other Pueblos, the forces. Time, decomposition, village-dwellers at Picuris have relied disagreement, and migration are all for centuries on the staple agricultural factors that remove clues, stories, and products of the Pueblo Southwest: corn, artifacts from our present understanding. squash, and beans. Histories are not meant to be complete. Like all other large communities History is the accumulation of an in the Pueblo world, though, Picuris incomplete background against which manifests unique aspects that set this the foreground of the present day is place apart from historic Pueblo compared, creating a contrast that allows counterparts located to the west and us to see and understand some of the south. Geographically, Picuris and Taos many changes that occur over time. Any are on the edge, teetering on the margins such ongoing comparison between of the Plains as the northeasternmost changing foregrounds and backgrounds outposts of the Pueblo Southwest. Both will have contradiction and pueblos are located in the foothills of the incompleteness as inherent qualities. Rockies; Picuris at 7,300 feet (2225 m) This volume provides more threads and elevation and Taos a bit lower at 7,100 patches to the background against which feet (2164 m), upland environs that had the Picuris foreground is, we hope, better been largely abandoned by the 16th understood. century as Pueblo populations moved to Picuris has always been the riverine lowlands along the somewhat of a contradiction in the tributaries of the Rio Grande. Pueblo world in that it has long been Geographical isolation has been considered both a part of and apart from invoked as a primary reason for the the Pueblo world. As one part of the cultural differences between the pueblos Pueblo world, Picuris manifests the of Picuris and Taos and the other parts of cultural and material hallmarks of the Pueblo realm (Wendorf 1954; Pueblo identity. Tiwa, a branch of the Wendorf and Reed 1955; Wetherington Tanoan language family, is found in 1968; Boyer et al. 1994). Life on the dialect form at other pueblos in the Rio northeastern frontier, for example, may Grande region, including Taos, Isleta, have isolated the northern Tiwa from the and Sandia Pueblos. Like their Pueblo uniquely Puebloan Katsina (Kachina) namesakes elsewhere in the Southwest, religious belief system noticeably absent the people of Picuris have long occupied from most of the public ceremonial life architectural complexes of multistory of the Picuris and Taos peoples. The buildings, agglomerations of apartment- distinctive micaceous pottery made at like complexes surrounding large plaza Picuris and Taos Pueblos during the spaces. The early Spanish explorers historic period is reminiscent of Plains- called these villages “pueblos” for this related Apachean pottery and is probably very reason; these places were one of the many influences resulting reminiscent of the clustered villages they from centuries of contact between had left behind in the Old World. northeastern Pueblos and Plains groups Pueblo ceremonial life has been centered (see Spielmann 1991). for centuries on these plazas and the The contrasts and convergences kivas (ceremonial rooms) they surround, that at once make Picuris so distinctive

3 yet so Puebloan form the foundation of Postcontact History of Picuris Pueblo this volume. These differences are The postcontact history of Picuris is played out in social organization, summarized by Schroeder (1974) in a material remains, ideology, and other concise and well-documented study, the aspects of Picuris culture. As with any high points of which reinforce the archaeological project, the description history of Picuris on the edge of the and interpretation of material remains Pueblo realm. Though debates surround are given the most attention in this whether Coronado’s entrada through the volume: the architectural features, Southwest in 1539–41 reached Taos ceramics, and subfloor caches Pueblo (Schroeder 1962), there is no discovered during excavations (chapters indication that Coronado’s group 3–5) are described from local and traveled to Picuris. Over the next half- regional perspectives. The analysis of century, only two entradas ventured faunal remains recovered during the north from Mexico via the Rio Grande, extensive excavations at Picuris (chapter both terminating among the Keres 7) complements information already pueblos to the south (but see Hammond published on the avian fauna from the and Rey 1929). It was not until 1591 pueblo (Emslie 1981) and will interest that Castaño de Sosa’s expedition those studying the dynamic foodways of brought the first Europeans to Picuris, an Pueblo populations through time and event that Schroeder describes as a cold across space in the Southwest. reception “both in climate and in human This volume is not limited to the relations,” archaeological descriptions of While among the Tewas architecture, pottery, and subsistence. near present-day Richard Mermejo reflects on the benefits Española, Castaño de and problems deriving from the Sosa was told of a pueblo archaeological investigation of his farther north and decided birthplace (chapter 2). Donald Brown’s to visit these people. He summary of the recent history of the went up the Rio Grande pueblo (chapter 3) provides insights on to about present-day social organization and subsistence Velarde and then turned during the late 19th century. Helen northeast. On entering Crotty takes a pan-Southwestern the mountains, he perspective in her chapter on the encountered snow a yard iconography of Picuris kiva murals deep, his horses barely (chapter 9). The large number of bone able to make headway whistles and flutes found at Picuris through it. After much inspired Steve Conway’s study of the difficulty he reached the flute’s role in Pueblo music, symbolism, Rio Pueblo valley in the and mythology (chapter 6). Finally, mountains, and in it, on Richard Woodbury describes the January 13, 1591, he agricultural features recorded outside came to the tallest pueblo Picuris Pueblo (chapter 8), yet another recorded by any Spaniard. example of the wide range of There stood multidisciplinary research conducted at Picuris...seven to nine Picuris during the 1960s. stories high according to

4 his estimates. No one reinforcements and Apache allies, added came out to greet significant manpower to the postrevolt Castaño’s party except siege of Santa Fe. The addition of these one Indian who was fierce warriors from the northern passing from one mountains tipped the scale of power at houseblock to another. the seige, and by August 21 nearly 2,000 (Schroeder 1974:1) Spanish survivors had fled Santa Fe, traveling south along the Rio Grande to Most of what we know of Picuris El Paso del Norte. over the next two centuries is derived The Pueblo reconquest of their almost exclusively from church records. ancestral homeland lasted only a dozen As with the rest of the postcontact years. In 1692, Picuris joined several Pueblo world, missionaries were sent to other pueblos in surrendering their Picuris to build churches and convert the independence to the Spanish natives to Christianity. Father Francisco government. Five days after their leader, de Zamora was assigned to Picuris, Don Luis, pledged Picuris’ allegiance to Taos, and neighboring Apachean groups the crown, a 300-man contingent of in 1598, beginning nearly four centuries Picuris warriors joined Diego de Vargas of European influence at Picuris. The in a campaign to subjugate Pecos Pueblo first mission was established at Picuris in and reassert Spanish control of the 1621 by Fray Martín de Arvide and was northeastern frontier of the Pueblo world only mildly successful at converting the (Schroeder 1974:5). people whom Fray Alonso de Benavides Strong ties between Picuris described as being “the most Pueblo and Plains groups are best indomitable and treacherous people in exemplified by the events at the end of the whole kingdom” (Hodge, Hammond, the 17th century, when unrest among the and Rey 1945:70, 279). northern Pueblos was rekindled in 1696. The rebellious reputation of the Though they attempted to remain neutral Picuries played a major part in the single in the rebellion that occurred in June of largest Pueblo uprising in the history of that year, Picuris was drawn into the the Southwest, the Pueblo Revolt of conflict. Fearing retribution from the 1680. Embittered by poor treatment, Spanish and from their neighbors in religious persecution and the economic Taos Pueblo, the people of Picuris hardships of the encomienda system, abandoned their pueblo in October 1696. Picuris, Taos, and other Pueblo Eighty-four women and children were communities rose up across the captured as they fled eastward onto the Southwest against the Spanish on plains. Those who escaped from Picuris August 10, significantly the saint’s day fled to Cuartelejo, the same village (in for San Lorenzo, after which Picuris was present-day west-central Kansas) that named. At least five Spaniards were had sheltered refugees from Taos Pueblo killed at Picuris, and the church was following conflicts with the Spanish in plundered along with Spanish houses the 1640s and 1650s. The exodus to the and fields. Of the 3,000 indigenous plains lasted until 1706, when Juan de people reported to live at Picuris at the Ulibarrí went to Cuartelejo and brought time, several hundred men joined forces the remaining Picuris refugees back to with Taos warriors and, along with Tewa their northern New Mexico home. This

5 short hiatus in occupation is important. Burgwin, a private research center, was In two separate instances, the Pueblo begun in the 1950s through the efforts of peoples sought refuge not with other Dr. Fred Wendorf, then curator of Pueblo people but with Plains groups to archaeology at the Museum of New the north and east, exemplifying the Mexico in Santa Fe, and was supported strong ties between Plains and Pueblo financially by Ralph Rounds. Situated peoples. on lands owned by Rounds’ Wichita The 18th and 19th centuries saw Lumber Company, the facility was a a decline in the population of Picuris and reconstructed Civil War-era cantonment, the continued acculturation of the or small fort, that served as the resident population. New churches were headquarters for an archaeological field- built, and significant efforts were put school program. The primary foci of the into proselytizing the Picuries. Though research center had been on the the efforts were effective in converting excavation of the cantonment and the many in the dwindling community to investigation of Pot Creek Pueblo, one Christianity, archaeological excavation of the largest ancestral Pueblo ruins in at Picuris also documents the continued the northern Rio Grande region. construction and use of kivas for native Excavations at Pot Creek Pueblo religious activities (chapter 4). began in 1957 and after three years of Schroeder (1974:12–17) details the research had generated significant changes in the native land base and the questions surrounding the prehistoric continued incursions by outside settlers occupation of the Taos region. onto the hunting and farming lands Archaeologists at Fort Burgwin believed around Picuris. By the late 19th century, that Pot Creek was occupied between the settlement of Picuris as described by A.D. 900–1225, but they lacked John Bourke (see chapter 3) was much comparative data from contemporaneous diminished relative to the massive settlements. The only places in the Taos settlement first described by Castaño de area with comparable archaeological Sosa. By 1890 most of the settlement deposits were Taos Pueblo and Picuris. was a tumble of fallen structures, Both communities held to traditional providing stark pictorial subjects for the religious systems and distrusted earliest photographs of Picuris (Figures outsiders, with Taos being the most 1.2, 4.3–4.5). traditional and insular in its dealings with non-Native Americans. Herb Dick Justifications for Excavations at was well aware of the research potential Picuris and limitations at Picuris; in 1960 he The crumbling adobe castillos of old began to discuss with Picuris elders and Picuris were a testament to the former political leaders the possibility of enormity of the settlement and the depth conducting excavations at Picuris. With of human occupation at the site, facts the backing of the Fort Burgwin that were not lost on Dr. Herbert Dick. Research Center, Dick proposed a Herb and Martha Dick visited Picuris in multidisciplinary research program to the late 1950s on a side trip from the assist the reconstruction of Picuris Fort Burgwin Research Center. Fort history through archaeological

6

Figure 1.2: Early Photograph of the Castillo, Picuris Pueblo (Vroman 1903, neg. 9940983, used with permission of the Smithsonian Institution) investigation. His plan was approved by expert on southwestern avian remains, the Picuris Council, and excavations devoted his efforts to an understanding funded by the Fort Burgwin Research of the plentiful bird bones recovered at Center began at Picuris in 1961 (Dick the site. Dick enlisted Art Harris’ n.d.:2). expertise in faunal analysis to study the The Picuris project was explicitly nonavian remains. Albert Schroeder was multidisciplinary in scope, and Dick responsible for a thorough study of the recruited a range of scholars to documented history of Picuris. James complement his own areas of expertise. Schoenwetter was asked to refine the Not simply interested in the “bones and local paleoclimatic record through pollen stones,” he asked Donald Nelson Brown analysis, and Richard and Nathalie to recover, through ethnographic Woodbury contracted to study fieldwork, as much information as prehistoric agricultural systems through possible on the settlement’s social a survey of local field features. Dick not organization. George Trager, an expert only directed excavations but also was in on northern Plains and Pueblo charge of the ceramic analysis. Daniel linguistics, tackled the problem of when Wolfman and Curtis Schaafsma worked the Tiwa language may have diverged as field supervisors during excavations from the surrounding language families. and as lab supervisors during the winter. John Krenetsky undertook a study of Mariann Wolfman directed the artifact plant use and biotic communities in the laboratory in 1962 and 1964–65. region, while Thomas Harlan studied Dick’s research justifications tree-ring patterns to develop a were explicit from the start, and five dendrochronological master chart for the major lines of inquiry drove the early region. Lyndon Hargrave, the foremost research. First, only a few excavations 7 had been completed in the area before as revealed by skeletal remains 1960 (Jeançon 1929; Blumenschien recovered at the site. This aim was 1956, 1958), requiring a more explicit developed before the major restrictions culture-historical framework for the imposed by the Native American Graves region, particularly for sites that Protection and Repatriation Act predated and succeeded the occupation (NAGPRA) of 1990, which limits the at Pot Creek Pueblo. excavation and analysis of Native Second, the long occupation and American remains. Herb Dick expressed deep deposits at the site were well suited his interest in working with human to the development of a paleoclimatic remains to the people of Picuris and was record for the past millennium in the allowed to excavate ancestral Picuris Taos region. Dick targeted the recovery burials during the course of his work at and analysis of pollen, tree-ring, faunal, Picuris. Most of the human remains and floral remains for this portion of the excavated at Picuris were repatriated to research. the pueblo in conjunction with the In keeping with Dick’s interest in opening of the Picuris museum in 1971. the historic Spanish occupation of Several isolated fragments of human northern New Mexico, the third major bone that had been mixed into the faunal research focus at Picuris was the remains collection were returned to relatively unbroken record of postcontact Picuris by Arthur Harris in 1997. A culture change and acculturation. The single table describing burial location adoption of European subsistence and and orientation was included in Dick’s technology including domesticated excavation report (Dick 1965b: table 3). animals, cereal agriculture, ceramics, architecture, and metalworking could be Excavation Picuris Pueblo, 1961–1965 documented by the multidisciplinary The excavation program undertaken at team assembled at Picuris. Picuris was one of the most ambitious The fourth research topic driving ever attempted at an occupied pueblo. the Picuris research was the But as Herb Dick would later point out development of a refined ceramic in a talk he gave to the SMU chronology to help date the occupation archaeology field school, the project was of the settlement. He was particularly purposely limited in its first year, interested in dating the early historic allowing the people of Picuris to “warm pottery types that, until then, had up” to the archaeological intrusion (Herb received precious little attention in the Dick, pers. communication, 1991). His archaeological work in northern New approach was deliberate and respectful, Mexico. Dick amassed a large ceramic and ultimately, it earned him the respect type collection from across the of the Picuries. Even today, over three Southwest to aid in this endeavor, and he decades after his excavations at Picuris, began his own study of ceramic paste his coworkers from Picuris still refer to and temper variability in concert with him as “Dr. Dick.” the typological research (Martha Dick, The small-scale test excavations pers. comm., 1995). in 1961 exposed eight surface rooms on Finally, the Picuris project hoped the west side of the upper plaza and to examine the changing physical completed an 11-foot-deep stratigraphic characteristics of the human population test pit (Test Pit A) approximately 35

8

Figure 1.3: Map of Picuris, Showing Excavation Areas (Roman Numerals) and Structures Standing in 1965

9

Figure 1.4: Stratigraphy and Ceramic Counts, Test Pit A, Picuris Pueblo

10 feet (10.6 m) to the west of the surface Wolfman, and the field crew excavated rooms (Figures 1.3 and 1.4). The all or parts of 60 ground-floor rooms in architectural features provided important the East Big House, four kivas (A, Sub- contrasts with similar-sized features A, B, and C, all of which had painted, excavated during the previous three plastered walls), and two stratigraphic years at Pot Creek Pueblo. Though test pits east and south of the East Big rooms at both sites were constructed of House. This represented the single coursed adobe using a centerpost largest sample of adobe surface rooms construction technique unique to the excavated to date in the Taos region, Taos area, the storage pits that outstripping even the prodigious commonly surround the center posts at excavation sample collected by Fort Picuris were much deeper than the Burgwin staff at Pot Creek Pueblo. All earlier (ceramically-dated) examples of of this work was completed between late the same features at Pot Creek Pueblo. June and the first week of October 1962. Stratigraphic Test Pit A, begun as a National Science Foundation 10-x-10 ft (3-x-3 m) unit and later scaled support continued in 1963. Excavations down in size, also contained surprises. during this third research season The sheer depth of cultural deposits expanded prior soundings and also (over 11 ft [3.3 m]) exposed in Test Pit moved to several new areas of the “old A and the amount of datable ceramic pueblo.” Work was continued on the material recovered were a great East Big House in Area VI, south of the encouragement to Dick and his workers. rooms excavated in 1962. Dick also The 1961 tests, though small in scope, began investigations in a set of rooms showed the unparalleled potential of the that became known as the West Big site for answering the research questions House (Area V). Two additional kivas posed at the outset of the excavations. were excavated; the first (Kiva D, the Herb Dick parlayed this great “Cochiti Witch Kiva” described in research potential into three years of chapter 4) was fully excavated, and the grant support from the National Science second (Kiva E) was only partially Foundation. Still based out of Fort excavated. Six additional stratigraphic Burgwin but bolstered by expanded test pits were spread across Area III research funds, the Picuris project between the East and West Big Houses. tackled a much larger excavation Chronological control of room-block program in 1962. The primary labor for construction periods was pursued the excavations still came from the men through the excavation of subfloor and women of Picuris. Dan and contexts below the surface rooms in the Marianne Wolfman were hired to assist East Big House (Area VI). Finally, the in the fieldwork and lab analysis. only Valdez phase (A.D. 1000–1200) pit Excavations continued in Area I structure believed to predate the primary for the first few weeks of the 1962 field occupation at Picuris was excavated in season. After a passageway area was the southern part of Area VI during the located to the north of Area I, this area 1963 field season. was closed. Dick concentrated his The 1964 field season proved to efforts in Area II (Figure 1.3), the site of be the most productive of the years at a former multiple-story adobe structure Picuris. Research began anew in Area he named the “East Big House.” Dick, VI with subfloor auger testing, the

11 objective being the discovery of varying in depth from the minimum of additional early pit structures. Parallel 4.5 feet (1.4 m) to 18.5 feet (5.6 m) test trenches were dug on the slope south where one trench was taken down to the of the East Big House, with the same floor of a kiva. The water line crossed goal. Both areas contained significant nine kivas, two of which were trenched amounts of Santa Fe Black-on-white to the floor but not completely pottery, the diagnostic decorated ware of excavated. the 12th and 13th centuries, but no The main sewer line, service structures dating to this period were sewer, and water lines to individual uncovered. Most of the rooms in the houses were dug across the upper plaza East Big House were outlined, and the by hand, with workers often having to lack of earlier surface structures was tunnel under the floors of modern attributed to the demolition of these houses. This trenching added another structures before the construction of the 630 feet (192 m) to the project. An East Big House. One kiva containing additional 300 feet (91.4 m) of service- large amounts of Tewa Polychrome, a line trenches were excavated to supply historic ware, was partially excavated, homes in the lower plaza with water and and a set of historic-period livestock sewers. corrals was delineated on the north side The trenching program added of the East Big House. substantially to our understanding of Midway through the 1964 field Picuris Pueblo. First, it required season, word came from the Bureau of excavations in areas that the Picuris Indian Affairs that the long-awaited Council had deemed off-limits to Dick’s approval for the installation of water and earlier research excavations, including sewer lines at the Pueblo had been plazas and areas in the currently granted. Realizing the extent of the occupied portions of the Pueblo. ground disturbance that would result Second, it afforded long exposures of from the trenching, Dick turned the stratigraphy that could be investigated trenching to the benefit of the and mapped, an impossibility given the archaeological research. He requested test-pit type of testing allowed before the and received funds from the National water-line work. Third, deep trenching Park Service to excavate the pipeline exposed parts of nine subterranean kivas, trenches by hand wherever they structures so deeply buried by midden impacted cultural deposits. From July deposits or water-lain sediments that through the end of September, over they probably would never have been 1,610 feet (490.7 m) of trenches were found with conventional test-pit excavated with mechanical equipment excavations. and shovels. This salvage work has been summarized by Dick (1965b) and is only Quantifying Picuris: Postexcavation touched on here. The water line entered Analysis and Interpretation the pueblo from the north. Workers dug Archaeological excavation is a the trenches in segments five feet long, destructive, meaningless exercise if it is one foot deep, and between two and four not followed by careful analyses of the feet wide, depending on the depth of the materials recovered. Herb Dick and his trench. Of the 1,610 feet of trench line, colleagues ensured that such a fate 655 feet (199.6 m) were dug by hand, would not befall their years of work at

12 Picuris, and countless hours were The single largest and most invested in the description, comprehensive summary of artifactual quantification, and analysis of the data was compiled by Daniel and Picuris materials following the 1964 Mariann Wolfman in 1965–66 with season. Only a portion of the subsequent financial support from the National Park analysis was funded by outside sources Service. This artifact synthesis and Dan (the National Park Service and the Wolfman’s interpretations of the trends National Science Foundation); the rest in artifact frequencies have been was completed by Dick and others, with included in chapter 10 along with great cost in terms of time and personal commentary (by Adler) that raises expense. questions about the interpretation. In his After each day’s excavations, original interpretations, Wolfman argued artifacts were taken to Fort Burgwin, a that trends in lithic tool type 30-minute drive north of Picuris, where manufacture and use through time they were cleaned and bagged by correlated with significant changes in provenience. Artifacts were climatic conditions in the Taos region. subsequently categorized into various Though interesting from a culture- classes, including material type, tool historical point of view, these type, style, and chronological placement. correlations clearly require more explicit Due to the huge quantities of materials arguments explaining the causes of the recovered, Dick instituted the use of trends observed. side-punch Y9 Unisort cards to aid with The Picuris artifact collection, record-keeping. This early form of the data cards, documents, photographs, and computer punch card was a “poor man’s related materials were kept at Fort IBM” (Dick 1958), utilizing holes in the Burgwin until 1971, when much of the side of the card for the sorting collection was returned to Picuris procedure. Each of the 91 holes on the Pueblo. This early example of cultural margin of the card was assigned a value. repatriation was spurred by the When that value was present on the construction of a museum and visitor’s artifact, a notch was punched over the center at Picuris, and many of the hole. When a long needle was inserted unbroken artifacts recovered from the into that hole though a stack of Unisort excavations at the pueblo were placed on cards and the stack was shaken, those exhibit, where they can still be viewed cards with a notched hole fell out of the today. A significant portion of the stack. Though certainly archaic in collection was boxed and stored at comparison with the computer Picuris in a reconstructed kiva, a technology so pervasive in our world structure that has subsequently today, the Y9 cards ably met the goal of collapsed, returning many artifacts to the mastering large sets. The data compiled ground. A smaller but still sizable part from the Picuris artifact analyses were of the collection was loaned indefinitely transferred to the Y9 cards in the mid- to Herb Dick by the Picuris Council to 1960s and are still accessible in 10 linear allow the continued analysis of ceramics feet of cards stored at Fort Burgwin. and other Picuris materials. These These punch-card data are presently collections are available for study. being transferred to a more accessible Requests to perform analyses on the computerized format. Picuris collection must first be approved

13 by both the Picuris Council and Fort however, since only a few of the places Burgwin Research Center. founded during the aggregation phase that began eight centuries ago are still Why Study This Place? occupied today. Why should we be so interested in Though the title of “oldest Picuris? Given the range of fascinating continually occupied settlement” will places, cultural variations, and unique continue to be shared by various historical events that crowd the pueblos, none of these other living American Southwest, this is a fair communities can claim as extensive an question. The many years of work by excavated record as Picuris Pueblo. As Herb Dick’s multidisciplinary team have mentioned above, over 1,660 feet of afforded a number of answers. trenches were excavated in addition to Certainly one of the most parts or all of 113 surface rooms. fascinating of Picuris’ claims to fame is Twenty-two kivas, each abandoned and its very deep history as a Pueblo filled with sediments at some point in settlement. Peppered throughout the the past, were located during unpublished manuscripts and reports excavations, many of which were generated by Dick and others is Picuris’ partially or fully excavated (see chapter status as one of the oldest continuously- 4). Excavations of this scale have been occupied settlements in North America, undertaken at abandoned Pueblo sites, if not the oldest. Several Native and of those excavated in the Rio American communities in the American Grande region, most were dug fifty or Southwest, including Acoma, Picuris, more years ago, before the use of more Taos, and the Hopi Pueblos, consistently precise methods of artifact recovery. contend for the title of the oldest Another reason for studying continually occupied settlement in North Picuris rests with its long tradition of America, a title that attracts many people kiva construction and use. The kiva is curious to experience these places of central to Pueblo ritual life, and detailed antiquity. Although the exact founding study of kiva use, size, layout and date for each of these tenacious number can tell a great deal about the settlements is not clearly established, organization of ancestral Pueblo ceramic and architectural evidence at religious life (Adler 1993a, 1993c). Picuris indicates that at least by the 12th Importantly, several kivas excavated at century A.D., a significant settlement Picuris still show the remains of painted was in place at the pueblo. murals, evidence of sacred iconography The aggregation at Picuris was important to past Pueblo belief systems. certainly not unique for this time period; The kivas of Picuris set this place apart village aggregation was all the rage from nearly all other excavated sites in during the 12th and 13th centuries across the Southwest. A few scattered sites, much of the American Southwest. The including Awatovi (Smith 1952b), southwestern landscape, previously Kuaua (Dutton 1963), and Pottery dotted with thousands of small Mound (Hibben 1975), contain painted homesteads and only rare larger villages, murals on kiva walls. When excavations was transformed by this watershed in began at Picuris, the farthest north that regional settlement strategy. Picuris is kiva mural paintings had been found was unique in its resilience over time, at Kuaua, just north and east of

14 Albuquerque. Several examples were those on the “outside” as well as those uncovered at Picuris and are discussed in who presently occupy this ancient place. detail by Helen Crotty in this volume Centuries of human life have been (chapter 9). Kiva painting continues to played out on this spot, allowing an be practiced in the kivas still in use at unparalleled view into those aspects of Picuris (H. Dick, field notes, 1961). In Pueblo life that have changed as well as keeping with the claims of great those that have remained more constant. antiquity for Picuris, stratigraphic The basic human fascination with evidence found outside one of the kivas cultural origins and change crosscuts the still in use in the northern plaza indicates fact that there are, and will continue to that the structure was built before the be, different histories of Picuris Pueblo. 13th century. If the ceramically derived This book presents a few select vignettes information is accurate, this kiva would of Picuris’ past, accounts shared with the be the oldest continuously used structure hope of broadening our appreciation of recorded in the Western Hemisphere change, continuity, and the deep history (Dick 1965b:6). played out by the pe’ewi of Picuris These are a few of the myriad Pueblo. reasons that Picuris continues to interest

15

Chapter Two : Picuris from the Inside

Richard Mermejo

Editor’s note: These comments were is a good and a bad guy. Respect contributed by Richard Mermejo after depends on the archaeologist you are several discussions I had with him about working with. I think at Picuris my late the excavations at Picuris. As a younger father had the situation in control by man, Richard had worked with Herb telling the archaeologist where to Dick, Dan Wolfman, and fellow tribal excavate or where to stay away from. It members in the excavations at Picuris. is important to have an elder, someone Richard’s comments are in large part a from the pueblo; not any native from any response to questions I asked him about other place; control or conduct the the role that archaeology has played, for excavation. better and for worse, at Picuris. Richard The question has been asked tape-recorded his comments to my whether archaeology has taught the questions and these tapes were people of Picuris things that were not subsequently transcribed at Southern already generally known about the Methodist University. history of the settlement. Sometimes people forget, or maybe a cacique passed I’m a tribal member from Picuris on and didn’t leave anything for us to Pueblo. I have lived in this area the follow.2 Dr. [Herb] Dick used to get majority of my life. I’ve been affiliated into great details about some of the with archaeologists for over thirty years. artifacts, and we used to wonder how I have several questions that I would like white man learned or knows about the to answer for Mike Adler. The first one Anasazi. We have learned from the is about whether archaeologists have archaeologists, but we knew a lot done a good job of recording the history already. of Picuris. The Anasazi1 didn’t leave You ask whether archaeology has written records. The Picuris Indians had a beneficial impact on the economy have known and practiced the way of the of the community and if it has enhanced Anasazi. Their way of life is still being community pride in its heritage. We’ve used today. I think to a certain extent, been striving to get tourism and visitors their way and some of the way they lived to the excavations that Dr. Dick did. may have been forgotten, or we didn’t The artifacts are on display at our want to participate in them. Sometimes museum. But we are sitting in a rural we don’t use them simply because a area, away from the main highway, and priest or a head clan leader, or a kiva a lot of the tourists to the area bypass us leader may have passed on and did not and end up either in Chimayo or Taos. leave written records or somebody to What we are doing is trying to control follow his kiva leadership. the visitors by implementing The second question asks interpretation trails and first-person whether archaeologists have been living museum tours. We’re looking insensitive to the rights of Native into those areas now. As for pride, the Americans. In every ethnic group there Picuris, especially the younger group,

17 would rather go into the kiva and from. They have a lot of theories about practice the Indian ways than practice the Anasazi. The one that I don’t Christianity. Getting to know and understand the most is when getting to understand more about our archaeologists say that the Anasazi culture and the way ancestors lived from mysteriously disappeared. Well, they day to day has kept more of the younger didn’t disappear, they just moved for people involved in our community. several reasons. Maybe drought, maybe You ask what archaeologists population explosion, or natural should do to better understand the life of resources ran out at a rapid pace. So ancestral Native Americans. The most they just moved closer to the Rio important thing is not to disturb burial Grande. We know at Picuris for sure areas and funerary objects. No matter that our ancestral homeland is Pot Creek whether an archaeologist goes to school [Pueblo]. And we have evidence we for years and years and years, the only used to mingle with the Towa at Pecos. way you’re going to understand a Native That’s my thinking. American is you have to be one, live with them, speak their language, and be Endnotes born into the culture. You ask whether Native 1 Editor’s note: Although some modern Americans should get more involved in Pueblo groups such as the Hopi and Zuni archaeological research and education in have objected to the use of the term the Southwest. That is difficult; some “Anasazi” to identify ancestral Pueblo pueblos are very strict, for example, peoples, individuals such as Richard Taos Pueblo. For Picuris, the younger Mermejo continue to use the term, due to generation wants to know about their personal preference and comfort with the heritage because the truth about Native term. Americans is not being taught in public 2 Editor’s note: The cacique is the schools. Indians are very shy. They will recognized traditional leader of the not tell you what you want to hear. pueblo and is generally the highest- Being affiliated with archaeologists for ranking ritual leader in a moiety or this many years, I found it to be very community (also see Brown, chapter 3 in informative, and by working with them I this volume). have a better understanding of where my people, my ancestors, the Anasazi, came

18 Chapter Three : Picuris Pueblo in 1890: A Reconstruction of Picuris Social Structure and Subsistence Activities

Donald Nelson Brown

The pueblo of Picuris is located on the Rio their corn, pumpkins, and beans. Pueblo about 17 miles south of Taos, New They didn't use to irrigate in Mexico. The language spoken within the those days because there was community is a dialect of the Tiwa language always rain. They used to raise and is closely related to the other Tiwa their crops by rain most of the dialects spoken at Taos, Sandia, and Isleta time. Pueblos. The Picuris language is more In those days there used to distantly related to the Tewa language, the be tribes, maybe Plains Indians or Jemez language, and the Kiowa language. some other tribes, that used to All residents of Picuris also speak either come around and attack the Spanish or English, with a few being fluent village. That's why in those ruins in all three languages. they never had big windows like A Picuris origin tradition tells of a today. They used to have a little large village at the bottom of a lake in the hole through the wall that they mountains north of Alamosa, Colorado. could peek out and see if there From this lake the Picuris Indians first was danger out there. And the emerged into this world by means of a long same time, in the night, they used ladder. They wandered south to 0jo Caliente to have watchmen to look around and Santa Fe, then north to Mora, and finally at night; that's the time they used found the site of their present village on the to come around and attack them. banks of the Rio Pueblo. “They had roamed They used to take care of the ones from place to place, and finally they found that were sleeping. So if this place that was very suitable for them to anything comes up, they can let live; plenty of water, plenty of hunting the rest of them know that they grounds. They had been moving here and are attacked. there, you know, in those days, and finally And then during those years they settled here for good.” after there was a big tribe here, Another tradition tells of the old village and there was a time that they had to of a split within the village. divide the tribe up in order to One time there were a lot of have more game and more people living here; a big village. farming places, so some of the They used to live about five or tribe moved to Pot Creek where six stories high. Those people there are some ruins. And some used to do a lot of hunting, and went east and some south. But they used to do a lot of farming. those that went east had to turn Still it shows high on the hills back in later years on account of where they used to have their not finding enough water where lands. It shows they used to farm they were. On the Plains not there as there are some rows of much farming could be done rocks where they used to plant because the rain and the weather

19 had been drying up in those days structure reconstructed for the period of already. So they came back, but 1890, the period immediately preceding the later they had a split again and changes mentioned above. The second they went north this time. I think section presents material on Picuris those might be the Taos Indians. subsistence activities for the same period. And those that went west in the The third section, a personal description of later years must be the Isleta Picuris Pueblo, depicts life as a boy at the people. pueblo in 1880–90.2. ..The fourth section presents co, using comparative material from The present population of Picuris the Tewa Pueblos and Taos. varies from a high of about 115 in the summer to about 95 in the winter. In the Picuris Social Structure, 1890 summer of 1964 there were 22 households The total population of Picuris Pueblo in and a resident population of 95.1 On 1890 was 108, of which 62 were males and weekends and holidays the population would 46 were females (see Table 3.1).3 This increase to 110 when families living in Santa population was divided into a number of Fe, Albuquerque, and other cities would social units, forming the Picuris social return to the pueblo. For the last century the structure, which included three systems: population has been relatively stable (Figure kinship system; ceremonial system; and 3.1). During the century since 1864, when political system. the population was 122, the reported population high was 130 in 1950 and the low Kinship System was 96 in 1900. Since the early decades of the 20th The Household century, many significant changes have taken The household, consisting of a place at Picuris. The basic economy has married couple and their unmarried children, shifted from subsistence farming and hunting is the basic kinship unit. Rarely does the to wage-earning and welfare. The political household include either married children or organization has shifted from a council of grandparents. Within the household there is a ceremonial elders, which appointed the civil division of activities based on gender. The officers, to a community council composed husband is responsible for providing food, of all adult men, which annually elects the through both farming and hunting. The wife civil officers. The ceremonial societies no maintains the house, prepares the food, and longer exist except in the memories of the cares for the children. There are occasions oldest residents, and the larger kinship units when the family works as a unit, such as that were associated with ceremonial harvesting, group fishing, and collecting wild activities are only vaguely reflected in the plants away from the village. Property, annual feast-day celebration. In spite of including land, houses, and personal these changes, the people of Picuris have property, may be inherited by children of been able to maintain an identity independent either sex from either parent. When a son from that of their Spanish-American marries, a section of land is given to him for neighbors and a culture separate from the farming, and a new house is usually dominant Anglo-American culture (see constructed for the newly married couple. Siegel 1959). Married daughters may also be given land to This chapter consists of four sections. farm, especially if a daughter’s husband is The first section is a model of Picuris social from outside the village. At the death of a

20

160 140 120 100 80 Number of individuals 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 Year

Figure 3.1: Population Levels at Picuris Pueblo, 1860-1960

spouse, the surviving spouse continues to with the Picuris household. Distinctions occupy the house even after all the children based on generation, sex, and relative age are married and have established new result in the following categories (see Trager households. 1943): father, mother, older brother, older Marriages are monogamous, and sister, younger sibling (either sex), son, and divorce or separation is rare. The choice of daughter. Among the secondary relatives, no marriage partners follows the teaching of the distinction is made between maternal and Catholic Church, which forbids marriage of paternal relatives. Distinctions are made cousins. Although the majority of marriages only on the basis of generation and sex, are within the pueblo, some marriages resulting in the following categories: involve members of other Indian groups, grandfather, grandmother, uncle, and aunt. especially the Jicarilla Apache and the San Grandchildren, regardless of sex, are referred Juan Pueblo. In 1881,several San Juan to by a single term. Cousins, nephews, and women were married into Picuris (Bloom nieces are all referred to by a single term, 1936:278). which may be translated as "close relatives." Kinship terminology also reflects the Specific relatives can be designated by the importance of the nuclear family. The use of compound terms that trace the greatest differentiation of terminology is relationship to the speaker, such as the found among the primary relatives who form maternal aunt who may be referred to as "my the nuclear family, which can be equated mother's sister" or the paternal uncle who

21 may be referred to as "my father's brother." ceremonial terms thought Personal names rather than kinship terms are variously to be inherited from commonly used for relatives outside the one's father or mother. The terms nuclear family (Parsons 1939a:210 and also appear useful in establishing Trager 1943:566). friendly relations in occasional visits to Keresan, Zuni, and Hopi The Bilateral Extended Family villages, but otherwise they have There is a tendency toward virilocality, in no structural or functional which the newly married couple establishes a representation among the Tewa. residence near the husband's parents' house. (Dozier 1960:148) The couple may move into a vacant house owned by the husband’s parents, may build The Picuris descent groups appear to onto the parents’ house (using one common be more structured than those of the Tewa. wall, the houses have separate outside An individual may associate himself with the entrances and rarely have a linking door descent group of either his father or his between them), or may build a new house if mother, with the choice frequently influenced there is available land. Rarely, if ever, does a by the comparative prestige of the two newly married couple establish permanent groups. In 1881 Bourke collected a list of residence within the parents' house. eight descent groups: Water, Eagle, Rainbow, The home of the wife's parents is Coyote, Earth, Grass that has a white flower, frequently visited, and the grandchildren are Day, and Sun (Bloom 1936:276). often cared for by the maternal grandparents when both parents are busy. Descent is Dual Organization reckoned bilaterally, and property can be The entire population of Picuris is divided inherited from either paternal or maternal into two large units: a Northside group and a relatives. Bilateral cooperation is expected in Southside group. Although these units may such projects as building houses, providing have had a residential basis originally, such a food for feast days, and harvesting large basis is now lost. Both men and women crops. belong to these units, with the women retaining their original membership even Bilateral Descent Groups after marriage. Although Picuris informants The named bilateral descent groups are suggest a patrilineal basis for these units, it is frequently referred to by informants as possible for a man to change his group "clans." These units, however, lack any affiliation if he wants to do so. Affiliation in sense of social cohesion or residential unity, either of these groups in no way determines both necessary criteria for clans (Murdock possible marriage choices. One can marry 1949:68), and they are, apparently, bilateral. either within or outside of one’s own group. These descent groups function only within a Two kivas are associated with the ceremonial context and are similar to what dual organization groups. Sky Kiva, located Dozier has described for the Tewa: in front of the roundhouse north of the The Tewa have “clan present village (Figure 3.2), is the Southside names” which former investigators kiva. Cloud Kiva, located in the upper plaza have thought to be kinship units area, is the Northside kiva. Each dual like those of the Keresan and Hopi organization group is led by a headman, clans. Actually, however, these usually referred to as the cacique. These “clan names” do not designate headmen are responsible for the performance social units of any kind, but are of various activities within their respective 22

Figure 3.2 : Structure Ownership, Picuris Pueblo, 1965

23 groups, as well as for the maintenance of one clown society at Picuris. The the two dual organization kivas. These membership of the four seasonal headmen are older men who have been societies is drawn from the entire male specifically trained for the position, and population. Whereas an individual is apparently descent is not involved in the supposedly born into (but can change choice of headman. The role of these affiliation from) a dual organization headmen as council members will be group, membership in a ceremonial discussed below. One of the primary society is gained through election by the activities of the two dual organization society membership. One of my groups is community footracing, both informants explained: relay and long-distance racing. The You were elected. You were annual relay race on San Lorenzo Day, chosen by the society. That's August 10, is run by the dual why I served the Spring organization groups (for a brief, ceremonial society. I was illustrated description of this race in small and I was put there to 1917, see Pancoast 1918). This race serve. You have to go, generates a strong sense of competition whether you like it or not. between the two groups, and practice You had to go because it was running takes place for several weeks strict. It wasn't just kidding. before August 10 on special practice One of the society members racetracks belonging to each of the would tell you that were groups. The race is "for raising crops, supposed to be there to serve. having good fortune of everything, good You were told to go to the luck, good hunting, good of everything." river first, take a bath, and Before the race, each headman talks to then go up there to serve. his runners: "Now we are going to fight That was Indian religion. each other, almost like in a war. It's for That I remember. Then you the good luck of the Pueblo, for both have to go up there. Dress sides." The long-distance races from up in Indian clothes with a Santa Barbara Lake to Picuris, a distance blanket. And then they let of about seven miles, take place in the you know whether you have spring and summer months and are also to serve all your life, as long competitions between the dual as you are living, serve it any organization groups, although the way it has to be served. ceremonies of which they are a part are directed by the ceremonial societies. Women are also associated with Shinny, played in the spring with a these ceremonial societies, not as active hide-covered ball and wood sticks, also members but as auxiliary members. provides competition between the dual They are notified by the society to take organization groups (Parsons food to the members when a ceremony is 1939a:221). in progress. Other women may volunteer their help, according to a Picuris Ceremonial System informant: “They were put there to serve by the society. So they were serving. Ceremonial Societies And some of them used to give There are four ceremonial societies themselves, volunteer, to whichever concerned with seasonal activities and 24 society they wanted to serve. It was not built above ground of adobe bricks and forced on them. Just whichever they contains a Spanish-style fireplace. "It wanted to serve. Some were put on was built up lately, I guess, because it is because the group was getting small, so built of adobe; maybe their old kiva they could pick up the doings.” caved in." Like the first summer rain The Spring People, whose name ceremonial, the second includes a race may be translated as "Terraced Cloud," from Santa Barbara Lake and is also "to are responsible for the annual spring call the rain." picnic and the first of the three summer The Fall People society sponsors footraces from Santa Barbara Lake. The the third and final summer rain picnic is held in the middle of May, ceremonial, in September and is "when it's getting green," for five responsible for the Mountain Dance in consecutive days. The activities are held late September. The third rain at a different location each day away ceremonial includes the long-distance from the pueblo: the first day to the east, race, but this ceremonial is "for the the second to the north, the third to the maturing of the crops." The roundhouse west, the fourth to the south, and the is again used. fifth to the southeast. These picnics The Mountain Dance, a two-day include the singing of "picnic songs," ceremonial held in the mountains after rabbit drives, and feasting. On the fifth the crops are harvested, is also under the day of the ceremony everyone, including direction of the Fall People society. the elderly people and the children, Special songs and dances are performed, gathers at the base of the long-distance and feasting occurs. On the evening of racetrack where the ceremonial leaders, the third day a circle dance is held at the the Principals, speak. "They all stand pueblo. and tell the people not to do wrong, to do The Winter People society right." In the afternoon everyone returns maintains the Ice Kiva and performs to the pueblo where the men, standing special winter ceremonies, such as the around Cloud Kiva, sing the picnic singing of "cold songs" for weather songs again. control. Ceremonies for hunting and for In June, the first of three summer game animal increase are also associated rain ceremonials is held, sponsored by with the Winter People. The dancers the Spring People. Included in the portraying buffalo in the Buffalo Dance ceremonial is the running of a long- go directly to the Ice Kiva when they distance race from Santa Barbara Lake enter the pueblo for the first time. to Picuris. Anyone, including women, Each of the four seasonal may run in the race, which is run as a societies is led by a headman, who is competition between the dual referred to as the Old Man of the society. organization groups. The ceremonial is These four men are trained from their "to call the rain." The roundhouse is youth in the ritual and responsibilities of used for this ceremonial. the societies. Descent is not involved in Another society, the Summer choosing these leaders, since the People, maintains the roundhouse as its membership of the societies is drawn kiva and sponsors the second summer from the entire male population and does rain ceremonial, in August. Unlike the not follow kinship lines. Each society’s other Picuris kivas, the roundhouse is

25 Old Man is also a member of the Hunt Chief may be Winter Old Man, the council. head of the Winter People, since the The Picuris Clown Society, the latter is responsible for the hunting and Water Clowns, is not associated with animal-increase ceremonies. any of the four seasonal societies or with either dual organization group. The six Scalp Man to eight male members are drawn from The Scalp Man is in charge of the entire male population, regardless of maintaining the scalp house, in which society membership or dual organization the scalps are stored. He is also in affiliation. When they meet for charge of the Scalp Dance, which is ceremonial activities, they use the Home performed when warriors return with a Kiva. The only public performance by scalp. The Scalp Man was described by the clowns is the pole climb on San one Picuris informant as follows: "He Lorenzo Day. The pole, cut in May and was in charge of scalps. He was permitted to dry until August, is raised in supposed to be a warrior, a big chief of the lower plaza near the church. On warriors. He was supposed to be a brave August 10 a sheep and other food items man. He ran those Scalp Dances." In are placed at the top of the pole. The 1910 the scalps could be seen hanging in clowns, striped in black-and-white paint the scalp house: “Another interesting and wearing hide caps with hide horns, feature observed at Picuris was the tour the pueblo, often frightening the hanging of scalps to a rafter in an upper children. When they find the pole in the chamber of a house, the eastern side of plaza, they "make a show for the people which was open in order to expose the to laugh." They shoot at the sheep with scalps to view” (Stevenson 1910:15). broom-straw bows and arrows while Apparently there is no warrior making many remarks about their society or scalp-takers society at Picuris. hunting ability. Finally, one of the Under the Scalp Man, the returning clowns begins to climb the pole and with warriors may have formed a temporary the help of the other clowns reaches the warrior society similar to the Taos top and loosens the food. The clowns warrior society (Parsons 1936:21). come out for this performance only when invited by the Principals. The Political System headman of the Clown Society is also a member of the council. The Council The council, composed of the Hunt Chief ceremonial leaders, is the heart of Parsons (1939a:208, 216) mentions a Picuris Pueblo. It is the unit that holds Hunt Chief at Picuris, although none of the Pueblo together, for all other units my informants mentioned this office. are responsible to the council. The dual His duties are probably similar to those organization units are represented by the of the Taos Hunt Chief, "who had 'made headmen of these groups. Each of the the talk,' i.e., prayed before the hunt ceremonial society leaders is a council began, asking the deer not to be afraid to member, as are the Hunt Chief and the give themselves to the hunters" (Parsons Scalp Man. Older elderly men who are 1936:19). The Taos Hunt Chief is also active in ceremonial life also are council head of the Day or Sun People, one of members. the Taos kiva societies. At Picuris, the 26 The Picuris Council meets in Some officers were able to Home Kiva, which is considered to continue. They would just be belong to the entire pueblo rather than to sworn in by the Old Men. a ceremonial society. Apparently all There is a lot of respect for council members are of equal status at the canes to this day. all times. Unlike the Tewa Summer and Winter moiety headmen, who each direct The Governor and His Helpers the village for part of the year (Ortiz One group of civil officers appointed 1965:390), the Picuris dual organization annually by the council is the governor headmen are equal and active at all and his helpers, offices originally times. Since the Picuris dual imposed by the Spanish on all the Rio organizations are structured along a Grande Pueblos in the early 17th directional rather than a seasonal basis, century. Dozier has discussed the role of the seasonal alternation of leadership these officers within the pueblos, and his does not fit Picuris custom. comments may be applied to Picuris: The Picuris Council acts as a The importance of the judicial, legislative, and executive body civil organization cannot be all in one. Both civil and ceremonial denied among contemporary offenses are brought before the council. Pueblos, but this set of Decisions are based on tradition, with officers has not displaced the the welfare of the entire pueblo being the native sociopolitical primary concern. The council also organization in any of the forms policy for the pueblo and appoints present-day villages. The the civil officers who are responsible for officers of the civil carrying out this policy. The government are recognized appointment of the civil officers was in all of the pueblos today as described by a Picuris informant as an imposed set, but useful in follows: meeting with outsiders and Right after Christmas masking the identity and the Old Men would get into activities of the native the kiva and decide. They officers. The latter are the de would get together and facto group of sociopolitical decide. The Old Men had a and ceremonial leaders in council. The young virtually all of the pueblos." generation had no say. The (Dozier 1961:139) Old Men were strict in those days. On New Year's Day As symbols of his office, the they would have a short governor receives two canes, one dance, like Feather Dance, Spanish and the other an Abraham because sometimes it takes Lincoln cane. The Abraham Lincoln time for an election. canes were distributed to leaders in each On January 6th, Santa of the pueblos during Lincoln’s term in Rey or All Kings' Day, they office and have been kept as significant would deliver the canes, and symbols of leadership since that time. all power was turned to the The governor keeps these canes in his new officers for one year. home and carries them during public performances of his duties. His primary 27 duties are to carry out the policies of the Permission must be obtained from the council and to represent the council in war captain before any nonceremonial dealings with outside polities. The dances can be performed. The war lieutenant governor is his direct captain and his assistants are also assistant. The sheriff (alwasi from responsible for maintaining the Spanish alguacil) is responsible for community-owned pasturelands. maintaining law and order within the pueblo and also assists in directing Ditch Foreman community work. The fiscal The ditch foreman (akissawin, from the (mesatasawine, from the Spanish misa) Spanish acequia) and possibly an and his assistant are responsible for assistant are appointed annually by the maintaining the church building and council to maintain the irrigation canals "teaching the little children how to and direct the cleaning of these canals. pray." Several women may be appointed Every household that has irrigated to help the fiscal with the maintenance farmland must provide labor to help of the saints within the church. maintain the ditch system. The ditch The governor and his helpers are foreman watches over this irrigation recognized as a Spanish overlay rather system, asking the council to call for than as a traditional unit within Picuris. help whenever the ditches are in need of The terms used and the recognition of repair. Picuris informants insist that the symbolic canes as being of outside irrigation agriculture was introduced by origin also indicate the Spanish the Spanish and that in pre-Spanish influence. times only rainwater farming was practiced on the terraced hillsides. The The War Captain and His Assistants Spanish origin of the term used to refer The war captain and three assistants are to the ditch foreman tends to strengthen also appointed annually by the council. these statements. These officers also receive canes to symbolize their authority. Like the Summary governor and his helpers, the war captain This model of Picuris social structure for and his assistants are a Spanish- 1890 divides the units into three introduced group. Positions similar to interrelated systems. These three these, however, probably existed in systems, which may be separated for Picuris before the arrival of the Spanish. analysis, form one large system The traditional disciplinarians were revolving around a central core unit, the simply given the introduced titles. In Picuris Council. The largest kinship Picuris mythology, the war captain leads units and the ceremonial units are the men on the warpath. One such myth represented on the council, and the concerns a war captain who is mortally council appoints the individuals who wounded in an encounter with Plains occupy positions in the civil Indians because he broke his cane in government. The three systems are also disbelief of the traditional way of life. interrelated in activities, since the larger The war captain notifies kinship units function only within a individuals who have been requested to ceremonial context and the political dance in the community ceremonial units also have ceremonial functions. dances. He also shouts council The ceremonial units crosscut all kinship announcements from his rooftop. and political units, drawing their 28 membership from the entire population. usually freezes, but not consistently. Although each of the ceremonial There is a very pretty harvest of societies is responsible for performing everything else” (Adams and Chavez specific ceremonies, these ceremonies 1956:98). are for the benefit of the entire pueblo Stories about traditional farming and frequently require the participation techniques indicate the organization of of the entire population. Of the five farming activities: Picuris kivas, two are associated with the Before we had any dual organization groups, two with the horses or cultivators or any ceremonial societies, and one with the plows, they used to plant council. their corn with a hoe which Kinship units emphasize bilateral was made out of wood or principles rather than lineage principles. bone. Bone was the earliest. The one approach to a lineage principle, They dig a hole and put the in Picuris thought, is membership in the grain, whatever they are dual organization groups. Individuals going to plant, there and ordinarily become members of their cover it up. And in the same father's group, but this affiliation can be way they have to hoe the changed. Membership into the weeds out from their fields. ceremonial units is through selection by They used a hoe made from the various societies. The Spanish either hard wood or some introduced civil government offices are kind of stone. They knew filled through appointment by the more or less just when to Council. The Council is composed of all plant their corn. But to the ceremonial leaders, with the two dual harvest their corn there was organization heads being of equal somebody like a cacique that importance throughout the year. used to give orders so everybody would gather up Picuris Subsistence Activities, 1890 their crops, their corn, at the The Picuris subsistence economy was same time. But you can cut probably never based on a single activity hay anytime. That's just a because of the location of the pueblo. In grain that's been brought just 1890 the major activities of farming and recently, and the corn has hunting were supplemented by raising been with us from way back. livestock, gathering wild plants, fishing, That's sort of the way of trading, and performing wage work. gathering your crop at certain time, so everybody will start Farming on that day. And they give Farming at Picuris is a precarious you so many days, maybe a livelihood. The altitude of about 7300 week, or maybe two, maybe feet (2225 m) limits the plants that can a little bit more. It all be grown and shortens the growing depends on the weather, too. season for those plants that will grow. But they never turn the stock These environmental factors were noted loose until everybody bring in 1776 by Father Dominguez: “Frijoles their corn in. The same way and chile do not yield a crop in the in the springtime. As soon Picuris lands because of the cold. Maize 29 as one or two start planting used to have ceremonial calling the their grain, why they give rain.” order to take all stock out In addition to the farming from the field. Then ceremonies held by the ceremonial everybody have to take their societies, individuals also performed stock out from the field. rites in their fields before planting. “They used to put feathers in the field Such stories demonstrate the when planting. Put it in the middle of the importance of ceremonial leaders in field. Just say a few words for good farming. Ceremonies were held in the luck, “I wish for good luck for my crops spring when the irrigation ditches were to come this year.” Just like prayer. opened, and other ceremonies were held In 1881 "the rude wooden plow" to call the rain and to help the crops to and the "creaking wooden carretas" for mature. Harvest of the corn had to wait transporting crops were observed at until directions were called out from the Picuris (Bloom 1936:278). In 1891 the council. Then the crop had to be cultivated land amounted to 555 acres of harvested in a specific length of time. corn, wheat, barley, peas, oats, and Crops introduced by the Spanish were beans (Donaldson 1893:118). In 1900 outside of these ceremonial controls and only 103 acres were reported as under could be planted or harvested at the cultivation yielding the following crops: discretion of the individual farmers. 412 bushels of wheat, 408 bushels of Harvested corn was prepared in corn, 10 bushels of beans, and 23 several ways. Green corn was ground bushels of peas. No crops of melons or into a dough and then cooked on a flat hay were reported in 1900 (Annual stone, making a thin, paper-like bread. Report 1900:293). Other corn was allowed to sprout before grinding and then was made into a Hunting sweet-tasting bread. Cornmeal was also Hunting, especially deer hunting, was made into pudding. Corn grinding the main subsistence activity during the provided an opportunity for social winter months. Rabbit drives were held gathering. Several girls or women during the annual spring ceremonial would gather at one of the special picnics, and birds and other small grinding rooms to grind to the animals were trapped or hunted accompaniment of men singing the throughout the year. Deer hunting was grinding songs. primarily an individual enterprise, As mentioned above, Picuris although the meat might be shared informants state that irrigation throughout the pueblo. When a hunter agriculture was introduced by the killed a deer, he dropped cornmeal on Spanish: “They didn't used to use no the animal and then stroked it while plow. They used to just work with asking the other deer "not to run away sticks. It's on the hills, you see those from us, be friendly." The bones of the little rows of stones. They used to live deer were deposited at several shrines, by rain—by rain, rain gods, their belief. along with feathers. Of course now we don't believe any Until the last decades of the 19th more. Asolwahune, rain gods. They century, buffalo hunting was an important subsistence activity. Unlike deer hunting, buffalo hunting was a 30 large-scale community activity, as big and fat they had to make indicated in the following description by big pieces of meat to dry up. an elderly Picuris informant: They had to make string out From here they went of buffalo hide to put the out to hunt buffalo. They meat up. It took a lot of line used to go out and hunt to dry the meat because they buffalo from Picuris Pueblo. didn't kill just one or two. They used to go out in old They had to kill all those that wagons which were pulled they could get. This used to by oxen. They used to go take quite a while. The next out in the plains back east day they went back again to where there were some lakes find some more herds, and because they knew the started killing them, and buffalo would be coming for started all over the way they water. did the first day. It probably Early in the took about three months’ morning the herds of buffalo time. And they had to make used to come there. And the best choice of the herds. they used to go out at that The fattest one, that's the one time as soon as they saw the they had to kill. And then buffalo herd coming in, and there were times when the they started killing the herd was getting kind of buffalo. The buffalo were small and they had to move plentiful in those days, and to another new area where they had to circle around there were buffaloes and start them so that they could kill hunting again. And when all that they wanted. they were about to move Everybody that was there back home, they had a big during the hunting, every one circle and all the hunters of them, had a job to do. were in that circle, and they Some were only killing the started to sing their buffalo- buffalo on horseback. And hunting song. there were some that were There was a time just doing the dressing of the when they used to have kind buffalo, carving them up and of a hard time because some having them ready to send other tribes, Plains Indians, home. As soon as the used to live around there buffalo were killed and close and they used to come dressed, they used to take the around in the evenings and meat to where the camp was. try to steal their horses, There were some people whatever they have. And there also drying up the meat sometimes they used to go in the hot sun because it was on warpath with tribes. But quite a ways for them to the reason the Plains Indians come to bring the meat to the used to come around after village. The buffalo were so they found that the tribe from

31 this village was out hunting dances for animal increase, especially was because they were also the Buffalo Dance and the Deer Dance. out there hunting. And the Rites related to deer hunting are way it seems is that each mentioned above. Small animal tribe was trying to get the figurines of clay were modeled by men best buffalo hunting. And in their homes and then placed at a one tribe thought maybe the shrine near the roundhouse "so they other tribe might be killing could increase abundant, so they won't all the buffalo. And that's be forgotten." In 1910 this shrine was why they had to go on the described as follows: “There is a shrine warpath. on the mound of the 'old castle.' On it a After they came fetish of clay representing an animal, a back from hunting, they used piece of an old tube pipe, and four small to come right straight to the stones, one of them a piece of obsidian, kiva [Home Kiva]. And were to be seen” (Harrington 1916:194). when they got to the kiva, they unloaded their meat and Livestock they stood around the kiva The Spanish-introduced domestic singing their hunting songs animals were owned by individuals. again. And the people knew Pastureland was communally owned, that the hunters were back, although each family with livestock so everybody used to go over maintained its own corral near the there and meet them and pueblo. After the harvest, animals were greet them. And after the permitted to graze in the fields. Today an greeting was all over, all the area referred to as "pig town," east of the hunters used to divide the church, is the location of several meat up to the tribe. And pigsties. This pattern of locating all the then they used to have a big pigsties in one area probably goes back feast, a big time, and they to the period of 1890. were very thankful. And the An elderly Picuris informant ladies used to cook a big recalled the livestock at Picuris during feast for the hunters, and his youth as follows: "They used to everybody enjoyed the feast. have lot of stock. Even over here they used to have burros, horses, cows. There Apparently the last major buffalo were no goats here. They didn't used to hunt was held about a century ago. In like goats." June 1852 a Picuris Indian was found In 1881 the livestock was hunting buffalo on the plains (Abel enumerated as follows: "They are not 1916:219), and the oldest residents of well provided with animals: Picuris today recall their fathers and Nepomuceno declared that they had, all brothers hunting the buffalo about 1870. told, only five horses, twenty burros, and The kiva used for the distribution of the about 50 head of cows, bulls, etc." buffalo meat was the Home Kiva, (Bloom 1936:278). associated with the council. Bourke also described the corrals Ceremonies involved with and sties as they existed in 1881: “Their hunting included the various animal houses are all of adobe, but the stables for burros and ponies are of log and the 32 pens for the pigs of 'jacal.' The necessity when ground and mixed with water, it of pig pens is not immediately apparent. would harden into a solid cast. Their hogs are first carefully chained and The inner bark of evergreen trees then fastened to a stake which enables provided another source of food, as them to enjoy the gratification of lying described by a Picuris informant: “The all day in the mud and basking in the Indians used to eat the inner peel of sunlight, while it deprives them of the those trees. It was nice and juicy. It was sweeter joy—dear to every hog's heart— sweet and tasted good, the flavor of pine. of rooting up and destroying the fields Sometimes we would put it in water and his master has so carefully planted” squeeze it and make a drink the flavor of (Bloom 1938:280). pine. Now we got lots of Kool-Aid.” In 1900 the domestic animals of Picuris were listed as 60 cattle, 42 Fishing horses, 40 burros, 14 hogs, and 40 fowls. Several fishing techniques were No mules or goats were included developed at Picuris to catch the fish in (Annual Report 1900:294). the mountain streams and rivers. When the water was very low, it was possible Wild Plants to simply reach under the large boulders Many varieties of wild plants were and grab the fish by hand. A Picuris collected, especially from the mountains informant described another technique, surrounding Picuris, and used for food, used for fishing through the ice that food seasonings, home medicines, formed during the winter months: “We ceremonial smoking, brooms, and hair used to catch fish even in the wintertime. washing. Collecting plants near the We would make a rope—like from the pueblo was a woman's activity; horse-tail, braid it. And then put it on a collecting away from the pueblo in the stick. It wouldn't take long. And just mountains was a family activity. Plants break the ice. And where there's a deep needed for ceremonies were collected by hole you could see the fish in there. All men. you got to do is put that loop in and Plants used for food included work it until you get to the middle of the mushrooms, wild onions, wild celery, body of the fish, and then jerk them out.” chokecherry, gooseberry, wild Fishing with homemade metal strawberry, and several leafy greens. A fishhooks was described by another plant used for making tea might be used Picuris informant: “My father used to fresh or dried. Several plants were dried make those fishhooks out of wire, those and stored for seasoning meats and fish. bale wires. They was nice ones. He At least two plants were used in make them small then. Grind them on ceremonial smoking. Tall grass growing stone and bend them the best way he in the higher elevations was used for could with a rock like that. They were making brooms and hair brushes. Yucca good, too. He used to make them before root was pounded and mixed with water they were selling fishhooks. And he for hair washing. The inventory of used to use worms, grasshoppers, like plants available for home medicines that, as bait. I remember that now.” includes remedies for fever, sores, cuts, A fourth fishing technique was and various internal problems. Another called "fish-netting." Several families, plant was applied over broken bones: usually related, would gather beside the river and construct a framework of 33 willow tied with strips of bark. Such buy the pottery. . . . They used to bring willow frameworks might be 30 feet things—flour, whatever they could.” long and 4 to 5 feet in height. Two men This same informant also would walk slowly with the framework mentioned trading ceremonial plants: through the deep water and then would "They used to take mountain tobacco turn the framework toward the bank. down to the southern pueblos from here. Men, women, and children who were Maybe now there's plenty, because we waiting on the bank would then jump don't use it anymore." into the water and catch the fish by hand. Deer meat was also traded, as Sometimes the women and girls would mentioned in reference to Fort Burgwin: use their aprons in catching the fish. “It was a long time ago from now. My Such an event was described by a Picuris father used to be out hunting all the time. informant: “People used to get together, And they did their trading. He used to relatives, during the summertime for take deer meat to Fort Burgwin, give it fish-netting. It was nice enjoyment. Of around. Used to bring little eats from course, it was just for supporting the over there, like flour. He used to get family, supporting the children, but it plenty—like sugar, salt, grocery-like.” was fun at the same time. Whoever didn't get any fish, we used to share with Wage Work them, so everybody would have them— In the late 19th century, wage work was share, coming back home.” Dry clothing of relatively little importance to the was taken along to change into after Picuris economy. Young boys might being in the water, for frequently a herd goats for Spanish-American picnic followed. No ceremonies were neighbors, or young men might work for associated with fishing. wages occasionally, as described by a After the fish were brought back Picuris woman: “In the old days we to the pueblo, they were cleaned and didn't need much money. I remember cooked by wrapping them in a corn husk my husband working in town for 50 along with plant seasonings and cents a day. All the men around here cornmeal and then placing them under worked for that. We grew our own charcoal in the fireplace. Fish cooked in food—corn, beans, melons. We also got this manner was referred to as a "fish some rabbits and deer. We didn’t need bundle." much money. Those were good days. Today you need money for everything.” Trading In the early 1900s the situation Micaceous culinary pottery and wild was beginning to change at Picuris, mountain plants used for ceremonials partially due to the influence of the first provided the basics of trade for Picuris. day school established at Picuris in 1897 Pottery made by Picuris women was (Annual Report 1899:247). By 1910 the widely traded and sold throughout the following occupations were listed for northern Rio Grande pueblos and the Picuris men: farm laborers, 11; farmers, Spanish-American villages. One elderly 5; laborers (saw and planing mills), 6; Picuris informant mentioned the trading stock herders, drovers, and feeders, 6 of pottery during the last decades of the (Indian Populations 1915:277). 19th century: “The ladies used to make pottery for sale. The Spanish used to

34 Summary my father used to live, and In 1890 Picuris subsistence activities my mother, my two older centered on farming and hunting. Both brothers and two younger activities were supported by community brothers, and my three ceremonies and individual rituals. sisters. Collecting wild plants and fishing helped It was hard time. to supplement the two primary activities, They used to make us little but apparently no ceremonies or rituals shirts of old dresses. The were associated with either of these ladies used to make pottery activities. Livestock, trade, and wage for sale. The Spanish used to work also contributed to the Picuris buy the pottery. They used economy but were relatively minor to really buy them. At that activities and largely the result of outside time there were no utensils. influences. That's why they used to kill the cattle and bring the hides Recollections of a Picuris Boyhood, ca. to make us shoes. Oh, you 1880-1890 fellows didn't suffer like us To provide a more complete picture of when you were small. It Picuris life before 1900, the following used to be hungry at that description is included. It consists of time. comments made by a Picuris man born We used to be in 1872; he lived his entire life at hunters. Yes, I'm saying we Picuris, serving as the headman of a didn't used to be out of meat ceremonial society and as a councilman. them days. They used to be The comments were tape-recorded in hunters, the men. Wild 1965. They were originally recorded in animals were plentiful over the Picuris language and were then here, right around this translated into English by another mountain. And now we are Picuris man who was present at the without meat. They used to recording session. have lot of stock. Even over Long time ago it was here they used to have starvation days. I used to burros, horses, cows. There herd goats for the were no goats here. They Mascareñas family in Dixon. didn't used to like goats. I used to pass it nice there. When they went off Well, maybe I was going to to a feast, they used to look be married to a Mexican girl around. If they find where a around there. Then my pig was killed, they would father went down after me. say, “Over here it's not good. He didn't let me stay any Let's not go in. There's bear more. He brought me up to hair [from butchering] over Picuris. here.” So they used to go to I used to live over another place. Whenever here. Those houses are old. they stopped, if they find pig There was a top building (a hair, they didn't go in. And second story). That's where now we like them; we like

35 them very much after they The Spanish used to are fat. come before the feast day, After the ladies and some of them didn't went around selling pottery, leave until evening. They they used to bring lard, goat used to stay, make grease, sheep grease, no store themselves at home. But lard like today. It was hard they used to eat feast. That them days when we were time lots of Spanish used to young. come in wagons with horses, I didn't used to like some on horseback and some ditch-cleaning time. After on wagons—those that have we were so full from eating, animals. And now the they used to make us run. Spanish don't even come We used to hide. They around. They already know would whip us when we our dances, and they got were not doing right. Some enough of them. And we of the boys used to get sick used to have clowns. It's because they were so full. forgotten already, the water They used to make us run clowns. either way—from the east We used to be side when we were cleaning dancing at Christmastime the ditch, or the west side. around the houses, and they After we were so full we used to feed us. They didn't used to be running. dance much Matachina. There were lots of When they did, they used to eats. We used to eat look for pants around the everything. And now we Spanish—shoes and pants. don't pick the chokecherries, At Christmas they danced the not even wild celery. Now Deer Dance. we don't even bring in any We used to be onions any more. Maybe the cutting wheat by this time, canyon is full of them now, and be the tramping places. so many years we don't even They used to shut up the pick them. We don't even wheat and go to Taos. They make use of them. would leave their wheat and When we were go. They could just leave small and the days of the their wheat. Nobody would feast were coming, we used bother it. to be around where they They used to go were baking—wishing they buffalo hunting a long time would give us something. ago. I don't know what place We used to go around asking they went the last time. where they used to kill cows They used to kill them to the or a deer. It was suffering east, around Mora. The time, that time. Spanish didn't used to hunt much, and now the Spanish

36 are hunters. It was plentiful Parsons (1939a), who used data then. My father, my brother, collected in 1925. It is Parsons’ and other men went buffalo description that provides the Picuris hunting. material for such comparative studies of We used to kill deer Pueblo social structure as Eggan (1950), around here close to this Hawley (1950), and Dozier (1961). mountain. That's where we Eggan briefly presents the material as used to hunt—rabbits, follows: “Picuris, the other northern squirrels, striped squirrels. It Tiwa village, is decadent and has similar was plentiful. social institutions (with Taos). Parsons They used to go out noted a dual division of north-side and to Taos at San Lorenzo time. south-side people, but with patrilineal We didn't used to go to feasts affiliation; a dual organization of the six at other places so much. kivas for racing but not for dancing; a They used to sell pottery. dual chieftaincy associated, apparently, Mexicans used to want with the solstice intervals. Kinship is pottery. They used to bring bilateral and on the Taos model, though things—flour, whatever they personal names have largely replaced could. They used to take kinship terms” (1950:306). mountain tobacco down to The kinship units of the model the southern pueblos from agree with Parsons' description, with the here. Maybe now there's addition of the named descent groups, plenty, because we don't use and the political units agree with it anymore. Parsons’ description of the civil They used to go to government. Parsons, however, does not the Jicarilla Apache. The mention the important Picuris Council. Apache had Indian The greatest disagreement appears with clothing—moccasins and the ceremonial units and the dual leggings and belts. Now organization groups. Parsons links all they don't live in the kivas with the moieties: Cloud, Ice, and mountains. Now they don't Canyon (Home) Kivas with the roam around any more. Northside; Sky Kiva with the Southside. They used to pass the winter The roundhouse, used jointly, is around here sometimes. considered separate from the kivas. Only They were friends to each briefly does Parsons mention Picuris other, the Jicarilla and the societies, and there appears to be people from here. confusion with the named descent groups: “Inferably there are kiva Conclusions societies at Picuris as at Taos, but I The reconstruction of Picuris social learned even less about them than I structure presented above should be learned about Taos kiva societies. Of considered as a provisional model based Water people, Fallen Leaf said there on limited data, much of it was collected were three or four members, but their 75 years after the period represented by names he withheld. He volunteered that the model. This model, however, differs there were Rainbow people, a group I from the description presented by have not heard of at Taos” (Parsons

37 1939a:216). The model instead suggests Davenport has referred to as that Picuris kivas are associated with "nonunilinear descent groups" or "septs" three types of units: Cloud and Sky (Davenport 1959). Kivas with the dual organization groups; Dual organization groups occur Ice Kiva and the roundhouse with among the Tewa, Taos, and Picuries, but ceremonial societies; and Home Kiva the concept by which the division is with the Picuris Council. made differs. The basic Tewa division is The earlier description of the between Summer People and Winter roundhouse has also lead to People, with the two groups seasonally misunderstandings. Hawley (1950:287; alternating governmental and ceremonial 1964:50) identifies the roundhouse as a activities (Dozier 1960:153). Ortiz "big kiva," which she defines as follows: (1965) describes a second division at "They are community buildings San Juan–Northside and Southside– customarily used for affairs open to the which crosscuts the Summer-Winter village as a whole, rather than for division and which functions "during restricted groups one finds using small rain races and an associated rain dance at kivas or rooms" (1950:287). The model the summer solstice and during indicates that Home Kiva, rather than the ceremonial shinny games in February" roundhouse, fits this definition of a "big (Ortiz 1965:393). The Taos division is kiva." based on kiva affiliation with three kivas To place the Picuris model in each group. Parsons presents a within the context of the northern Rio Northside-Southside division based on Grande Pueblos, comparisons with Taos the location of the kivas in relation to the and Tewa units must be made. Bilateral river that divides the pueblo (Parsons kinship systems are common throughout 1936:74). Lasswell (1935) and Fenton the area (Parsons 1936:28; Dozier (1957) indicate the division to be based 1960:156). The extended family appears on criteria other than just location. The to be of more importance among the Northside group, or the "Male People," Tewa (Dozier 1960:156) than at either consists of two kivas from the north side Taos (Parsons 1936:52) or Picuris. of the pueblo and one from the south Named descent groups can be identified side, whereas the Southside, or "the among both the Tewa and the Picuris Female People," includes two kivas from (Dozier 1960:147) and possibly can be the south side and one from the north inferred from the lists of "clans" side. Membership within the dual collected by several fieldworkers at Taos organization groups is based on (see Parsons 1936:38). It is interesting patrilineal descent among both the Tewa to note the similarity between the names and the Picuries, although individuals collected by Bourke at Picuris (Bloom may change this affiliation (Dozier 1936:276) and those listed by Parsons 1960:152). Since membership in the for Tewa "clans" (Parsons 1929:86–88). Taos kivas is through dedication by the Of the eight names listed by Bourke, parents (Parsons 1936:45), membership only "Rainbow" and "Day" do not also in the dual organization groups does not occur among the Tewa. Although Eggan follow patrilineal descent. Parsons, does not consider these units to be however, mentions "a tendency for a kinship units (Eggan 1950:305), the man to give his son to his own kiva or to named descent groups fit what one of the kivas on his side, i.e., in his

38 own kiva cluster" (Parsons 1936:45). tradition that mentions an ancestral Ceremonial footracing is associated with village at the bottom of a lake. Curing dual organization groups among the societies are also missing. Individuals Tewa (Ortiz 1965:393), the Taos with special knowledge and resources (Parsons 1936:96), and the Picuries. were called on for help and assistance, The Picuris Summer and Winter but such individuals formed no curing ceremonial societies can be compared society, with specific rituals for curing with the Tewa moiety associations, the and exorcism, such as are found among ceremonial societies within each of the the Tewa (Dozier 1960:155). Very Tewa dual organization groups (Dozier likely in 1890, as today, anyone from 1960:152–153). The sponsorship of Picuris needing the attention of a seasonal ceremonial activities is a medicine society traveled to San Juan or common feature, yet membership in the another Tewa pueblo that had the needed Tewa units is drawn from dual society. The lack of a permanent Picuris organization membership whereas the society associated with war is similar to Picuris societies crosscut the dual the situation at Taos (Parsons 1936:21) organization affiliations. This but contrasts with the situation among comparison suggests the possibility that the Tewa. The Tewa men's and women's the Picuries applied their pattern of war societies played a major role in ceremonial societies to borrowed Tewa communal relay and conditioning races units, resulting in crosscutting units with as well as in war (Dozier 1960:155– a seasonal base. 156). At Picuris, such activities are Clown societies appear among associated with the dual organization the Tewa (Dozier 1960:156), the Taos groups. The Tewa women's war society (Parsons 1936:76), and the Picuries, yet was the custodian of scalps, but at their activities differ. The Tewa clowns Picuris, the Scalp Man acted as are associated with the Katsina cult and custodian. The Tewa hunt society, various communal dances. They are missing from Picuris, sponsors various also important in maintaining traditional animal dances and communal rabbit mores by ridiculing deviant behavior. dances (Dozier 1960:155). At Picuris, The Taos clowns, the Black Eyes, the Buffalo Dance was associated with perform on the annual Taos feast day the Winter Society, and the communal and also appear with the Deer Dancers, rabbit hunts were sponsored by the when the clowns have the power to cure. Spring Society. The nature of the The Picuris clowns come out only on the missing ceremonial societies indicates a annual feast day, and the idea that basic difference in concepts between clowns would cure is to the Picuries. Tewa and Picuris societies. Whereas Several basic Tewa units are the Tewa societies are associated with absent from Picuris. The Katsina cult, of various activities—curing, warfare, and which all Tewa males automatically hunting—the Picuris societies are become members, and the masked associated with the four seasons. dancers associated with the cult (Dozier Curing, warfare, and hunting were 1960:154–155) are entirely foreign to associated with individuals rather than Picuris. Two "Katsina-like" aspects of societies at Picuris. Picuris culture are the long-distance The Spanish-introduced civil races "to bring the rain" and the origin government units are common to the

39 Tewa, Taos, and Picuries (Aberle as a subsistence activity among the Tewa 1948:91). The manner of their than among either the Taos or the appointment, however, varies. The two Picuries, since the Katsina are associated headmen of the Tewa dual organization with rainfall. Another important factor groups alternate in appointing the civil that tends to bring about differences is officers (Dozier 1960:154), while the the size of the population. The relatively Taos Council annually elects the civil small population of Picuris could not officers (Fenton 1957:317–318). maintain an elaborate structure of social Among all three groups, a religious units. The election of members into the hierarchy is the dominant political force, ceremonial societies may have been one as represented by the Taos Council and adjustment in the attempt to maintain the the Picuris Council. The Tewa dual necessary membership in spite of the organization groups seasonally alternate small population. It appears to have control of the pueblo (Dozier 1960:153). been a struggle for Picuris to maintain No mention has been made in the the "traditional" structure until the model of Picuris social structure of the beginning of the 20th century when the Spanish-introduced compadrazgo structure finally fractured, resulting in a system, by which kinship is extended radically different form. through the godmother and godfather The subsistence activities of relationships. Although this system does Picuris Pueblo in 1890 were probably exist at Picuris, it apparently has little very similar to such activities at Taos influence. It was only through direct (Parsons 1936:18–19) and in the many questioning that any information was small Spanish-American communities obtained on this topic. The terms located in the mountains of northern kumale and kumpale from the Spanish New Mexico. Picuris appears to have comadre and compadre, are used at been a community exploiting the total Picuris, but in a more generalized form range of environmental possibilities in that includes close friends as well as the order to survive in its location. Special parent-godparent or godparent-godchild mention should be made of the role of relationship (Trager 1943:565). buffalo hunting at Picuris. Terminating This brief comparison of Picuris as a major subsistence activity sometime units with Tewa and Taos units indicates after 1850, buffalo hunting had been of that although similar units occur within fundamental importance to the Picuris the three groups, the arrangement and economy. As indicated in the story the composition of these units tend to be presented above and in other similar dissimilar. Many of these differences stories, in the early spring a large can be traced to varying economies and proportion of the Picuris population histories. Dozier suggests that the strong journeyed onto the plains of eastern New dual organization groups of the Tewa Mexico for extended periods of time to may be related to the development of hunt the buffalo. Much of the meat irrigation along the Rio Grande (Dozier obtained was dried and, at the end of the 1960:150–151). The appearance of the summer, brought back to the pueblo, Katsina cult among the Tewa may be where it was distributed among the related to more intensive contact with entire population. Farm products were the Keresan Pueblos to the south and similarly distributed after the harvest. If also to the greater importance of farming such a general redistribution of food

40 products did take place at Picuris, this this paper in the summers of 1964 and would indicate a higher level of 1965. Funds were provided by the Fort sociocultural integration than is usually Burgwin Research Center (1964, 1965), considered for the Rio Grande Pueblos. The Comins Fund of the Department of A dual economy based on both farming Anthropology, University of Arizona and buffalo hunting could have supplied (1964), and the National Science the energy necessary for maintaining a Foundation through a Summer large population, such as is indicated in Fellowship for Graduate Teaching the late prehistoric period at Picuris, in Assistants (1965). I am indebted to Dr. an environment that permits only a Edward P. Dozier for his many helpful precarious livelihood from farming. comments on a preliminary version of Perhaps a basic factor in the rapid this paper. decline of the Picuris population in the 1 Editor’s note: Picuris Pueblo official early historic period was the cutting off tribal roll lists 340 individuals in 1999 of the buffalo as a source of energy, with (Picuris Tribal Office, pers. comm.). the arrival of various hostile plains 2 Editor’s note: The original manuscript groups, such as the Comanche, into the by Brown had two additional Picuris hunting grounds in the early descriptions of the pueblo, the first made historic period. by John Bourke in 1888 (from Bloom 1936:275–281) and the second by Thomas Donaldson (1893:118–119). Endnotes Since both were previously published, neither has been included here. Author's Note: The original manuscript 3 A portion of this section was read at of this chapter was completed in 1966 the Tenth Annual Meeting of the while I was at the University of Arizona. Arizona Academy of Science, April The manuscript has remained largely 1966. intact with few additions. I conducted the field research that forms the basis of

41

Chapter Four : Prehistoric and Early Historic Architecture and Ceramics at Picuris

Herbert Dick, Daniel Wolfman, Curtis Schaafsma, and Michael Adler

From the point of view of developing changes in the artifact styles that form the orderly temporal phases, it is unfortunate basis for the phase system. Change in that ceramic, architectural, and artifactual, material culture does not occur at a constant changes do not occur simultaneously in rate within or across material classes human cultures. Temporal phases at Picuris through time or space, so any phase scheme (Figure 4.1) are based primarily on will necessarily privilege one material class ceramics1. The architectural changes in over another. In this case, changes in prehistoric and historic sites in Taos County ceramic style and form are the defining (and at Picuris in particular) correlate criteria for Dick’s phase system. Changes in grossly with certain stylistic and architecture, lithic style, food procurement, technological changes in ceramic or any other materially evident part of assemblages, but there is, of course, some Picuris culture do not co-occur with the disjunction between these classes of change. changes in ceramic style and form. The lack The phase designations in Figure 4.1 of written records describing change within were defined by Dick in earlier publications precontact Picuris forces archaeologists to (1965b; Dick et al. n.d.) and have been kept develop and utilize classificatory tools such intact here largely for historical reasons. as the Picuris phase system. The recovery The use of phases to parse up the temporal and analysis of tree-ring dates at Picuris, continuum of culture change is still an along with the acceptance of dates for accepted archaeological method. However, tree-ring-dated extralocal types, allowed any phase-based scheme is simply a tool, a Dick to assign date ranges for each of his means to an end, that end being the phases. explanation of culture change. As was, and Time is the best judge of any still remains, the tradition, Herb Dick classification of material change, and over defined temporal phases at Picuris based on the past 30 years, Dick’s Picuris phase dated ceramic types. His naming of phases system has been commented on and used breaks from tradition only in that he utilized only sparingly (Wetherington 1968). The non-local names, rather than local lack of use is due to a number of reasons, place-names, to designate some of these primary among them being the dearth of ceramically defined periods (e.g., Tewa, San Picuris-related publications explaining and Lazaro, Santa Fe, Cuartelejo phases). 1 The applying the system. A second reason was utility of temporal phase frameworks rests the decreasing focus on the development of with their expediency; a phase name is phase-based systems over the past thirty simply shorthand for defining a certain years, part of the overall trend away from chunk of time. Equally as useful is the use culture-historical studies in American of absolute chronological dates to discuss archaeology. The New Archaeology of the time. The utility of a phase system 1960s certainly had an effect on the studies decreases, however, when researchers undertaken at Picuris, most notably in the attempt to equate the many and varied multidisciplinary approach to Picuris’ past. characteristics of culture change with the But the New Archaeology’s critique of

43

Figure 4.1: Temporal Phases and Local Ceramic Dating at Picuris Pueblo (after Dick 1965b)

44 culture-historical frameworks and of obvious changes in Taos area architecture “normative” characterizations of past include the great labor investment in cultural systems has made the development surface architecture through time and the of phase-based culture histories a somewhat related deemphasis on the use of passé endeavor. Nonetheless, we depend subterranean structures as primary living on cultural chronologies in order to talk space through time. The use of surface and about culture change, and limited though the use of subterranean architectural the Picuris chronology may be, it is features were not mutually exclusive, preserved here in its original form so that it however. Subterranean structures might be utilized, expanded on, or if continued as an important part of the deemed useless by the practitioners of architectural repertoire at Picuris northern Rio Grande archaeology, throughout the late prehistoric and historic abandoned altogether. periods. Today these structures serve as the To facilitate discussion of changes ceremonial kivas central to the religious life that were taking place in the northern Rio of the Picuris and other Pueblo peoples. Grande, and at Picuris in particular, we The transition in pit structure use, from delineate four “modes” of prehispanic domestic to ceremonial, is discussed in architecture and village layout. Ordered more detail below and later in the volume from earliest to latest, the modes are the pit (chapter 10). structure, small pueblo, large early pueblo, and large late pueblo configurations. These Pit Structure Architecture, Valdez phase, modes are in specialized ways peculiar to A.D. 1050/1100–1200) the Taos area but also parallel in a general Archaeological inventories in the Taos area way architectural developments taking (Blumenschein 1956, 1958; Herold 1968; place in the rest of the northern Rio Grande Woosley 1986) have revealed numerous region (see Adler 1993c; Boyer et al. 1994; Valdez phase settlements, most of which Crown 1990; Wendorf 1954; Wendorf and contain evidence of one or more pit Reed 1955; Wetherington 1968; Woosley structures. The most common habitation 1986) as well as the larger ancestral Pueblo site recorded in Taos-area archaeological world (Adler 1996). These four surveys contains one to four pit structures architectural modes are followed by a fifth, dating between about 1050 and 1200.2 One Spanish-influenced stage of individual large Valdez phase settlement has been family dwellings made of adobe bricks. reported that possibly falls outside the The relationships between Pueblo general pattern. The El Pueblito site architecture, social organization, and (LA12741), near Arroyo Hondo, contains community structure are discussed up to 9 adobe roomblocks, 14 small elsewhere in this volume in more detail depressions, and 2 larger depressions. (chapter 10). The specific details of Picuris Surface ceramics are Valdez phase, and a architectural change are discussed in the single radiocarbon sample from a salvage following section. excavation at the site dates to A.D. 1120 ± These general modes treat 120 (calibrated). Besides this one possible alterations in the construction and use of early aggregated settlement, Taos-area domestic architecture as primary defining settlement patterns show a predominance of criteria that are central to our understanding small, dispersed household settlements of changes in settlement size and prior to A.D. 1200. organization through time. The most

45 The origin of the deep, sheer-walled the pit structures in the southern part of the pit structure with an eastern-oriented area constructed slightly later. ventilator shaft remains uncertain. Early Boyer’s (1994:392) more recent interpretations look to the Red Mesa Valley review of more than 30 Taos-area pit (Gladwin 1945) and the Navajo Dam area structures reveals significant differences (Dick 1965b), where subterranean domestic between two clusters of Valdez phase pit structures of similar construction have been structures, one located north of the town of investigated. Others look to the middle Rio Taos, and the other to the south. Boyer Grande region as a source for the Valdez proposes that the differences are not phase occupation in the Taos area (Boyer et temporal and may be related to differences al., 1994). Reed (1948) asserts that the in community membership and settlement Tiwa-speaking peoples of Taos and Picuris use. In the northern cluster of pit houses are the descendants of the original (n=18), a majority had natural-soil walls, occupants of the Rio Grande region, with only two subterranean structures lined meaning that any debates about the with coursed-adobe walls. Pit structures in “origins” of the Taos-region architectural the southern cluster all had coursed-adobe complexes are moot. A more important walls in those cases where walls were question to ask, then, is how the described by the excavators. Though he architectural forms in the area relate to does not apply statistical tests to the areal changes in subsistence, social organization, differences, Boyer points out other and mobility. differences as well. Northern pit structures The subterranean domestic are predominantly rectangular and are structures of the Valdez phase are often associated with small surface structures associated with small surface structures of made of coursed adobe. Pit structures in coursed adobe, or jacal. Excavated pit the southern cluster tend to be circular, with structures of this phase range in shape from a larger number of surface structures rectangular with rounded corners to constructed of jacal. Internal and external circular. All are deep (2-3 m [ca. 6-10 ft]) features also differ in type and frequency and, with one exception (Brody 1965), lack between the two areas, as does the benches. frequency of remodeling and the modes of Adler (1993c) and Boyer and others structure abandonment. Boyer (1994:424) (1994) have recently summarized suggests these differences may be due to architectural characteristics of Valdez phase the presence of “two different Anasazi pit structures in the northern Rio Grande populations” in the area. region. Boyer’s research in particular Despite the differences in highlights the variation present within the architectural details, it is likely that the sample of architectural features from the dispersed households occupying pit Taos area. In an earlier discussion of structures between A.D. 1050–1200 were Taos-area architecture, Dick and others relatively mobile, moving their residences (n.d.) noted differences in pit structure every generation or so, while pursuing a construction between the areas north and subsistence regime that integrated both the areas south of Taos; in particular they agricultural and foraging strategies. noted the smaller size of the southern pit Evidence of these settlement and structures relative to those north of Taos. subsistence strategies is discussed in more They proposed that differences in size and detail by Boyer and others (1994). construction may have been temporal, with

46

Figure 4.2. Area VI, Picuris Pueblo. Note Subfloor Caches in Rooms 2, 6, 12, and 16

47

Early pit-structure occupation at channel is covered with a rock that may Picuris is represented by a single small have also served as a deflector. The east end structure excavated in Area VI (Figure 4.2). of the channel abuts a second rock. The Valdez phase pit structure was This is likely one of many such discovered in a subfloor test pit under one of structures at Picuris. Numerous the rooms of the main structure and was unexcavated pit structures from this time excavated in 30 cm (1 ft) levels. Like the period are located on a ridge approximately majority of the Valdez phase pit structures one-half mile south of the modern pueblo. in the southern cluster (Boyer 1994:400), the Midden deposits exceeding 75 cm in depth Picuris pit structure is roughly circular and (2.5 ft) and containing only Taos is on the small side, with a diameter of 3m Black-on-white ceramics with no other (9.9 ft). The wall is made of coursed adobe decorated types were excavated in the upper covered with a thin layer of white plaster. plaza of the modern pueblo (Area IX), The maximum height of the wall is 1.8 m indicating a significant Valdez phase (6.1 ft), and no bench was present. The occupation at the site. horizontal vent shaft opening on the east wall is 50 cm (1.7 ft) high, 25 cm (0.825 ft) Unit Pueblo Architecture, Pot Creek wide, and 1m (3.3 ft) long. A lip on the phase, A.D. 1200–1250 opening of the horizontal vent shaft is 10 cm No comprehensive archaeological surveys (0.35 ft) high. A lintel of split juniper was have been undertaken in the Picuris area, so found above the opening. No cross pieces, the nearest sites contributing information such as were found in the horizontal vent about this period are located in the Rancho shafts of the kivas, supported the roof of the del Rio Grande valley 10 miles to the north. horizontal vent shaft in the pit structure. Previous summaries of architectural change The vertical vent shaft has a diameter of 26 in the Taos area uniformly agree that cm (0.86 ft). late-12th- and early-13th-century occupations The floor of the pit structure was consisted largely of small adobe pueblos made of adobe and had no postholes. A dispersed across the landscape ridge 3 cm (0.1 ft) high runs in front of the (Blumenschein 1958:110; Boyer et al. 1994; horizontal vent shaft and was probably used Crown 1990; Herold 1968; Woosley 1986). as a damper sill. A rectangular slab damper, Many of the sites located by these 38 x 23 cm (1.25 x 0.75 ft), was found lying researchers contain Taos Black-on-white as against the south wall of the horizontal vent the only decorated ware on the surface, shaft. although some also contain Santa Fe The centrally located hearth has a Black-on-white sherds in their assemblages diameter of 45 cm (1.5 ft) and a depth of 26 Wendorf and Reed (1955:138–144) assign cm (0.86 ft). An ashpit, 52 cm (1.7 ft) in these small unit pueblo sites to the Rio diameter and 21 cm (0.7 ft) deep, was found Grande Developmental period, with a few east of the hearth. Below the ashpit is a extending into the Pindi Stage of the Rio cylindrical hole, 18 cm (0.6 ft) in diameter Grande Coalition period. and 26 cm (0.86 ft) deep. Both the ashpit Several small pueblo sites dating to and the cylindrical hole were filled with ash. this time period have been excavated in the A channel—10 cm (0.3 ft) wide, 8 cm (0.25 Taos area, including Sagebrush Pueblo ft) deep, and 18 cm (0.6 ft) long—runs (Morenon n.d.), TA-25 (Blumenschein between the hearth and the ashpit. The 1956:55–56), TA-26 (Vickery 1969), Llano

48 (Jeançon 1929), and TA-47 (Green 1976). inventories. These architectural complexes Tree-ring dates of A.D. l227+ have been are difficult to identify, though, given that obtained from Jeançon's site (Robinson and they are composed of single-story adobe Warren 1971; Smiley, Stubbs, and Bannister structures that are difficult to delineate after 1953:38) and of A.D. 1234 from TA-25 several hundred years of collapse and (Robinson and Warren 1971). These sites erosion. are composed of multiple, contiguous Architecture dating to the late 12th surface rooms constructed of coursed adobe and early 13th centuries has not been found and a plaza area that often contains one or at Picuris, but this is likely the result of more subterranean structures. long-term landscape modification at the site. The small pueblos of the Pot Creek It is possible that some or all of the Taos phase generally lack the distinctive central Black-on-white trash in Area IX comes from basin features found in almost every room in such a dwelling, but no walls or features the later large pueblos of the following were found in the excavations that could be phases. Rooms at Llano contained low assigned to this period. Given the penchant adobe ridges around the center post (Jeançon for site occupants to recycle adobe from 1929:plate 3b), but there are no indications collapsed structures and reuse the material to of the deeper center post basins found at Pot build more recent buildings, the lack of Creek Pueblo and Picuris. Dick (1965b) evidence for early surface structures is not suggested that the lack of these specialized surprising. central basin features may be in part due to the fact that the small pueblos of this stage Large Multistoried Pueblos, Talpa Phase, were single-storied as contrasted with the A.D. 1250-1325 multistoried dwellings of the following The post-1250 occupation of the Taos area stages. is represented by a plethora of data Before we can say much more about recovered from a very small number of sites. the settlements of this period, however, we Though these data compose a significant require a larger sample of more fully body of data for architectural contexts dating excavated settlements. The fact remains that between A.D. 1250–1325, the fact that these our sample of architectural remains from data are derived primarily from only two this period is not sufficiently large to allow a sites, Pot Creek Pueblo and Picuris Pueblo, survey of architectural variability such as should alert researchers to the possibility of those compiled for the Valdez phase. As sampling error with respect to architectural originally defined by Wetherington (1968), diversity on a regional basis. the Pot Creek phase spans only 50 years. If Settlement strategy during the late the sort of small pueblo architecture 13th and early 14th centuries was focused generally associated with this phase was as on population aggregation. The large short-lived an architectural mode as the settlement at Pot Creek Pueblo is the best phase itself, we should not expect a large example of the early form of aggregated sample of such settlements. It is likely, settlement in the region. Wetherington’s though, given recent survey evidence (1968) monograph on the settlement remains (Woosley 1986), that the reliance on the primary description of the architectural dispersed pueblo residential sites has a features at the site, but subsequent greater time depth than is currently assigned. excavations at the site have augmented what Suites of surface rooms are present on many we know about the settlement (Adler 1993b, of the Valdez phase sites recorded by local 1995a; Crown 1991; Crown and Kohler

49 1994). Wetherington is correct to point out that the Early Talpa phase rooms at Pot structural integrity of a multistory building Creek Pueblo and Picuris generally contain is compromised as central posts subside or shallow central post basins, certainly much rot. However, the ample evidence of shallower than those constructed between multiple construction episodes at both about A.D. 1400–1800. A single central Picuris and Pot Creek Pueblos suggests that support post, the base of which is placed structures may not have been built to last into the earth in the middle of the central centuries but were probably rebuilt every basin, is found in almost every room generation or two. Crown (1991) has argued postdating the beginning of the 13th century. that structures were repaired or refurbished Open plaza areas containing both large and about every 19 years at Pot Creek Pueblo. small kivas are also common during this These observations are consistent with the period. Multiple-story structures are common knowledge of all adobe-dwelling common at the site. peoples; adobe structures require constant Wetherington (1968) has discussed maintenance and care, including replastering the central post construction at Pot Creek of building exteriors, refurbishing roofs, and Pueblo, highlighting this relatively rare stabilizing relatively flexible walls. The architectural characteristic in the Southwest. likelihood that structures were constantly Central post construction utilizes a single, under repair and reconstruction has vertical post to support a primary viga that important implications at Picuris, since the spans either the width or the length of the use of adobe would result in the construction room. In some cases the remains of walls of a larger number of architectural features stood high enough at Picuris to show that over time than would a more additional vigas spanned the room from wall weather-resistant construction technology to wall on either side of the main, paralleling such as masonry. the post-supported viga (Dick 1965b). The Examples of Talpa phase structures central base of the central support post was are rare at Picuris because of the long-term generally buried from 50 to 100 cm (1.7 to occupation of the settlement and the 3.3 ft) into the ground, resting on a flat stone continuous modification of architectural to prevent the post from sinking into the features. This contrasts with Pot Creek ground. Pueblo where the primary occupation lasted Wetherington (1968) suggests that only about 60 years (A.D. 1265–1325), multistory construction may not have been culminating with the complete abandonment well-suited to this type of center-post of the settlement. At Picuris, two complete construction, ultimately leading to the rooms and portions of three other rooms abandonment of the technique at Picuris dating to the Talpa phase were excavated. (and Taos Pueblo as well) by the 19th These rooms were covered by a series of century. If this is so, it does not explain why post-1350 rooms in the north portion of the this technique was utilized for over six upper plaza of the modern pueblo (Figure centuries or why its use spanned the time 4.3). These rooms all had central posts and between the introduction of multistory shallow basins. Parts of two floors architecture in the late 13th century and the associated with ceramic assemblages shift to single-story residences at Picuris dominated by Talpa Black-on-white were during the 19th century. The resilience of excavated in the south portion of the upper the technique attests to its effectiveness in plaza. supporting multistory structures.

50

Figure 4.3 : Early Rooms Underlying Later Rooms, Area IX, Picuris Pueblo

51 Because great amounts of trash from domestic dwellings until the middle of the the Talpa phase have been excavated at 18th century and perhaps later in a limited Picuris, it is clear that the excavated sample fashion. A considerable portion of the underrepresents the extensive Talpa phase prehistoric architecture built between the occupation at Picuris. The south slope of 15th and 18th centuries remained standing Area VI revealed nearly two meters of until the early part of the 20th century refuse containing Santa Fe and Talpa (Figures 4.4-4.5). After these structures Black-on-white pottery. Extensive testing ceased to be used as domestic spaces, some under the post-Talpa phase floors found at of the more intact structures were used as the top of the slope failed to reveal any animal pens. A portion of one of these earlier surface rooms. The trash under the structures is still standing (Castillo Viejo), later rooms postdates the Santa Fe phase, with portions of the ceiling support system indicating that Talpa phase rooms were not still intact (Figure 4.6). remodeled to make later rooms. It appears It was the mass of multistory as if the Talpa phase rooms in Area VI were architecture built between the mid-14th and completely removed down to the floor level the late 16th centuries that De Sosa reports and below before the construction of later as reaching nine stories in height (Schroeder room-blocks. In addition, one large kiva. 1963:1). It is more likely that the structures (Kiva M, see Figure 4.13) and at least three were no more than five to six stories high. small kivas were built during this stage. Later, Dominguez described Picuris as containing four massive blocks of multistory Late Large Multistoried Pueblos, Post- rooms (Adams and Chavez 1956). At least Talpa Phase, A.D. 1325 to Present three of these room-blocks were excavated, Excavations have revealed this type of and we can speculate about the location of structure only at Taos Pueblo (Ellis and the fourth. Brody 1964) and Picuris Pueblo, with only a Two of the house-blocks were truly very small area potentially dating to this massive. The East Big House (Area VI, see period at Taos Pueblo. Ellis and Brody Figure 4.2, and Area II, see Figure 4.7) (1964:324-325) report 10 additional Taos contained approximately 170 ground-floor County archaeological sites that date to the rooms, 59 of which were excavated. The A.D. 1300–1600 time period and that may West Big House (Areas I, V, and IX) had belong to this architectural stage. At this 150 to 170 ground-floor rooms of which 34 point in regional research, however, Picuris were completely excavated and 4 were remains the only context for extensive partially excavated. The smaller north archaeological investigation of occupation room-block (Area IV) had about 30 dating between A.D. 1350–1850 in the Taos ground-floor rooms, of which 8 were area. completely excavated and 8 more were During this time period, probable partially excavated. A fourth house-block multistory structures of the pre-1350 period may have been located along the south side were torn down at Picuris, and larger of the upper plaza of the modern pueblo, an room-blocks were built over the floors and area that is today covered by modern houses. wall stubs of the destroyed room-blocks. Another possibility is that Dominguez Many small kivas were constructed. considered the West Big House to be two Construction of the large room-blocks at separate structures, since the West Big Picuris commenced in about A.D. 1350. House is cut by a passageway 3 m (10 ft) These structures served as the primary wide. Numerous kivas date to this stage. In

52

Figure 4.4 Multi-story Coursed Adobe Architecture (left) and Round House at Picuris, 1903 (photo by A.C. Vroman, neg. 2076, used with permission of Smithsonian Institution).

Figure 4.5: Multi-story Coursed Adobe Architecture, Picuris, 1903 (by A.C. Vroman, neg. 2074, used with permission of Smithsonian Institution).

53

Figure 4.6: Standing Architecture at Picuris, 1961. Note Central Post Support in Standing Structure and Remains of Central Posts in Excavated Rooms (foreground).

54

Figure 4.7: Map of Excavated Rooms, East Big House (Area II)

55 addition to the big kiva (Kiva M), at least 21 The room size average (8.9 m2) for other kivas appear to have been constructed the entire site is nearly one square meter or in use between A.D. 1350 and A.D. 1900, below the average for Pot Creek Pueblo, many of them painted with unique wall occupied primarily between A.D. 1270– murals (see chapter 9 in this volume). 1325. Given that only two rooms at Picuris can confidently be dated to this same time Size and Shape of Surface Rooms span, the room size data indicate a decrease Surface rooms are rectangular to square. in the size of rooms in the surface rooms in Differences in wall proportions were noted, the largest villages occupied in the 13th-18th but generally the rooms tend toward a mean centuries. There may be several reasons for dimension of 3.3 m (10.8 ft) on a side, with this decrease in room size. the extremes ranging between 2 m (6.6 ft) The first possibility is that increasing and 4.26 m (14.1 ft). In shape and specialization in room function may have dimensions they are similar to Pindi where resulted in less floor space required per "the rooms were roughly rectangular and room. This explanation assumes that there average 6.5 by 9 ft" (Stubbs and Stallings is a correlation between the space required 1953:29), and to the other coursed adobe for an activity and the number of activities pueblos that have been excavated in the that can be simultaneously undertaken in a northern Rio Grande region (Creamer 1993; room. There are no data available at Picuris Shapiro 1996). that can be used to test these assumptions, The rooms of the West Big House since the ground floor rooms excavated were are generally square, with an occasional used predominantly as storage areas and room slightly longer in the north-south since no upper-story contexts were dimension than the east-west. The rooms preserved due to the melting and collapse of from the Castillo Viejo north (Figure 4.6) in the multistory structures. the East Big House are generally square, but A second and not necessarily about half of the rooms south of the Castillo mutually exclusive explanation is that Viejo are about 50 percent longer in their decreasing room size through time was a east-west dimension than in their structural adjustment to the construction of north-south. increasing numbers of stories in the later In the north house block (Area IV), room-blocks. As described above, one of the north-south dimension ranges from 50 the unique characteristics of Taos-area percent to 100 percent longer than the surface architecture is the nearly ubiquitous east-west dimension. In addition, several use of central support posts. The use of a rooms in the east half of the East Big House central support post allows greater room size (Area II) were somewhat longer east-west because the primary vigas can span a wider than north-south. distance with the added central support. Room size varies within and across Evidence from Picuris also shows that upper the excavated room-blocks at Picuris, but stories were supported by central posts that the general pattern is one of relatively were placed directly on top of the lower standard sized rooms containing between 8 support posts. This support system is 2 and 9.6 m of floor area (Table 4.1). The effective granted both that the size of the room-blocks with the largest (Area II) and roof being supported does not exceed the smallest (Area VI) floor area still exhibit load capacities of the walls and the central relatively similar amounts of room size support post and that the number of floors variation as measured by the coefficient of being stacked up does not become too great. variation statistic. 56 Table 4.1: Room Size Comparisons, Picuris Pueblo

Area Room Avg. floor Floor Area, Standard Floor Area Counta area (m2) Deviation (m2) Coefficient of Variation. All of Site 68 8.9 1.4 15.7 Area II 20 9.6 1.6 16.7 Area IV 8 8.2 1.1 13.4 Area V 23 8.9 1.4 15.7 Area VI 13 8.0 1.0 13.7 Area IX 4 9.5 0.4 4.2

a Room count includes only entire rooms for which wall measurements could be taken. The floor area is calculated by averaging the length of parallel walls and then multiplying the averaged wall measurements.

Table 4.2: Comparison of Average Ground-Floor Room Size in Northern Rio Grande Pueblo Sites

Site Room Size (m2) Reference

Pa’ako 6.38 Lambert 1954:11 Te’ewi 6.2 Wendorf 1953:37 Pindi 5.3 Stubbs and Stallings 1953:29 Poshu 6–8.75 Jeançon 1923:8 Pueblo del Encierro 7.2 Hunter-Anderson 1979 Arroyo Hondo Component I 6.31 Creamer 1993:122 Arroyo Hondo Component II 6.74 Creamer 1993:122 Picuris 8.9 Dick 1965b; this volume Pot Creek 9.9 Adler 1995

57 Table 4.3: Architectural Data on Subterranean Structures, Picuris Pueblo

Pit Structure Shape N-S E-W Floor Estim. Sipapu Human Support Foot Depth Niches Deflector Comments Dim. Dim. Area Use Burials Posts Drums (m) Present? (m2) Date Kiva A subcirc 5.2 6 26.4 1550 0 1 4 3 ? ? yes Kiva sub-A subcirc 5.0 5.2 20.4 1400? 0 see 4 3 ? ? ? kiva A Kiva B subcirc 5.6 5.6 24.7 1350? 1 0 0 3 ? 2 yes Kiva C subcirc 6 5.6 26.4 post- 0 1 4 1 2.2 2 yes Possible stone altar, SE 1300 of hearth; const. date unsure, post-1300 Kiva E circular 5.8 5.7 26 1350 0 0 4 3 ? 3 no Kiva H circular 5.6 5.6 24.6 1500 ? ? ? ? 2.5 ? no Trenched only; dendro. dates on latillas are 1450–1480 vv dates Kiva K subcirc 6.6 6.6 34.9 post- ? ? ? ? 2.4 2 no Has subsid. ventil.; 2 1300 subfloor channels Kiva L circular 6.1 6.1 29.2 post- ? 0 ? 2 2 ? no Trenched through 1300 middle of structure Kiva M subcirc 13 13 133. 1425 ? ? 6 3 2.6 ? no Area 9 dates 1200- 3 1350, dendros 1405, 1411vv; 40 prayer plume holes Kiva N subcirc 5.4 ? 23.6 1330 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 3 vv dendro dates (1297, 1303, 1330) Kiva O ? ? ? 0 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Trench through structure 12.5 ft long, not center Kiva P ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Tested in 1971, field notes not available *Valdez subcirc 3 3 7 Valdez 0 0 ? 0 ? 0 ? Partially tested Phase Pit Phase Structure

58 As an example, let us assume that guesswork as to the construction technique the weight of a roof—including the vigas, of walls and roofs remains. Wetherington adobe, and closing materials—equals 200 (1968:19–46) bases much of his kg/m2. The weight of the roof increases reconstruction of Pot Creek Pueblo on significantly for every 10 cm the floor is observable characteristics of standing expanded in each direction. This ultimately architecture in the old portion of Picuris. puts a limit on the size of the roofed area in Similarly, Stubbs and Stallings (1953:28) a single-story structure. When buildings are examined Picuris to gain insight into the multistory, the stress on the central post nearly identical Pindi architecture, stating: system also increases exponentially. One “This fast crumbling building at Picuris solution to the increasing structural stresses gives with almost photographic exactness a created by adding upper stories is to picture of Pindi rooms as determined by decrease the size of the roofed space. The excavation evidence. If all such problems loss in floor space per room, then, is of prehistoric life were as faithfully compensated by increasing the number of preserved there would be very few false rooms that can be stacked one upon the assumptions which can now only be tested other. by the gradual accumulation of small bits of One of the trade-offs, though, with evidence.” smaller rooms, is the loss of storage and Both Picuris and Pindi were built of living space per room. One solution to this coursed adobe. For an excellent detailed at Picuris was to increase the overall size of summary of this building technique the central post basins in the lower-story duplicated so clearly at Picuris, see Stubbs rooms. With an increase in capacity of the and Stallings' report (1953:25-28) and larger, deeper storage pits, less space was Wetherington’s (1968) description of Pot needed for food storage in the upper stories. Creek Pueblo. Picuris surface architecture Picuris Room Size in Regional Perspective construction is relatively straightforward. In her recent summary of the architecture of After the building site had been leveled (at Arroyo Hondo, Creamer (1993:122) times, filling was necessary), wall summarizes room size variation in large foundation trenches were dug below the sites occupied between A.D. 1300–1500 in proposed floor level to depths of 15–60 cm the northern Rio Grande. A comparison of (0.5–2 ft). Foundations of wet adobe were the Picuris Pueblo and the Pot Creek Pueblo set into the trenches, much as concrete room size data with her summary (Table would be poured into a trench foundation. 4.2) shows a significant difference between Occasionally cobbles were incorporated these northernmost pueblos and the roughly into the foundation for additional strength. contemporaneous Pueblo villages to the This foundation layer formed the first south. course and usually ran the length of a wall. After the first course had dried, the Wall Construction second course was built up out of handfuls Portions of the post-1350 house-block were of adobe. The mass was patted into shape still standing in several parts of Picuris in until a course 30–60 cm (1–2 ft) high, and 1900–1935 when various photographers extending the length of the wall, had been visited the site. Some of these structures built up. Walls were generally constructed were still three stories high (Figure 4.5). 25–40 cm (0.8–1.3 ft) thick. As soon as Since these rooms are similar in style and one course had dried, another was added age to most of those excavated, little

59 until the desired height had been achieved. times during the excavations, workers were Because the multistory structures have asked to deliver a dump truck of backdirt to collapsed into the lower floor rooms, walls a household looking for material to plaster a of the ground-story rooms are preserved. In house or to make new adobe bricks for rare instances, these walls are sufficiently construction. This modern recycling intact at a height that preserves viga holes. exemplifies why early surface architecture These holes tend to at 2–3 m (7–10 ft) is rare at the site. above the floor. The resulting walls looked like Floors those in Figures 4.4–4.5 when completed. Floors were uniformly made at Picuris. All the rooms excavated, as well as the wall After the walls were in place and the floor remains in the fill, show this type of wall area was leveled, layers of tan adobe plaster construction was used throughout the were spread in a solid mat extending from known site. wall to wall, averaging 5–15 cm (0.2–0.5 ft) A review of early Picuris photos and thick. Occasionally a second or third layer the evidence from the excavations show of equal thickness was added, probably in examples of all the wall features noted by association with a remodeling or Stubbs and Stallings (1953:29–31) and reconstruction of the room. The floors are Wetherington (1968:19–25), including flat, and little tendency is seen for the edges hatchways, vents, shelves, and doorways. to slope up near the walls. In contrast to the As noted by Stubbs and Stallings (1953:29), wall plaster, the floor plaster rarely contains there is a general lack of plaster adhering to either artifacts or charcoal. In one instance the remaining walls in the excavated Picuris (Room 2, Area IV), the floor is so hard and rooms. They (1953:29) state, "The lack [of flat that one suspects something besides plaster] was due to non-existence rather water was added to the mixture for strength. than erosion." The occasional occurrence Jeançon suggests that grease was added to of plaster on wall fragments in the rubble the floors at Poshuouinge (1923:14), but lead us to believe that, at Picuris, the this has not been substantiated at this or any general practice was to plaster the upstairs other site in the northern Rio Grande. living rooms while leaving the ground-floor storage rooms unplastered. Floor Furnishings It is remarkable that walls often less Floor features are limited to subfloor cists than a foot wide were used to support a and postholes. Subfloor cists are typical multistoried building. An interesting features of almost all ground-floor rooms at feature of Picuris walls is that they are Picuris. In addition to the cists, centrally almost uniformly made of trash-bearing placed roof-support posts are found in adobe quarried from some nearby area. nearly all rooms. Occasionally rooms have The resulting gray adobe contrasts been found lacking the cists, but the norm is markedly with the yellow native clay of the to have a subfloor cist with a central post, area. This, of course, serves to help usually placed in the cist. In the later confuse archaeological contexts, since multistory buildings, there were only two many early potsherds show up in the concentrations of rooms without center post collapsed walls. The practice is still in pits. In the north room-block (Area IV) all vogue at Picuris, since the modern eight completely excavated rooms lacked inhabitants still reuse adobe quarried from the storage pit. During later salvage the large room-block ruins. Numerous operations in this room-block in 1965, eight more rooms were partially excavated, two

60 of which had storage pits. The other post and the side of the hole to stabilize the concentration of similar rooms was in the post. One or more slabs stacked under the southwest portion of the East Big House. post helped prevent the post from sinking Two patterns of central cist into the soil. It should be noted that the construction are documented at Picuris, one posts were almost always centrally located constructed early and the other later in the within the rooms, even though this might occupation sequence. The early floor cists mean a striking eccentricity with relation to are wide, shallow basins, about 1 m (3.3 ft) the subfloor pit in which they were placed. in diameter and 20–30 cm (0.7–1 ft) deep, with a lip around the perimeter. They are Hearths little more than prepared basins in the floor, The complete lack of hearths or other since no special plaster lining was used. special room furnishings in any of the The floor plaster simply continues down excavated ground-floor rooms at Picuris is and through these shallow depressions. noteworthy and is one of the major These early features most likely served as architectural differences between Picuris storage basins, with this conclusion based and the other coursed-adobe pueblos in the on the assumptions that they precede region. It is unknown to what extent the similar, deeper features that show standing architecture photographed by prehistoric evidence as storage facilities. Vroman and others may have contained Only two unequivocal examples of these floor features; photographers did not record shallow basins were found at Picuris, due to room interiors in any of the crumbling the small number of pre-1350 A.D. surface buildings at the site. Hearths were rooms at the site, but many shallow basins constructed in first-story rooms at Arroyo have been excavated at Pot Creek (Crown Hondo but were more commonly built on 1991; Wetherington 1968). The later the floors of the second-story rooms storage cists, on the other hand, are 45–110 (Creamer 1993:30). Similarly, hearths were cm (1.5–3.6 ft) deep and up to 2 m (6.6 ft) built in both first- and second-story wide. Their sides are straight, slope in, or contexts at Pot Creek Pueblo (Adler 1995). are slightly undercut. Occasionally they are slab lined. They were always made by Roofs lining an excavation hole with a thick (ca. As is the case with the walls, Picuris still 10 cm [0.3 ft]) layer of plaster. Excavators has examples of later rooms standing with from Picuris frequently mentioned that roofs intact. In 1965, Dick and others these features were used for storage when working at the site could still directly the structures were still inhabited. examine the roofs. When the materials In almost every room, centrally recovered from the excavations were placed roof-support posts were set in combined with the direct examination of slab-lined, slab-bottomed postholes. The surviving examples, it became possible to early photographs (Figures 4.4–4.5) reveal present an accurate reconstruction of the that central roof supports were also placed typical roof built at Picuris for a period of in the upper rooms. Several of the nearly 500 years. In general, the roof postholes still contained rotted posts construction described below refers to the standing 1-2 m (3.3–6.6 ft) high. The post-1350 A.D. structures, but it is probably postholes are deep (ca. 30–50 cm [1–1.7 ft]) applicable in its main features to Talpa and average 20 cm (0.7 ft) in diameter. phase roofs as well. For the present, the Stone slabs were wedged down between the post-1350 A.D. roof style will be extended, on limited evidence, to the early rooms, but

61 future researchers in the area should look 20 of them were used per roof (note the for hard evidence of early forms of roof ends of them projecting through the walls in construction. Figure 4.5). Pieces of the secondary vigas Variations are to be expected in a are common in the wall rubble filling the pueblo occupied over several hundred years rooms. Occasionally a second layer of and consisting of hundreds of rooms. room-spanning minor vigas was added, as Nevertheless, our excavations, the can be seen in the top-story roof in Figure surviving architectural remnants, and the 4.5. early photographs all indicate that a specific All the latillas found in the rubble roof type was constructed at Picuris. In and observable in the old ruin were made of construction, the builders began by setting a split juniper. They were always laid at right large roof-support post in a deep posthole in angles to the secondary vigas. The use of the center of the room. These posts are split juniper for latillas was common generally about 20 cm (0.7 ft) in diameter throughout the Rio Grande area during the and 3 m (10 ft) or more in length, with 30– late prehistoric and early historic times. 50 cm (1–1.7 ft) of the post set below the Many roofs that used this material and that floor level. When these posts were date to the Pueblo Revolt and postrevolt removed for dendrochronological purposes, periods (ca. 1680–1740) are still standing in most were found to be juniper (Juniperus the Gobernador-Largo area of New Mexico. scapulorum). Twigs and pine needles formed a Although it is not clear from the finishing layer over the latillas before a excavations, observations inside the layer of adobe was added to cap off the Castillo Viejo, the last roofed remnant of roof. The adobe layer must have varied the East Big House, revealed that three considerably, but many houses at Taos main vigas spanned the width of rooms. Pueblo have layers 30–50 cm (1–1.7 ft) Two of them were spaced about 1 foot (30 thick. If the roof was to serve as the floor cm) from the parallel wall and were of an upper room (which was the case in supported by the walls on which they nearly every instance for the ground-floor rested. The third viga spanned the middle rooms in the large room-blocks), it received of the room and was in part held up by the an additional coat of hard adobe. A few central, upright roof-support post. This is pieces of fallen upper-floor plaster the type of main roof-support system found (generally about 5 cm [0.2 ft] thick) bear in the one remaining room. It should be impressions of pine needles, indicating that noted that the same type of roof was used in the pine needles were laid under the floor every room, regardless of whether it was a plaster and over the main roofing adobe. ground-floor storage room, or a third-floor living room. The use of a central upright Room Fill post supporting a central viga in northern In general, the abandoned rooms at Picuris Rio Grande Pueblo architecture seems to be were filled with large chunks of adobe a trait peculiar to Picuris, Pot Creek, and rubble from the collapsed upper walls and perhaps Taos Pueblo. roofs. Sometimes these pieces had melted Secondary vigas, which also into a uniform mass, but in other places the spanned the width of the room, were laid at separate wall and roof pieces were still right angles to the main vigas. The distinct. No pieces of upper-story hearths, secondary vigas tend to be about half the doorways, or other architectural features diameter of the main vigas. Between 5 and were noted in the room fill. This contrasts with the common recovery of upper-story 62 hearth fragments at Pindi (Stubbs and the sewer trench as much as time allowed. Stallings 1953:29), Pot Creek Pueblo The corpus of architectural data and feature (Adler 1994; Wetherington 1968), and measurements for the fully and partially Arroyo Hondo (Creamer 1993). excavated kivas at Picuris is summarized in A few rooms appear to have been Table 4.4. The characteristics of these used as trash dumps. Unfortunately these features are discussed below. rooms were not completely excavated. A common practice in the days after the main Kiva Wall Construction house began to collapse was to wall up an With the exception of part of Kiva A, all abandoned room with new bricks or sticks kiva walls were made of coursed adobe. to fashion a stable for goats, sheep, or The coursed-adobe walls were built in a cattle. Many old men remember using such circular hole dug somewhat larger than the stables (see chapter 3). The lower left-hand planned kiva. The walls were constructed room in Figure 4.5 is a stable in use in of single courses stacked one on the other, 1900. When this particular room was with a gap between the coursed walls and excavated in the early 1960s, a thick layer the excavated pit wall. After wall of manure was found on the floor. construction the area between the back of the coursed wall and the wall of the pit was Subterranean Architecture at Picuris filled with backdirt from the pit. The west During the excavations at Picuris, 15 small portion of the wall of Kiva A, which had kivas and 1 big kiva were partially or fully three painted layers of plaster, was made of excavated, and 7 more small kivas were coursed adobe, but the rest of the Kiva A located but left unexcavated (Figure 1.3). wall consisted of a layer of pine bark held Of the excavated kivas, 5 small kivas (A-E) in place against the pit wall by juniper poles were completely excavated. Half of a sixth covered with adobe. This portion of the (Kiva F) and one-fourth of a seventh (Kiva wall had no plaster. The other kivas all had G) were also investigated. In the course of one layer of painted plaster with the the salvage excavations associated with exception of Kiva D, which had an sewer- and water-line trenching (1964–65), unpainted layer of plaster on the wall over a 8 small kivas and 1 big kiva were painted layer. encountered. Of the 8 small kivas, 3 (Kivas At the time of excavation, the kiva H, J, and K) were trenched to their floors in walls ranged between 1.6–2.0 m (5.3–6.6 one-foot levels in sections 1.6 m (5 ft) long ft) high. The only stabilization to the adobe by 1.2 m (4 ft) wide, 3 (Kivas L, N, and O) walls observed during excavation was a were exposed by the contractor's backhoe series of upright poles incorporated into the and examined in profile, and 2 (Kivas Q coursed-adobe walls of Kivas E and F. The and R) were located inside a modern house poles continue through several courses of and could not be further explored. All the adobe and serve as internal strengthening features observed in the kivas trenched frameworks for the walls, much the same as during the course of the salvage operations metal rebar is used to strengthen cement fell within the range of variation observed walls in modern structures. A similar in the completely excavated kivas. The big technique using poles was used to stabilize kiva (Kiva M) located in the upper plaza of the walls of Kiva 5 at Pot Creek Pueblo the modern pueblo was trenched to the floor (Adler 1994). in the same manner as the other 3 small kivas and was explored outside the line of

63 Kiva Roof Construction Similar ventilators have been found Roof construction can be seen on the photo in kivas at Pecos (Kidder 1958:146–148, of the Kiva E roof (Figure 4.8), which was 153) and in a pit structure at TA-18 near found almost completely intact. The Taos (Green 1976:14). Large ventilators on wooden frame of the kiva roof was made of both the east and the west sides of kivas primary vigas laid on top of the main have been reported at Taos Pueblo (Parsons support posts. Secondary vigas and latillas 1936:18) and possibly at the Llano site were then laid on top in opposing (Jeançon 1929:15). It is impossible to tell directions. After the wooden frame of the from the report whether the west ventilator roof was laid down, the frame was covered at the Llano site was full-size or was of the with a thick cover of pine needles, over smaller subsidiary type such as that at Pot which was placed a layer of adobe, then Creek Pueblo (Adler 1995a). Several dirt. The bottoms of the main vigas in Kiva Picuris Indians have said that their modern E were about 2.3 m (7.6 ft) above the floor kivas contain subsidiary ventilators. A of the kiva. niche in the west wall of the painted kiva at Kuaua (Dutton 1963:131) was called a wall Kiva Ventilator Shafts sipapu. No mention is made of a vertical All five fully excavated kivas had shaft attached to this niche, but such a ventilators on the east side. The horizontal feature may have been missed during vent shafts of Kivas B (Figure 9.3) and C excavation. (Figure 9.4) had floor ridges across the opening, whereas the other three kiva Wall Niches ventilators did not. The rectangular Wall niches were found in Kivas B and D. openings of the horizontal vent shafts were Both kivas had niches in the northwest and 50–90 cm (1.7–3 ft) high and 35–50 cm the southwest portions of their walls, (1.2–1.7 ft) wide. The vent shafts in Kivas located 30-65 cm (1–2 ft) above the floor. A and sub-A were not excavated due to The niches were elliptical in shape and their poor condition. The horizontal shafts ranged from 8–12 cm (3–5 in) wide and in the other kivas were 2.5–2.8 m (8–9 ft) 8-15 cm (3–6 in) high. The niches long and their roofs had from five to seven extended between 13–18 cm (5–7 in) into thin vigas. In all cases observed, the the wall. horizontal shaft was built as a roofed trench rather than as a tunnel. The vertical shafts Shelves and Wall Posts were 35–45 cm (1.1–1.5 ft) in diameter All kivas with ventilator shafts exposed had a shelf above the ventilator opening, with Subsidiary Ventilators the possible exception of Kiva sub-A. The Subsidiary ventilators were found in the shelves were indicated by either four or five west wall of all the fully excavated kivas. holes in the wall at the same level. In the Kiva D had two additional subsidiary 1960s the Picuris community reconstructed ventilators, one in the north wall and one in Kiva C for exhibit purposes. Photos of the the south wall. The subsidiary ventilators structure, which has since collapsed, show a are located 28–50 cm (0.9-1.7 ft) above the shelf with five posts placed into the wall.3 floors of the kivas. The subsidiary The reconstruction of Kiva C was done ventilators in Kiva A and sub-A had according to the plan of the modern kivas in rectangular horizontal shafts (Figure 9.2), Picuris. The reconstructed shelf is 3 m (10 whereas the horizontal shafts in the other ft) long and 40 cm (1.3 ft) wide. In kivas were oval. addition, Kivas sub-A and D had shelves in

64

Figure 4.8: Kiva E Roof Beams, Picuris

the west wall above the subsidiary being hung on such posts in the kivas being ventilator. Nothing remained of the shelves used at the pueblo in the 1960s. except four postholes. Five additional horizontal postholes were found in the wall Prayer Plume Holes of Kiva C. These postholes indicated Three pairs of small (average diameter 2 places where there had been horizontal mm [0.08 in]) holes were found in the wall posts used to hang ceremonial of Kiva C. A total of 40 similar holes were paraphernalia. Kidder (1958:271) describes found in the portions of the Kiva M walls such posts used to hang drums in the kiva at that had been exposed at the east and west Nambe. People at Picuris mentioned to end of the trench running through this kiva, Dick that ceremonial paraphernalia was still the largest of the kivas excavated at Picuris.

65 The Picuris Indians stated that ceremonial larger circular holes located between the twigs are placed in these holes. hearth and the west wall as has been reported elsewhere (Adler 1994; Kidder Floor Features 1958; Wetherington 1968). These features The floors of all of the kivas were made of were, however, purposeful holes leading adobe. There were four postholes in the from the surface of the kiva floor to a floor of each of the smaller kivas; these hollow space not used for storage, much the ranged in diameter from 10 cm (4 in) to 25 same as other sipapus described in the cm (10 in). All the kivas had a central literature. hearth either circular or elliptical in shape, with the exception of Kiva A, which had a Stone Altar "D-shaped" hearth. In Kiva D two A possible two-stone altar was embedded in additional hearths were found below the the floor of Kiva D, 76 cm (2.5 ft) southeast westernmost slab covering the west of the hearth (Figure 4.10). The headstone subfloor channel. The westernmost hearth was embedded 36 cm (1.2 ft) in the floor, was the earlier of the two and had a with 7 cm (2.8 in) of the stone sticking diameter of 65 cm (2.1 ft) and a depth of 70 above the floor. The second stone, which cm (2.3 ft). The other hearth was 75 cm was incised and showed signs of having (2.5 ft) in diameter and 70 cm (2.3 ft) deep. been previously used as a metate, was A shallow ladder trench (10 cm [4 embedded so that the incised surface in] deep) was found east of the hearth in appeared at floor level. A similar Kiva C. Two ladder holes, each 30 cm (12 headstone was found southeast of the hearth in) deep in a trench 6 cm (2.4 in) deep, in Kiva C; however, no incised stone was were found east of the hearth in Kiva D. A found with it. rectangular slab-lined depression was also found east of the hearth in Kiva D. Kiva B Deflectors was the only kiva that had an ashpit. The The only trace of a deflector found in any ashpit was elliptical and 21 cm (8.4 in) kiva was a low adobe stump in Kiva B. deep. Workers from Picuris who were excavating the kiva stated that present-day kivas have Sipapus deflectors constructed on the east edge of Possible sipapus were found northeast of the hearth. A deflector was built in Kiva C the hearth in Kivas B and D. The sipapus using the dimensions of a deflector that is consisted of pots with circular holes buried in one of the present-day Picuris kivas. in the floor in such a manner that only the This deflector, in the form of a terraced hole protruded through the floor. Both pyramid, is made of adobe and is 81 cm sipapu holes were 2 mm (0.08 in) in (2.7 ft) high and 15 cm (6 in) thick. Five diameter. The Kiva B subfloor pot was steps on the edges of the deflector take it lying on one side. This pot (Figure 4.9) had from a length of 88 cm (2.9 ft) at the base parallel rows of indentations around the to 21 cm (8.4in) at the top. body and was roughly spherical with a flaring rim. It had two additional holes, one on the side opposite the sipapu hole and the Subfloor Channels other on the bottom. The Kiva D subfloor A kiva feature found nowhere else in the pot was a plain culinary-ware shoe pot with Rio Grande drainage except the Taos area is a single hole in its base. These are not the subfloor channel. These channels traditional sipapus in the sense of being radiate out from the firepit to the north,

66

Figure 4.9: Miniature Vessel Used as Sipapu in Floor of Kiva B

Figure 4.10: Possible Altar Stones, Kiva D

67 west, and south. Similar channels have been helping to warm the structure during the reported by Brew (1946:141–144) at Alkali colder months. Ridge, by Smiley (1952:28–31) at Point of Pines, and by Joe Ben Wheat (pers. comm.) Kiva D at Porter Pueblo in southwestern Colorado. Kiva D is worthy of special mention. As The channels in the Picuris kivas are dug excavations began on this kiva in 1962, into the native soil during the construction some workers referred to the feature as the of the kiva floor. Often the channels are remains of the "Cochiti Witch Kiva." lined with small slabs of schist or other Several Picuries said that they had heard stone (Kivas A, sub-A, and C), and then the stories about the kiva but that no one alive entire length of each channel is covered was old enough to have seen the kiva when with stone slabs. The floor is plastered over it was in use. Excavators found that all of the slabs, leaving no evidence of their the wall niches had been filled with adobe presence on the kiva floor. In Kiva sub-A, and that the subsidiary ventilators (north, two slabs cover the channels for a short west, and south) had been closed off with distance away from the firepit (about 60 cm stone slabs. After the niches and subsidiary [2 ft]); the rest of the channel is covered ventilators had been closed, the entire kiva with pieces of wood placed crosswise over wall was given an extra coat of plaster, the channels. In Kivas sub-A, B, and C, the which served to cover the kiva paintings, ends of the channels were closed off from the plugged niches, and the subsidiary the hearth with plain culinary-ware sherds. vents. The kiva then appears to have been In Kiva C, the sherds had holes in intentionally burned. The significance of their centers 2 mm (0.08 in) in diameter. this kiva abandonment method is discussed The ends of the channels in Kivas A and D in more detail in the concluding chapter of were closed off from the hearth with a stone this volume. slab. With the exception of the south channel in Kiva D, the lengths of the Kiva M channels are 1.4–1.95 m (4.6–6.4 ft), the Kiva M is significant due to its size (Figure widths are 11–26 cm (4.4–10.4 in), and the 4.11). The remains of this structure were depths are 8–20 cm (3.2–8 in). There was encountered during salvage excavations. no south channel in Kiva D. In its place, a The excavation, widened in the middle of slab was embedded in the floor just south of the kiva to expose additional floor contexts, the hearth. The subsidiary vents on the ran diagonally from the northeast wall to west side of the kivas in all cases line up the westernmost wall, directly across the with the west subfloor channels. In hearth area. addition, the fact that Kiva D has three The floor consisted of many thin, subsidiary vents seems to indicate that there smoke-blackened, polished-adobe layers is a connection between the channels and and was about 6 cm (2.4 in) thick. The the subsidiary vents. The Picuries refer to sides of the roughly rectangular hearth were these channels as “spirit channels.” One stone-lined. The hearth measured 42 cm community member said that spirit (1.4 ft) (N-S) by 36 cm (1.2 ft) (E-W) and messages are sent through the channels. A was 36 cm (1.2 ft) deep, surprisingly small second indicated that the channels also for a big kiva, especially considering the helped radiate heat out of the hearth, large hearths found in the small kivas.

68

Figure 4.11: Kiva M, a Partially Excavated Large Kiva at Picuris Pueblo

69 Two large juniper roof-support rather than digging the hole down from a posts were found in the east-west trench. flat surface. The walls were constructed of From their placement it appears that the coursed adobe with large stone slabs kiva had six roof-support posts arranged in embedded at the base of the wall. The two parallel east-west rows of three posts highest remaining portion of wall still each. If this is the case, the posts retained a maximum height of 2.6 m (8.6 ft) uncovered were the northeast and north- at the time of excavation. No plaster was central posts. Both were about 45 cm (1.5 found on the walls. ft) in diameter and stood 1.2 m (4 ft) above The ventilator was not found in the the floor. Though no cutting dates were trench, but the top of a circular coursed obtained, the posts yielded non-cutting adobe wall 2.9 m (9.6 ft) in diameter was dates in the early 15th century (1411vv and located on the east side of the small modern 1405vv). The northeast posthole was 76 house east of the kiva. This may indicate cm (2.5 ft) deep and the other posthole an antechamber or tunnel entrance on the was70 cm (2.3 ft) deep. Both postholes east side of the kiva. A tunnel on the west were lined on the side with rock wedges side entered the kiva 76 cm (2.5 ft) above and had stone slabs on the bottom. The the floor. The tunnel (70 cm [2.3 ft] wide, roof was probably made of three parallel 67 cm [2.2 ft] high, and 1.10 m [3.6 ft] north-south vigas covered by latillas long) may have served as an entrance, a running east-west, essentially following the subsidiary vent, or both. same roofing procedure described for the A shelf, indicated by six postholes small kivas. in the west wall symmetrically arranged Two subfloor pits (Figure 4.11) with three on either side of the subsidiary located northeast and northwest of the vent, was located about 1.45 m (4.8 ft) hearth have been tentatively identified as above the floor. Near the hearth the foot drums. Good evidence of wooden slats channel is unlined and not well-defined. roofing both pits was found. A poorly This is the only subfloor channel found, but constructed subfloor channel was found small holes ran under the floor near the oriented slightly west of magnetic north, hearth, possibly due to rodent disturbance. running a distance of at least 3.3 m (10.9 ft) In addition, a horizontal stone slab and a north of the hearth. The channel was about small vertical schist slab were found south 30 cm (1 ft) wide as well as deep and had of the hearth. Time did not allow further small slabs of schist lining the walls and excavation of this very interesting kiva. covering the channel. A second perpendicular trench was dug 3 m (10 ft) Settlement Layout south of the first trench in order to locate The exterior shape of the pueblo at Picuris the hearth. Because the contractor had to at the height of its occupation cannot be move his trucks through the Kiva M area, determined given the incomplete excavations were not allowed any farther excavation and the loss of architectural north, leaving the north wall of the kiva units to erosion. Dick (1965b) was unexposed. A 1.2-x-1.5 m (4-x-5 ft) pit convinced that, unlike the planned circular was dug to the kiva floor south of the main shape of Tyuoni or the "D"-shaped town of trench to expose more of the west wall near Pueblo Bonito, the shape of Picuris the subsidiary ventilator. indicated no purposeful overall plan. Kiva M was constructed by digging Room-block growth was by accretion to the into what was then the west side of the hill

70 main room-block according to standard locus for kivas, important ritual integrative room shapes and sizes. spaces built and used throughout the Though no overall shape appears to occupation of the settlement. Thus, even have been the goal at Picuris, it is notable though there may not have been a “village that large, open areas were reserved as plan” that determined the overall shape of plaza space at the settlement. Extensive the built space at Picuris, ritual integrative excavations in these areas (see below) show architecture was set apart in plaza spaces evidence of exterior hearths, storage pits, that were surrounded by larger room-blocks and other features. In addition, the plaza of multistory architecture. Though no spaces served as the primary construction overall plan appears to have influenced the these structures. Second, past arguments location of room-blocks, plazas, and kivas, assume that the introduction of kivas it is worth noting that the rooms in the large spelled the beginning of group ritual room-blocks have their long and short axes behavior among ancestral Pueblo people lined up in cardinal directions and that that, prior to kivas, did not practice such ventilator systems in the kivas were activities in a built environment. For oriented along the magnetic east-west line. example, Wetherington (1968:80) states that the primary social unit during the Pithouses and Kivas: Definitional and Valdez phase was the nuclear or extended Conceptual Approaches family. These groups lived in physically The subterranean kivas found at Picuris and separated domestic sites clustered in at least Taos Pueblos today are part of a long three areas of concentration in the Taos tradition of ritual architecture that at one region. Though these settlement clusters time encompassed nearly the entire Pueblo were probably mutually cooperative, world. In the Taos region, the use of Wetherington does not find evidence of “a subterranean architecture can be traced common ceremonial complex or common back to the 11th century, representing the economic organization” during the Valdez earliest permanent architecture in the area. phase. The lack of a ceremonial complex is The basic characteristics of the Northern directly attributable to the presumed Rio Grande pithouse-kiva tradition are absence of kivas during the Valdez phase. circular, sheer walls, subterranean, deep (2– Third, the question of when a pithouse 3 m [6.6–10 ft]), four-post roof-support becomes a kiva has been predicated on the system, roof entrances, east- or slightly presence of surface architecture in southeast-oriented ventilators, ventilators association with subterranean structures constructed by roofing a trench (rather than (Green 1976). The assumption is that digging tunnels through the soil), central surface architecture is solely domestic in circular hearth, rarity of true deflectors, and function and that its presence allows pit the presence of damper slabs. structures to be transformed to specialized The question of the pithouse-kiva ritual use facilities. transition has been a particularly vexing The question of the pithouse-kiva one in the Taos region for a number of transition has become a nonquestion due to reasons. First, the assumption that ritual the number of unfounded assumptions that kivas developed out of a general class of have accrued over the past decades. Smith subterranean domestic structures is based (1952a) elegantly argued that kivas cannot on a developmental scheme that does not be identified simply on the basis of allow for multipurpose functions among compiling trait lists. At the time that

71 Picuris was under excavation, however, the for ritual activities. The rituals probably assumptions still prevailed not only that the served to integrate and link multihousehold kivas could be differentiated from the groups within and between communities. pithouses, but also that the two were linked These same subterranean structures were in a sort of architectural family tree spread probably also used as domestic spaces, but out across the prehistoric Southwest. For the multipurpose use is consistent with the example, Dick (1965b) argues for a Taos- flexibility in function that accompanies area transitional “pithouse-kiva” architectural features in most small-scale architectural type that directly precedes the societies. adoption of full-fledged kivas at Picuris Increasing ritual specialization during the 13th and 14th centuries. He accompanied the development and use of attributes the origins of the type to a large or “great” kivas across the Southwest “generalized Anasazi-Mogollon pit after about A.D. 600. These oversized structure base,” as though the features were features were constructed as community- linked to a generic culture spreading out of level ritual features, serving to integrate the the central Southwest to peripheral areas multihousehold groups associated with such as the Taos region. smaller integrative features. This same Adler (1993c) has argued that the hierarchy of integrative features is found question is not how kivas developed out of throughout the rest of the world (Adler and pithouses but how and why increasingly Wilshusen 1990), and gets its start in the specialized ritual architectural spaces may Southwest during the Basketmaker period. have developed among the communities of The late appearance of these large features the northern Rio Grande. The in the northern Rio Grande is not the result differentiation of architectural space into of any “lag” in the diffusion of culture traits increasingly specialized uses lies at the to the area but is due to the relatively late heart of the kiva-pithouse dichotomy. regional development of larger Based on assumed increases in population communities that construct and use such size through time in each of the dispersed facilities. Ritual integration, social pithouse communities in the Taos area, it is organization, and architecture in the Taos likely that subterranean architectural spaces area are discussed in more detail in the final were utilized for both ritual and domestic chapter of this volume. activities throughout the Valdez phase. The In sum, the occupation of Picuris lack of “a common ceremonial complex or Pueblo evidences a strong continuity in common economic organization” proposed secular and sacred architectural forms over by Wetherington (1968:80) is based on the a long period of time. The initial sedentary assumption that each of the small pithouse occupation at Picuris, and in the Taos settlements functioned as a separate region in general, was by pit-structure economic and ritual entity. With the dwellers. Rather than being a “stage” in numerous cross-cultural examples of some sort of evolutionary developmental dispersed agricultural communities that scheme for relatively permanent built and utilized ritual integrative spaces architecture, pit-structure use tends to be within and outside their settlements (Adler associated with groups that are relatively 1990), it is more likely that the small mobile, moving their domiciles at least Valdez phase settlements were parts of every few decades or less (Gilman 1987). large, dispersed communities within which This household mobility is common in a select number of structures were utilized situations in which groups utilize rich

72 resource patches or produce their own food populations have one of the longest through horticultural or agricultural continual traditions of coursed-adobe strategies but do so in a relatively sparsely architecture. This conservatism is also populated landscape. As Gilman has reflected in the pottery: the black-on-white pointed out, pit-structure use allows people tradition of ceramic decoration continued in to move seasonally to other areas and to parts of the northern Rio Grande until 1680, close the pit structure up against animals, long after many other portions of the climatic changes, and other potentially Pueblo world had abandoned this style. disturbing influences. Also, pit structures This conservatism in building are not built for long periods of use without material and technology, however, was not major repair, an architectural self- without change. Though the chronological obsolescence that is well-suited to data from Picuris still leave some room for households moving every several years or reinterpretation, it appears that the so. Human dependence on this structure increasing reliance on multistory type at Picuris and elsewhere in the Taos architecture translated into the use of area is consistent with the expectations, somewhat smaller rooms through time. The since the region was only sparsely associated loss of floor space, however, populated throughout the Valdez phase. appears to have been countered by the Before the 13th century, most households increasing volume of the ground-floor lived in small settlements (1–4 pit storage pits so characteristic of the later structures) that together probably composed surface architecture at Picuris. two or more dispersed communities in the What the architecture at Picuris tells area (Boyer 1994). us about culture contact and isolation is still Beginning in the 13th century, open to debate. During the excavations at Picuris was certainly not unique it its Picuris and in subsequent written synthesis, dependence on large aggregated room- Dick and others (n.d.) argued that the blocks. Large multistory apartment number of local architectural complexes are the defining feature of late specializations documented at Picuris and prehistoric and historic pueblos, and the other local sites was indicative of the Picuries constructed and inhabited cultural isolation of the Taos area residents. archetypal pueblo domiciles between the This “isolation” continued, they argue, until late 13th and the 18th centuries. The A.D. 1500, when trade and influence from coursed-adobe multiple-story pueblo was the northern Rio Grande can be recognized characteristic of the entire northern Rio in the acceptance of Glaze D ceramics and Grande region during the Coalition period other nonlocal traits. (A.D. 1200–1325). Though many pueblos Although unique architectural and in the region depended largely or in part on artifactual traits are evident in the stone masonry, the populations of the Taos prehistoric sites of the Taos area, there are area retained coursed adobe. The “origin” many commonalties between the area and of the Taos-area adobe architecture much of the rest of the Pueblo world tradition is somewhat of a moot point, since through time. For example, Taos-area the earliest examples of subterranean populations shared the black-on-white architecture utilize this building medium. ceramic decorative tradition with much of Although earlier examples of coursed adobe the rest of then northern Southwest before have been found in the Southwest (see A.D. 1350. Taos potters began to use chapter 10 in this volume), the local Pueblo organic pigments during the late 13th and

73 early 14th centuries, a shift not unlike the extralocal materials in settlements. Lekson change seen throughout most of the Pueblo (1996) has also proposed that the world at about this same time. post-Chaco Pueblo world was characterized The continued use of the by increasing regional “balkanization,” a black-on-white ceramic decorative change that would also have resulted in less technology after A.D. 1350 has also been interregional contact and exchange. cited as an argument for the cultural The architectural record at Picuris isolation of the Taos area. Though regional documents the use of features rare or shifts to glaze ceramics occurred after this unique in the Southwest, including time, other populations also retained a subsidiary ventilators, subfloor channels in black-on-white tradition well into the the kivas, center posts, and central storage historic period, including those people in pits. Some of these features have more in the Jemez region who made Jemez common with settlements in southeastern Black-on-white until A.D. 1700. New Mexico and northern Chihuahua than The social and ritual organization of with neighboring areas of the northern Rio Taos-area populations is open to debate, but Grande. Cameron (1994) has pointed out the village layout patterns, the reliance on that adobe architecture is found throughout both small and large ritual integrative much of the Sonoran desert environmental facilities, and the adoption of an aggregated zone. Cameron (1994) has proposed that village life, are evidence of a great deal of groups occupying northern climes may similarity between the Taos-area Pueblo have utilized coursed-adobe architecture as communities and those communities a stylistic indicator of cultural affiliation recorded in other parts of the southwest with groups farther south. It is also from A.D. 1100 to the present. These possible that adobe is the more-resilient similarities are examined in more detail in building technology in low moisture the last chapter of this volume. regimes such as that found in the Sonoran The material and temporal region. disjunctions, however, between Taos-area culture change and the culture change The Record of Ceramic Change at documented for other parts of the Pueblo Picuris, A.D. 1150–Present Southwest do require explanation. The Picuris Pueblo is one of the most deeply excavations at Picuris document a lower stratified and longest-occupied sites in the frequency of extralocal materials in refuse Southwest. Thus, it is only natural that the and habitation areas before the 16th century. ceramic sequence should be of extreme One potential explanation is that the importance. Three new vegetal (carbon) introduction of the horse allowed greater paint Black-on-white types are found here mobility and interaction among in stratigraphic sequence from A.D. 1375 to southwestern (and Plains) groups after the 1696, and evidence of local pottery 1500s. Another possibility is that the manufacture from A.D. 1150 to the present increased adoption of an aggregated was also documented in the materials settlement strategy after the 13th century in excavated at Picuris. the Taos area and elsewhere led to an No extensive petrographic analysis overall decrease in the mobility of has been completed on the Picuris ceramic communities through time. Such a decrease assemblage to date. At this time we can in local and regional mobility would be offer no more than preliminary descriptions reflected in decreasing amounts of of the local types. For those types already

74 defined and described in the literature, we pottery types were recognized, including 14 refer readers to the extant descriptions. culinary types. To facilitate description and A large number of discussion, we will break these types down dendrochronological specimens were into eight major categories. The different recovered during excavations, mainly types of culinary wares recovered at Picuris juniper center posts from storage rooms include the following: plain culinary, (Robinson and Warren 1971:45-47), but nonoverlap coil, corrugated, smeared most excavated contexts lack chronometric corrugated, indented corrugated, smeared dates. Hence, ceramic type associations indented corrugated, sharp indented, blunt remain the major source of chronological indented, smeared indented, ribbed, sharp control for our understanding of prehistoric ribbed, indented ribbed, linear incised, and change at Picuris Pueblo. linear scored.4 The most basic information used in estimating occupation dates for the various Mineral-Painted Wares parts of the settlement was the presence of The only iron-paint black-on-white type 5 many extralocal types that have been well found at Picuris is Taos Black-on-white. dated in other parts of the Southwest. The Though the mineral-painted wares are dating of structural and refuse areas uniformly identified as the earliest depends largely on the chronological decorated ceramics in the Taos region, summary of northern Rio Grande pottery debate has centered on the proper types found in Shepard (1942), Smiley, typological classification for these wares. Stubbs, and Bannister (1953:55), Stubbs Mera’s (1935:6) original definition of Taos and Stallings (1953), Wetherington (1968), Black-on-white differentiated this type and Boyer et al. (1994). Dates for the Rio from Kwahe’e Black-on-white based on the Grande Glaze series relies largely upon use of a thicker slip on Taos Mera's (1940) and Kidder and Shepard's Black-on-white and a thinner wash on (1936) discussions, as well as more recent Kwahe’e Black-on-white. Mera also discussions by Warren (1977). The Hopi argued that Kwahe’e Black-on-white was a pottery dates are taken from Colton (1956). sherd-tempered ware, whereas Taos Dates for Little Colorado ceramic types are Black-on-white tended to be tempered with derived from Carlson (1970) and from later sand. work by Kintigh (1985). For the most part, Later revisions of Mera’s types by these types (Tewa series, Taos Peckham and Reed (1963:10–11), Black-on-white, Glaze series, and Hopi Wolfman, Wolfman, and Dick (1965:6–7), ware) serve as the backbone of the Picuris Wetherington (1968:51–54), Green (1976), temporal analysis (Figure 4.12). Where Glassow (1980:137), Lent (1991), and stratigraphic relationships do not support Proctor (Proctor-Weiss 1983, Proctor 1993) the extant dates for known types, it has have been discussed in detail by Levine been necessary to suggest alternate dates of (1994). Levine points out that Mera’s manufacture for those types, at least as they original differentiation based on slip and occur at Picuris. It is quite possible that in temper characteristics of Taos and Kwahe’e many cases, there is a slight time lag or a is not consistently represented within holdover in the occurrence of any particular ceramic assemblages across various type at Picuris. localities in the northern Rio Grande region. During the course of sorting the Sand and sherd tempers are present in pottery from the excavations, 49 different mineral-painted wares throughout the Northern Rio Grande. Similarly, slip 75

Figure 4.12: Date Ranges for Ceramic Types Identified at Picuris Pueblo

characteristics vary throughout the region, petrographic study of mineral-painted with evidence of thin, thick, interior, and sherds from the Pot Creek project (Hill exterior slipping on bowl sherds from sites 1994) indicates that all the sherds came that have been extensively excavated. from vessels made of locally available, The variation observed by Levine in self-tempered clays. slip and temper characteristics of Based on the diversity Kwahe’e mineral-painted wares in the Taos area does Black-on-white is not warranted, and she not appear to be linked to the presence of suggests that researchers refocus attention local and nonlocal ceramics. A preliminary on the temporal range and stylistic

76 attributes associated with the early use of organic paint in vessel decoration mineral-painted wares in the northern Rio was not new to ancestral Pueblo potters, Grande. since it is likely that this same organic paint Smiley, Stubbs, and Bannister had been used as the binder for the earlier (1953:58) date the manufacture of Taos mineral-based paints that dominated the Black-on-white to A.D. 1150 to 1250. ceramic decorative tradition in the northern Based on the association of mineral-painted Southwest before the 12th and 13th by Wetherington (1968:51–54), but they centuries (Blinman 1993; Lister and Lister also differ in terminal date from the date 1978). range of A.D. 1100–1350 proposed by Ceramic analysts have tended to Levine (1994), who based her estimate on a classify northern Rio Grande compendium of absolute dates from recent vegetal-painted wares as Santa Fe excavations in the Taos area (Boyer 1994). Black-on-white since Mera (1935) first The possibility exists that mineral-painted named the type, replacing Amsden’s (1931) wares continued to be made into the 14th earlier “blue-gray type.” In addition to the century, but ceramics from post-1300 clear shift to vegetal paint, Mera noted that contexts at Pot Creek Pueblo show a Santa Fe Black-on-white was tempered definite decrease and sometimes total primarily with coarse sand, sherd, and absence of Taos Black-on-white sherds in volcanic tuff. Mera assigned this type to these contexts (Adler 1993b). The presence the entire northern Rio Grande and Jemez of some Taos Black-on-white sherds in Mountain regions. Although Santa Fe these contexts at Pot Creek Pueblo is to be Black-on-white is often linked stylistically expected, given that the site was occupied to Mesa Verde Black-on-white, it generally during the Valdez phase, as evidenced by lacks the framing lines that characterize the the excavation of two pithouse structures classic design layout and composition of covered by later surface architecture Mesa Verde Black-on-white ceramics.7 (Wetherington 1968). Mera and others did not split the Santa Fe type, unlike the mineral-painted Vegetal-Painted Wares types, into local types based on design As with the mineral-painted wares of the style, slip, or temper composition (but see northern Rio Grande, inferences about the Ellis and Brody 1964, who use Taos-Poge place of manufacture and the local stylistic Black-on-white instead of Santa Fe and technological traditions have been Black-on-white). Recent research, central to the classification of however, has led Proctor to propose that a vegetal-painted (carbon-painted) painted separate type designation, Pot Creek 6 wares. Typologists all agree, however, Black-on-white, be used to identify that the northern Rio Grande ceramic vegetal-painted wares made in the Taos tradition(s) included a widespread adoption area during the first half of the 13th century of vegetal-based paints for the decoration of (Proctor-Weiss 1983, Proctor 1993). slipped and polished ceramics during and Proctor’s argument is a direct outgrowth of after the late 12th century. the debate surrounding the differentiation of Vegetal paint was made by boiling Taos and Kwahe’e Black-on-white. The down plant material, most likely Rocky Taos/Kwahe’e differentiation rests on Mountain beeweed (Cleome), to a sticky whether there is a significant suite of paste and then painting the paste onto bowl stylistic and technological differences that and jar surfaces. The paint was often separate these two early mineral wares. polished into the surface before firing. The 77 Although some ceramic analysts downplay Nonetheless, Dick (1965b) regards the tuff- the differences in slip, temper, and design and silt-tempered Santa Fe Black-on-white style (Lent 1991; Levine 1994), others, as a trade ware originating from the Santa including Proctor, argue that the Taos-area Fe area. Included in his vegetal-paint trade ceramic traditions were sufficiently wares are Santa Fe Black-on-white (tuff- different from those farther south to warrant and silt-tempered varieties), Wiyo a new set of type names. The crux of the Black-on-white, Biscuit A (Abiquiu debate is whether locally made Black-on-gray), Biscuit B (Bandelier mineral-painted pottery constitute a Black-on-gray), and Sankawi separate ceramic type based on stylistic and Black-on-cream. technological characteristics. Because the Dick (1965b) also identified at scope of compositional analyses of Picuris a locally made variety of Santa Fe vegetal-painted wares has been so limited Black-on-white tempered with arkosic sand. to date in the Taos area, the adoption or Identified as “local Santa Fe rejection of the typological differentiation Black-on-white,” this variety is identical in between Santa Fe Black-on-white and Pot every way except in temper to the Santa Fe Creek Black-on-white is far from being Black-on-white that he attributes to resolved. For the purposes of this volume, manufacture in the Santa Fe area (Stubbs we retain the more conservative position, and Stallings 1953:48–50). These ceramic choosing to classify the corpus of wares tempered with arkosic sand may be 13th-century vegetal-painted wares found at the products of people who migrated to the Picuris as Santa Fe Black-on-white.8 Taos area, settled at Picuris, and used local The earliest vegetal-painted ware tempering materials in their pots. Although assemblages at Picuris included both local sand is one of the possible tempering and imported vessels. Based on materials in the description of Santa Fe preliminary identification of temper types Black-on-white (Stubbs and Stallings by Dick (1965b), the majority of Santa Fe 1953:48; see also Shepard in Kidder and Black-on-white ceramics at Picuris Pueblo Shepard 1936), the sand in the Santa Fe contain tuff and silt temper. The greatest Black-on-white from the Santa Fe area is quantity of tuff- and silt-tempered Santa Fe very silty and generally does not include Black-on-white recovered at Picuris came large arkosic sand granules such as are from the south trash slope of Area VI . The found in the Picuris variety. At this point it presence of tuff temper has traditionally appears as if the local variety of Santa Fe been used as an indication of manufacture Black-on-white was made in the Taos area in the Santa Fe area (Mera 1935, Stubbs almost as early as true Santa Fe and Stallings 1953). The local manufacture Black-on-white was made in Santa Fe. of tuff- and silt-tempered Santa Fe According to Stubbs and Stallings Black-on-white remains a possibility, (1953:chart at end of report), Santa Fe however, since there are substantial Black-on-white appeared as early as A.D. deposits of volcanic tuff in the Picuris area 1190 in Santa Fe. By about A.D. 1200, (Montgomery 1953:52–53). Volcanic tuff tuff- and silt-tempered Santa Fe can take many forms, particularly if it is Black-on-white was traded into the Taos reworked from primary deposits, and area, with the local arkosic sand variety further compositional analysis must be appearing at the same time or just slightly carried out to source the tuff temper found later. in the vegetal-painted ceramics at Picuris.

78 Various authors extend the Surface finish: A thin wash is found manufacture span of Santa Fe on bowl interiors (the painted Black-on-white into the 13th and 14th surface) and more often than not centuries (Stubbs and Stallings 1953; on bowl exteriors. Very Kidder and Shepard1936; Crown 1990). occasionally, at Picuris, this Dick (1965b) proposed that a second wash is absent from the interior. vegetal-painted ware, Talpa Absence of a wash is more Black-on-white, began to be made by common at Pot Creek Pueblo. Picuris potters contemporaneously with the Bowl interiors range from rough manufacture of Santa Fe Black-on-white. to well polished whereas Wetherington first proposed this new type exteriors are generally rough in both preliminary reports and his and show signs of coiling. dissertation on Pot Creek Pueblo Polishing marks are apparent on (Wetherington 1964) and later published the interiors and scraping marks the type description in his Pot Creek Pueblo can be seen on the exteriors. monograph (Wetherington 1968). Dick Pigment: Vegetal paint. (1965b:129–131) also provided an early Decoration: See Figure 4.13. description of Talpa Black-on-white9. Decoration is confined solely to Because Dick’s description of Talpa bowl interiors. Early Talpa Black-on-white was based on examples Black-on-white shows frequent from both Picuris and Pot Creek Pueblos use of band patterns composed and does differ from Wetherington’s of large linear elements, mainly (1968:56–57) summary of the type at Pot pendant triangles. Also found Creek Pueblo, it is included here in its on early Talpa Black-on-white entirety. ware are checkerboarding, ticked and barbed lines, small Talpa Black-on-White circles, and frequent hatched Time: A.D. 1200–1450 (does not designs. An unbroken line appear in significant quantity at completely encircling the bowl Picuris until 1275) just below the rim is almost Range: Taos County, New Mexico always found. Line widths on Type Site: Pot Creek site (TA-1) early and late Talpa Construction: Coiling and scraping Black-on-white range from 2 Firing atmosphere: Reducing mm (0.08 in) to 4 mm (0.16 in). Core: White to dark gray; occasional Late Talpa Black-on-white has a carbon streak fairly heavy slip, and thus late Temper: Medium to coarse quartzitic body sherds are and arkosic sand with inclusions indistinguishable from Vadito of magnetite and rare pieces of Black-on-white body sherds, rim muscovite mica form being the distinguishing Texture of the core: Medium to coarse characteristic. Fracture: Rough and irregular Remarks and comparisons: The Shape: Bowls vegetal-painted vessel forms and Rims: Tapered almost to a point designs of Talpa Black-on-white Wall thickness: 4.5–7.8 mm (0.18– undoubtedly derive from Santa 0.31 in) Fe Black-on-white, but the

79 coarse, dirty paste of Talpa Black-on-white in the Taos area, but both Black-on-white is a far cry from samples are from contexts with few or no the hard, clean-gray paste of cutting dates. Further work will require Santa Fe Black-on-white. larger samples of ceramics from well-dated Both Wetherington and Dick agree contexts in the Taos area, such as at the on construction techniques, firing partially excavated TA-25 (Blumenschein atmosphere, texture of the core, fracture 1958), a site with an occupation dating to characteristics, paint type, and vessel form approximately A.D. 1230 (identified as in their summaries of Talpa PC-58 by Robinson and Warren 1971:44). Black-on-white. Differences in the two Second, Dick (1965b:129) identifies descriptions do exist, however, and are only coarse quartzitic and arkosic sand as worthy of mention. First, Wetherington the primary temper types for Talpa dates the ware to A.D. 1250–1400. Dick Black-on-white, whereas Wetherington proposes that Talpa Black-on-white was includes tuff and sherd temper in his type being made in the Taos area before its use description. The lack of these two latter at Picuris and Pot Creek Pueblos, and that temper categories in the Picuris sample is an initial date of A.D. 1200 may be more probably due not to their absence, but to realistic. This temporal difference in the Dick’s definition of Talpa as a local introduction date for the ware has not been decorated ware. As in the case of Santa Fe addressed in detail in excavations in the Black-on-white, tuff and sherd tempering Taos area, and current evidence is are indicators of nonlocal manufacture for equivocal on the topic. A sample of 82 rim Dick. Because he specifically proposes sherds excavated from the Llano site Talpa Black-on-white as unique to the Taos (Jeançon 1929) and studied by Rebecca area, Dick excludes the nonlocal temper Proctor at the Smithsonian Institution did types. contain examples of Talpa Black-on-white. Third, although both researchers Proctor classified 19 percent of the identify Talpa Black-on-white on the basis decorated rim sherds as Talpa of bowl sherds, their definitions differ as to Black-on-white (pers. comm. 1995). The surface finish and rim forms. Wetherington rest of the collection was composed of Taos describes the lack of a slip or thin wash on Black-on-white (53%) and Pot Creek the exterior of Talpa bowls, whereas Dick Black-on-white (Santa Fe Black-on-white, finds that a thin wash is more common than local variety) (28%). The Llano site not on Talpa sherds at Picuris. Rim forms occupation probably dates to the early half at Picuris are tapered, but Wetherington of the 13th century, indicated by a suite of observes tapered, flattened, and slightly tree-ring dates between 1207vv and 1239r. outcurving rim profiles in his sample of Vickery’s (1969) excavations at Talpa Black-on-white vessels at Pot Creek TA-26, located next to Pot Creek Pueblo, Pueblo. recovered 57 sherds that she classified as Finally, both researchers observe the Talpa Black-on-white, composing 2 percent common use of framing lines around the of the total sample of decorated sherds from banded design layouts on Talpa the site. Vickery (1969:280) dates the site Black-on-white bowls, but Wetherington occupation to A.D. 1190–1250, indicating (1968:57) differentiates Talpa and Santa Fe an earlier presence of Talpa Black-on-white on the basis of the “unrestrained freedom” in the area. Thus there is evidence for more common in Talpa design layouts. pre-1250 manufacture of Talpa

80

Figure 4.13: Painted Designs on Talpa Black-on-White Pottery, Picuris Pueblo

Both Wetherington and Dick were the vegetal paint at higher firing well aware of the range of variation present temperatures. in the vegetal-painted wares used in the Technological shifts did occur in the Taos area during the 13th and 14th centuries. Taos-area ceramic tradition through the 13th Dick (1965b:131) points out that the and 14th centuries, but the use of vegetal earliest vegetal-painted wares (Talpa paint continued in the region long after Black-on-white and, if one follows Proctor glaze-paint technology had been adopted in [1993], Pot Creek Black-on-white) had other portions of the ancestral Pueblo rough surfaces and the same paste found in world. The next vegetal (carbon) painted Taos Black-on-white. Dick proposed that type defined at Picuris, Vadito the differences in texture through time were Black-on-white, has not been published to due to changes in firing technology. When date in an accessible form (Dick vegetal-painted ware was fired to the high 1965b:131-134), and is discussed in here in temperatures previously used to fire Taos some detail. Black-on-white, the vegetal paint burned off, which led the potters to try lower firing Vadito Black-on-White temperatures, thus producing a softer, more Time: A.D. 1325–1600 friable paste. Polishing of the painted Range: Taos County, New Mexico surface was necessary because it preserved Type site: Picuris Pueblo (TA-111)

81 Construction: Coiling and scraping solid geometric elements. Most Firing atmosphere: Reducing common are band patterns of Core: Light to dark gray; carbon opposed pendant triangles. streak frequent; occasionally tan Occasional interlocking scrolls Temper: Medium to very coarse and solid stripes, bars, and lines arkosic and quartzitic sand with are also present. Bars, stripes, inclusions of muscovite mica and lines may be vertical, and magnetite horizontal, or oblique. The Texture of the core: Medium to very coarse average width of the lines is Fracture: Rough and irregular 2.5–3.5 mm (0.1–0.14 in); Shape: Bowls only. stripes and bars range in width Rims: The principal forms are: from 4 mm (0.16 in) to7 mm (1) Parallel sides with a flattened (0.28 in). Vadito lip Black-on-white bowls invariably (2) Thickened on the interior of the show a broad, unbroken stripe vessel with a flattened or rounded lip encircling the interior (3) Tapered and recurved (rare) immediately below the rim. The (4) Interior bulge below the rim majority of the rims are ticked (rare) with a series of dashes or Wall thickness: Rims range between 4 occasionally with a double row mm (0.16 in) and 9 mm (0.36 in) of dots. The dashes may be in thickness; the body portions oblique or at right angles to the of bowls range between 2.5 mm rim. Although a fair number of (0.1 in) and 6 mm (0.24 in). rim sherds without ticking have Surface finish: A heavy slip ranging been observed, only a very few in color between white and gray of them were of sufficient size (occasionally tan) is found on to indicate that no ticking was the interior. A thinner slip of present on the whole pot from the same material is found on which the sherd came. the exterior. Crazing occurs on The primary defining distinction the heavily slipped areas. between Vadito Black-on-white and Talpa Horizontal polishing marks Black-on-white is rim form. Though the made with an unyielding tool are two types were contemporaneous during the common on painted surfaces late 14th and early 15th centuries, Dick (primarily the interior); defines Talpa Black-on-white as having a unpainted exterior surfaces are straight, tapering rim, whereas Vadito normally rougher, and scraping Black-on-white is made with increasingly marks are often apparent. flatter and recurved rims. Dick attributes Pigment: Vegetal paint. the increased use of a recurved rim to Decoration: Decoration is primarily influences from the Biscuit ware tradition, confined to the interior of the Glaze C period wares, and Pecos Glaze IV bowl. Very occasionally a rim styles, all of which are present in the design is found on the exterior ceramic assemblage at Picuris. surface just below the bowl rim. Wetherington (1968:57) describes a wider Design elements, usually poorly range of variation in Talpa Black-on-white executed, are normally heavy,

82 rim forms, some of which match those Construction: Coiling and scraping depicted for Vadito Black-on-white. Firing Atmosphere: Reducing Other Vadito Black-on-white Core: Normally gray; occasionally characteristics not shared by earlier types tan or tan with a gray center include a thicker slip and increased use of Temper: Fine to medium quartzitic the bowl exterior as a decorative field. and arkosic sand with inclusions Vadito Black-on-white has a thick interior of muscovite mica and slip and a thinner exterior slip, though Dick magnetite (1965b:132) observes that body sherds of Texture of the core: Medium fine to late Talpa Black-on-white sometimes have medium a heavy slip and thus are indistinguishable Fracture: Crumbling from Vadito Black-on-white body sherds. Shape: Bowls and miniature canteens Exterior painting includes simple lines and (one double bowl has been geometric motifs. found) The most pronounced design change Rims: Interior bulge below the rim on between Talpa Black-on-white and Vadito bowls; straight rim on the Black-on-white is the absence in the latter miniature canteens ware of the hatched design elements that Wall thickness: The thickest part of are so prevalent in the former. The absence the rim ranges from 6 mm (0.24 of checkerboarding, ticked and barbed in) to 7.5 mm (0.3 in). The lines, and small circles in Vadito thickness of the bowl bodies Black-on-white should also be noted in range from 3 mm (0.12 in) to 5.5 comparing this ware with Talpa mm (0.22 in). Thickness of the Black-on-white. miniature canteen walls is ca. Vadito Black-on-white is essentially 3.5 mm (0.14 in). the same as the Taos/Poge Black-on-white Surface finish: A thin gray type described by Ellis and Brody (sometimes tan) wash on both (1964:317). Dick (1965b:133) bases his the exterior and the interior of definition of a new type on the belief that bowls is nicely polished to form Vadito Black-on-white is a local an eggshell finish; however, development of Talpa Black-on-white and surface crazing on some sherds not a local variant of Poge or Galisteo is extreme. The exterior of the Black-on-white. Poge Black-on-white, as miniature canteens has the same defined by Stubbs and Stallings (1953:50, finish. 56), is derived exclusively from Galisteo Pigment: Vegetal paint Black-on-white. Sloughing off of slip is Decoration: On bowls, a single wavy more pronounced in both Poge stripe ranging between 4 mm Black-on-white and Galisteo (0.16 in) and 7.5 mm (0.3 in) Black-on-white than in Vadito around both the exterior and the Black-on-white. interior is most common. Occasionally other simple linear Trampas Black-on-white designs are found on bowls, and Time: A.D. 1575–1696? very occasionally terraced cloud Range: So far known only from elements are found on bowls. Picuris Pueblo The terraced cloud design Type site: Picuris Pueblo (TA-111) element is most common on the

83 miniature canteens, as are microscopically, and the results of the lightning bolts and feather examinations were never compiled, little elements. more than a listing of the types and their Trampas Black-on-white is the last relative amounts can be presented here. type in the local vegetal-paint Black-on-white series. Although it was Santa Fe Black-on-White never made in abundance, Dick This type was named and redescribed by (1965b:135) describes Trampas Mera (1933:11–16) replacing the Blue-gray Black-on-white in his salvage report as an type described by Amsden (1931:23–24). important late decorated wares made at A more recent and thorough discussion of Picuris. The paste, finishing technique, and this ware by Stubbs and Stallings (1953:48– linear design elements of Trampas 50, 57–91) is in their report on Pindi Black-on-white are very similar to the Pueblo. As described above, this characteristics of late Glaze-paint types. tuff-tempered type was common in sections The designs are much simpler and the paste of the site (Area VI), but there remains much finer than that of the preceding some question as to whether some or all of Vadito Black-on-white. the Santa Fe Black-on-white vessels could Whereas Dick bases his description have been made locally. of Trampas Black-on-white on both bowls and miniature canteens, it is clear from his Wiyo Black-on-White report that the unique motifs on the This type was named and described by miniature canteens had a significant impact Mera (1934:8–9; 1935:16–18), replacing on his definition of the type. The miniature the Biscuitoid type described by Amsden canteens found in the subfloor caches (see (1931:24–25). The type is also discussed chapter 5 of this volume) were painted with by Stubbs and Stallings (1953:50), who some of the same designs (clouds and assign dates of A.D. 1290–1400 to its lightning) as were found on the Picuris kiva manufacture. Wendorf (1953:54) assigns murals (see chapter 9, this volume). Dick the type to A.D. 1275–1350. Ellis (1965b:135) notes that this is the only (1964:34), however, assigns a date range of decorated type found in the caches. He A.D. 1300–1400 to the type. At Picuris the posits that the special treatment of these latter date range appears to be the most vessel types may indicate that the Picuris consistent with dated contexts. True Wiyo potters viewed vegetal-painted wares as Black-on-white is extremely rare at Picuris. belonging to an earlier, perhaps more sacred, time and thus chose to decorated Galisteo Black-on-White their ceremonial vessels with this paint This type was named and described by type. Mera (1935:20–22), replacing Crackle and Late Crackle types described by Amsden Nonlocal Vegetal-Painted Types (in Kidder 1931). Stubbs and Stallings A number of nonlocal ceramic types were (1953:50) discuss the distribution of the recovered during the excavations at Picuris. type and date its manufacture to A.D. Each of the types was present in amounts 1250–1375. At Picuris the rare occurrence ranging from rare to common and were of this type dates to approximately A.D. identified based on differences in paste 1250–1300. color, temper, decorative style, and/or surface treatment. Because only small numbers of sherds were actually examined 84 Biscuit A (Abiquiu Black-on-Gray) work out six different glaze classifications Descriptions of this type are to be found in (Glaze I-VI) at Pecos Pueblo. A.V. Kidder Kidder's earliest published work on the (in Kidder and Shepard 1936:610) later Pajarito Plateau and the Rio Grande Valley offered date ranges for each of the defined (Kidder 1915:447–450, and Kidder and types. Mera (1933) also proposed a glaze Kidder 1917:329). A more complete sequence based on survey material from a description was presented in the first great many sites in the Rio Grande valley. volume of The Pottery of Pecos (Kidder Whereas the Kidders' six styles were 1931:72–100). Mera (1934:18) dates the designated by the Roman numerals I type to the beginning of the 15th century. through VI, Mera designated his type Ellis (1964:34) dates this type to A.D. sequence as A through F. Later work by 1350–1425. At Picuris it is present in Mera (1940) focused on population changes contexts that date between A.D. 1375 and in the Rio Grande area and, based on tree- A.D. 1425. ring material, updated the chronological span of each glaze type. Mera (1940:1-6) Biscuit B (Bandelier Black-on-Gray) dated Glaze A to about A.D. 1350–1450. Kidder (1915:427–436) first named and In his southern region, he proposed that described this type, and Amsden Glaze A developed directly into Glaze C, (1931:101–130) later added more detail to whereas in the northeastern area, a local the type description. Mera (1934:18) version of Glaze B was made during the assigns the beginning of the 16th century as first half of the 15th century. He proposed the height of Biscuit B manufacture. Ellis that Glaze C was manufactured in both (1964:34) dates Biscuit B from A.D. 1400 these areas approximately A.D. 1450–1490. to A.D. 1550. Excavated examples of His Glaze D was dated to A.D. 1490–1515, Biscuit B found at Picuris support Ellis’ Glaze E to A.D. 1515–1650, and Glaze F dates for the type. dated to A.D. 1650–1700. A more recent revision of the Sankawi Black-on-Cream glaze-paint sequence by Warren (1977) This type was first described by Mera follows Mera’s early chronology fairly (1932:8–12). Wendorf (1953:55) gives the closely, with only minor changes to some approximate dates of A.D. 1500 for the of the date ranges. Warren’s work was beginning of this type and no later than based on research carried out in association A.D. 1694 as a terminal date for its with the Cochiti Reservoir Archaeological manufacture. Smiley, Stubbs, and Bannister Project, but Warren included ceramic (1953) give dates of A.D. 1510–1600 for assemblage information from 47 this type. A date range of A.D. 1500–1650 archaeological sites in the northern Rio for the manufacture of Sankawi Grande region between Nambe Pueblo and Black-on-cream is consistent with dated Puaray. Like Mera, Warren included one or contexts at Picuris that contain this type, more different glaze types in her glaze although many (if not all) of the latest groups. The types composing Glaze A date sherds classified as Sankawi between A.D. 1315–1425, slightly Black-on-cream may be from the upper overlapping the manufacture of Glaze B portion of Tewa Polychrome vessels. ceramics dated to A.D. 1400–1450. Glaze C spans A.D. 1400–1500, Glaze D dates The Glaze Paint Pottery Sequence at Picuris between A.D. 1490–1515, Glaze E (which The Kidders (1917:332–337) utilized rim includes transitional E-F late in the form and stratigraphic superposition to 85 sequence) dates between A.D. 1515–1650, (1933). Given this co-occurrence at and Glaze F dates to A.D. 1650–1700, Picuris, it is possible that the Pecos Glaze possibly as late as A.D. 1750. IV rim style persisted at Picuris until 1650 In the work at Picuris, Mera’s and possibly until the temporary designations have been used, though not abandonment of Picuris Pueblo in 1696. always with the same temporal spans he The later Glaze D vessels at Picuris originally posited. Based on rim form of are readily distinguishable from the earlier glaze-painted ceramics, rim style changes ones due to changes in both surface color that differentiate Glazes A-E at Picuris and control of glaze paint. Early Glaze D correspond closely to those described by vessels have fairly well drawn lines of Kidder at Pecos Pueblo. However, the black glaze paint applied to red or orange Glaze F style at Picuris is closer to Mera's backgrounds. These early forms of Glaze Glaze F. D at Picuris are identical in decoration and Although the date spans used by rim form to the typical Pecos Glaze IV Mera (1933) and Warren (1977) are valid in (Kidder and Shepard 1936) and also parts of the Rio Grande area, stylistic correspond to Mera's (1933:6–7) San changes evident in the glaze ceramic Lazaro Glaze Polychrome in terms of sequence at Picuris do not correspond to decoration but not rim form. The later their dates for Glaze D, E, and F. There is Glaze D vessels at Picuris exhibit the same some evidence that the very minor amounts rim form as Kidder’s Glaze IV style at of Glazes A and B recovered at Picuris Pecos. In contrast to the finer line work were made locally, but Dick does not evident on the earlier Glaze D vessels, a elaborate on these data. Dick (1965b:141) thick, runny brown glaze paint is generally does assert his doubts that the temporal applied to a thick white slip on later Glaze divisions between the types were as sharp D vessels. as indicated by any of the researchers In addition to the conventional mentioned above. Glaze rim styles at Picuris, Dick (1965b) There are numerous examples of was also able to isolate a rim style that is Glaze C ceramics at Picuris, but intermediate between the D and F styles. stratigraphic data indicate that this glaze This rim retains the straight back of the style may have persisted in this part of the Glaze D rim but has a less well-defined northern Rio Grande until A.D. 1600, over interior bulge below the lip. Formally this a century past the time that Mera and others makes the rim form transitional between define as the terminal date for this type. Glaze D and the parallel-side rim style of The Glaze D rim style was the most Glaze F. For the lack of a better abundant at Picuris and apparently persisted classificatory name, this type is called long after the maximum date of A.D. 1515 “Glaze D-F transitional.” offered by Mera. Because there are only Kidder and Shepard's dates for scattered contexts that yielded absolute Glaze VI agree with the dating of Glaze F dates from Picuris, Mera's date of A.D. at Picuris. Although the bottom date on 1490 for the introduction of Glaze D will Glaze V (A.D. 1600) agrees with the have to be used here. This rim style, which terminal date at Picuris for Glaze E, this at Picuris is identical to Kidders’ Glaze IV date (A.D. 1650 at Picuris) is 50 years style at Pecos, was made earlier than the terminal date of Glaze V at contemporaneously with both the Glaze E Pecos. and the Glaze F rim styles defined by Mera

86 Given the range of stylistic 4.12), with stress placed on the date range similarities and differences evident in this summary provided by Kintigh (1985). comparison between the Picuris glaze wares The value of the Little Colorado red and similar glazes found in other parts of wares in dating occupation at Picuris rests northern and central New Mexico, a in their prevalence between the 11th and number of topics require further 15th centuries. During this time, several investigation. First, there is a basic need to types were made and exchanged across the define whether the various rim styles that ancestral Pueblo world. The first type to be appear in Glaze F have any temporal widely made and traded was Puerco significance. Research indicates the Black-on-red, which was made from A.D. possibility of increasing specialization in 1000 to about A.D. 1200, with a peak at the manufacture of glaze-painted ceramics about A.D. 1100. Sherds of this type were through time in the eastern Pueblo region recovered in early deposits at Picuris. (Shepard 1942; Habichte-Mauche 1993). Dating to about the same period, Chemical characterizations of variation in Wingate Black-on-red vessels were traded ceramic paste and temper composition at into the northern Rio Grande between about Picuris are required in order to assess A.D. 1050 and A.D. 1200, but were not manufacture and exchange relationships in made in quantity until about A.D. 1100. As the northern Rio Grande region. Second, Wingate and Puerco Black-on-red waned in the relative contributions of both the glaze popularity in the Little Colorado area, the and the biscuit ware traditions to the St. John’s series became the next popular ceramic assemblage at Picuris need to be set of decorated red wares. St. John's addressed. Glaze wares and biscuit wares Black-on-red and St. John's Polychrome tend to be geographically differentiated as both date between A.D. 1175–1300. It is southern and northern ceramic decorative possible that the polychrome type was traditions, respectively. Given Picuris’ made with greater frequency in the latter location on the northeastern margin of the half of this time span (Crown 1994). Pueblo world, a greater presence of biscuit St. John's Glaze Polychrome is an wares, particularly the locally made early variety of Heshotauthla Glaze versions of this ware, should be expected. Polychrome, which was made from A.D. 1275–1400 in the Little Colorado and Zuni regions. This type probably played a large Other Nonlocal Decorated Wares part in the introduction of the glaze-painted Little Colorado Red Wares pottery tradition that became such a major Red wares from the Little Colorado area part of ancestral Pueblo ceramic technology were found in very limited amounts at after about the 14th century. Picuris and therefore are given only passing mention here. These decorated wares from Jeddito Yellow Wares the Little Colorado and Zuni regions are The Jeddito Yellow Wares have described by Colton and Hargrave (1937), been described by Colton and Hargrave Carlson (1970), and Kintigh (1985), among (1937), Hawley (1937a), Colton (1956), others. Excavations and analysis in this Smith (1971), Hayes (1991), Adams, Stark, area have led to a relatively robust temporal and Dosh (1993), and others. Also called seriation of these extralocal types. On the Hopi Yellow Wares, this coal-fired ware basis of these studies, date ranges have with the distinctive yellow color and been assigned to each of the types (Figure hard-fired paste includes a number of

87 different types found at Picuris, including with thin red outlines, whereas the later Jeddito Black-on-yellow, Sikyatki style incorporates more life forms and free Polychrome, Awatovi Polychrome, Jeddito treatment of design motifs. Further Stippled, and San Bernardo Polychrome analyses of the design motifs on Sikyatki (Figure 4.14). Based on preliminary sherds from Picuris will have to be analysis of paste color and hardness undertaken in order to assess the occurrence characteristics of Jeddito Yellow Ware of these temporal trends in these extralocal sherds recovered at Picuris, Kulisheck materials. A final Jeddito Yellow Ware, (n.d.) has shown that the yellow wares were San Bernardo Polychrome, has only not locally made versions of this pottery tentatively been identified at Picuris. San style. Comparison of the Picuris materials Bernardo Polychrome is dated to A.D. with the range of variation in the Awatovi 1630–1700 by Colton (1956). (Smith 1971:477) ceramic sample suggests The number of Jeddito Yellow that the yellow wares recovered at Picuris wares increases substantially in contexts were probably made in north-central that postdate A.D. 1600, but there are fewer Arizona, over 280 air miles to the west. examples from contexts that predate A.D. Debate exists as to whether the extensive 1550. One of the intriguing findings to exchange of yellow wares was part of the come out of the stratigraphic studies at larger shift to Katsina religious ideology Picuris has been the persistent occurrence across the Pueblo world during and after the of large amounts of Jeddito Yellow Ware, 14th century (Adams 1991) or whether an notably Jeddito Black-on-yellow and emerging class of elites controlled the Sikyatki Polychrome, in contexts that are manufacture and distribution of these wares somewhat later than the terminal dates during this same time period (Upham 1982; proposed for their manufacture in the Hopi Upham, Lightfoot, and Feinman 1981). region. Large amounts of both types were The Picuris sample of Jeddito Yellow found in Kiva M at Picuris, a structure that Wares is insufficient to assess these appears to have been constructed in about debates, but it is significant that these A.D. 1650. One possible explanation for western extralocal wares are found at these temporal inconsistencies is that Picuris, Pecos, and other large late significant numbers of Hopi vessels were prehistoric settlements on the eastern kept as heirlooms at either Picuris or Hopi fringes of the Pueblo world. for at least 25 years after being made in the Various dating schemes have been Hopi region, thus extending the use lives of applied to the Jeddito Yellow Wares. Here the vessels past their manufacturing date. we follow the summary by Hayes Other possibilities include the need to (1991:26). Jeddito Black-on-yellow, dated adjust the dates assigned to ceramic from A.D. 1325 to A.D. 1600, and Sikyatki complexes at Picuris or to extend the Polychrome, dated from A.D. 1375 to manufacture dates for Jeddito Yellow A.D. 1625, were recovered in some number Wares in the Hopi region. across the site. Though Dick (1965b) does not distinguish temporal variations in style Red Mesa Black-on-White within the Sikyatki Polychrome sample Only one sherd of Red Mesa recovered at Picuris, Colton and later Black-on-white was recovered in researchers recognize an early and late excavations at Picuris, but this type has Sikyatki style. Early Sikyatki Polychrome been reported in pithouse sites near the Rio designs are dominated by geometric motifs

88

Figure 4.14: Examples of Sikyatki Polychrome Pottery Recovered from Picuris Excavations. These Vessels Were Most Likely Made In and Around the Hopi Pueblos During the Early Historic Period.

89 Hondo, about 10 miles north of the town Tewa Polychrome of Taos (H. Blumenschein pers. comm., This type was named by Mera (1932:2), to H. Dick, 1965). The type, originally who later argued for the introduction of called Chaco 2 (a type name later the type in the latter part of the 17th dropped from use), was first reported in century and for the type’s continued the Rio Grande region by Mera (1935:5). manufacture through the middle of the Under its present name, the type was 18th century (Mera 1939:11–12). Ellis described by Gladwin (1945), who (1964:34) assigns a beginning date of assigned a date span of A.D. 870–930 to A.D. 1550 to this ware, and unpublished the type. work by Dick (notes on file, Fort This is relatively early for dated Burgwin Research Center) proposed that occupations in the Taos area. Crown this type persisted through the 19th (1990) and Boyer (1994) have dated the century. Excavations at Picuris earliest pithouse occupations in the Taos document the appearance of the type by area to the 11th century. Dates for Red A.D.1575, and with evidence of its Mesa Black-on-white remain ambiguous presence as late as A.D. 1900. and requires continued research. The possibility exists that Red Mesa San Juan Red Black-on-white continued to be made Although there was no formal elsewhere outside the San Juan Basin description of this type during the during and after the 10th century. excavations at Picuris, the name was suggested by Ellis (1964:37, Table 2) as Spanish Influenced Wares at Picuris a variant of San Juan Red-on-orange. Shortly after the earliest contacts Ellis’ classification is a reversal of her between Native American occupants and earlier position distinguishing this ware Spanish explorers in the Southwest in by the name Posuge Red (Ellis and the early 16th century, several new Brody 1964:320-321), which was first wares appear at Picuris. With one suggested by Mera (1939:12–13). Mera exception, Apodaca Gray (a new type limited Posuge Red to pots with outward described below), these postcontact flaring rims and placed the time range at wares do not appear in abundance. In the latter part of the 17th century through addition to Apodaca Gray, Kapo Black the middle of the 18th century. Ellis and a poor copy of San Juan Red were (1964:35) assigned a beginning date of probably made locally. The other types, A.D. 1600 at Taos Pueblo and a possible including Tewa Polychrome, El Rito beginning date of A.D. 1500 or 1550 at Red-on-brown, and San Juan Red, are Nambe for the San Juan Red-on-orange nonlocal wares, indicating contact with type. She suggests a minimum date in pueblos farther south in the Rio Grande the 1400s for the red variant (Ellis and valley. Examples of these nonlocal Brody 1964:324). Evidence from types at Picuris are tempered with large Picuris contradicts her summary, and a glassy spicules of tuff similar to that more conservative beginning date of found in deposits on and near the A.D. 1600 is proposed for San Juan Red Pajarito Plateau. This tuff temper is at Picuris. identical to the tempering material found A poor copy of the generally in sherds of the same types collected by well-made, highly polished San Juan Herbert Dick at San Juan Pueblo. Red type appears to have been made at

90 Picuris in limited quantities. The local from southern Colorado south to Isleta variety is not as well polished, is softer, Pueblo. Kidder (1936:291) describes and has in the paste abundant mica this type at Pecos as well, noting that inclusions, which are lacking in the true most examples were grayish-black and San Juan Red. It is possible that as only moderately lustrous. ceramic studies continue, this variety Ellis pushes this type back to the will be broken off as a new type. early 15th (Ellis and Brody 1964:324) or Unpublished excavations in Spanish even late 14th (Ellis 1964:35) centuries. sites by Dick have shown that this type The contexts at Picuris that contain Kapo persisted until the end of the 19th Black tend to date later than Ellis’ century, with a variant made up to 1930. estimates, with A.D. 1600 as a reasonable beginning date for this type at El Rito Red-on-Brown (Casitas Picuris. Various polished black varieties Red-on-Brown) have been made in the Rio Grande This type was first described by Hurt valley from earliest historic (and perhaps and Dick (1946:282) as Manzano Thin earlier) times to the present. The ending Red-on-brown and has also appeared in date for the manufacture of this type at the literature as San Juan Red-on-orange Picuris is unknown. (Ellis and Brody 1964; Ellis 1964). A revised version of the type was Undecorated Wares at Picuris published by Dick (1968) as Casitas Culinary Graywares Red-on-brown. Though El Rito As with most research projects in the Red-on-brown is roughly Southwest, significantly more effort has contemporaneous with Casitas been expended in the analysis of Red-on-brown, Dick (1965b) attributes a decorated wares at Picuris than in the longer period of manufacture to the analysis of the undecorated wares. This historic red-on-brown wares at Picuris. is unfortunate given the potential value El Rito Red-on-brown was made from that most undecorated wares exhibit as the end of the 16th century (perhaps indicators of temporal change and slightly earlier according to Ellis regional exchange relationships [1964:35]) until about 1930. (Habichte-Mauche 1989). Until more focus is placed on the gray and Kapo Black micaceous wares elsewhere in the Rio Mera’s (1939:14–16) original Grande region little can be done with description of this late form of polished regional comparisons of manufacturing black pottery was limited to long-necked styles and dates. Here we offer no more olla forms. As used at Picuris, this type than a rough indication of some of the refers to all forms of late polished black gross changes that took place in the pottery. In earlier publications this was culinary wares during the 800-year also referred to as Manzano Burnished occupation of the site. Black Ware (Hurt and Dick 1946:282), The earliest culinary pottery and a full description of the Kapo Black made at Picuris was the Taos Gray ware type has been published by Dick made primarily during the Taos phase (1968:82–83). Examples of black and described by Peckham (Peckham burnished ware occur throughout historic and Reed 1963:13-14). This ware is contexts along the Rio Grande valley distinguished by being harder than the culinary wares made in the succeeding 91 phases at Picuris. Use of incising to unique classificatory names, since they create surface designs, particularly the are simply slight variations on the herringbone pattern, which never smeared corrugated surface treatment so appeared in later phases, reached its common in the Taos area after the 13th peak during this period. Use of indented century. decorations on plain culinary ware also One notable change in surface reached its peak during the Taos phase. treatment during the 15th century was the As in all phases at Picuris the plain reintroduction of incised designs on culinary type was by far the most culinary vessels. The manufacture of prevalent. Potsuwi’i Incised is generally dated to Following the Taos phase, the 15th and early 16th centuries and technological changes can be seen in the commonly co-occurs with Biscuit B manufacture of culinary wares at Picuris. decorated wares. As originally defined The average hardness of grayware pastes by Mera (1934), Potsuwi’i Incised is decreased during the Santa Fe phase, found in the northern Rio Grande and resulting in a softer, sand-tempered Pajarito Plateau areas and is decorated culinary ware composed of a paste with geometric and rectilinear designs similar to that used for Talpa on a smoothed surface. A micaceous Black-on-white. The use of incising and paste is common, and vessel exteriors indenting as a decorative style declined often have a micaceous slip applied over and was replaced by smeared indented the top of the incised designs. Wendorf corrugated (also called blind-corrugated and Reed (1955:151) cite the increased and indented blind-corrugated by Kidder contact and interaction between the and Shepard 1936:304) and, to a lesser northern Rio Grande pueblos and extent, by smeared corrugated surface pottery-making groups on the southern treatment. Great Plains as the most probable source The culinary wares in the Talpa for the incised designs on Potsuwi’i and Vadito phases continued the trend Incised. Though contacts with the plains started in the Santa Fe phase with a groups are well-documented for the late progressive coarsening of the paste, prehistoric and historic periods similar to the change in paste that took (Spielmann 1991), incised designs are place in the transition from Talpa also common in northern Mexico, Black-on-white to Vadito particularly in the Paquimé (Casas Black-on-white. Surface treatments Grandes) area, prior to the reintroduction continued to diversify during these of incised designs in the northern Rio phases. A range of culinary vessel Grande. Exchange connections between surface treatments was recorded at the Paquimé region and that portion of Picuris, including nonoverlap coil, the Southwest north of the international corrugated, indented corrugated, sharp border have also been documented indented, blunt indented, smeared (Riley and Hedrick 1978; Hedrick, indented, ribbed, sharp ribbed, indented Kelley and Riley 1974), and should be ribbed, linear incised, and linear scored. further investigated as a source for the These variations appear only in small reintroduction of this surface treatment. quantities and generally follow the paste Potsuwi’i Incised was not changes noted above. These variations mentioned in the original summaries of in surface treatment do not warrant the ceramics recovered at Picuris (Dick

92 1965b; Dick et al. n.d.). During the blind-corrugated) can be found in Kidder compilation of ceramic type frequencies and Shepard (1936:552–65). for this volume, a heavy presence of incised wares was noted for contexts Apodaca Gray dating to the Vadito and San Lazaro Time: A.D. 1550–1750+ phases. Because these contexts are Range: Taos County, New Mexico temporally too late to contain significant Type site: Picuris Pueblo (TA-111) numbers of Taos Incised sherds, the only Construction: Coiling and scraping other possibility is that these sherds Firing atmosphere: Reducing come from Potsuwi’i Incised vessels Core: Light gray, occasionally tan used at Picuris during the 15th and 16th Temper: Fine quartzitic and centuries. arkosic sand with inclusions Based upon analyses of the of biotite mica; there may Picuris ceramic assemblage, several have been some tuff temper, changes in temper type and surface but none was apparent treatment occurred during the San megascopically. Lazaro and Trampas phases. These Texture of the core: Fine include a shift toward finer sand temper, Fracture: Moderately rough smoother surfaces, and a decline in the Shape: Bowls and ollas; ollas are smeared-indented corrugated surface more common treatment in the culinary wares. Ollas Rims: (1) The ollas have with outward-flaring rims also compose everted rims a large part of the assemblage during (2) The bowls have these phases. This general trend toward (a) parallel sides with a the use of large ollas with outward rounded lip, flaring rims reached its apogee in (b) an interior bulge Apodaca Gray (with perhaps a slight below the rim with flat or influence from the Spanish wares). The rounded lip, change in paste at this time can again be (c) thickening on the seen as a reflection of the paste change interior of the rim with a that took place in the local flattened lip (rare). black-on-white types. Like Trampas Wall thickness: Rims range Black-on-white, which first appeared in between 5 mm (0.2 in) and 8 the middle of the San Lazaro Phase, mm (0.32 in) in thickness; the Apodaca Gray has a fine sand temper. lower portions range between Between A.D. 1696 and 1706 3.5 mm (0.14 in) and 6 mm (Tewa phase), the culinary ware paste is (0.24 in). somewhat coarser than the paste in the Surface finish: This type is Trampas phase culinary wares, and characterized by a very fine striated culinary ware appears at this polish usually applied to both time in small numbers (Kidder and the exterior and the interior Shepard 1936). A thorough discussion of vessels. A fine wash of of the manufacture of culinary wares, the same clay as the rest of particularly indented corrugated and the vessel is sometimes smeared indented corrugated discernible on one or both (blind-corrugated and indented surfaces.

93 Pigment: None rich in muscovite mica on the slopes of Decoration: None Picuris Peak, a few miles north of the Remarks and Comparisons: This pueblo. type differs mainly in color Dick (1965b, 1990) has proposed from the polished black that both micaceous types began to be discussed by Ellis and Brody used in the Taos area during the 17th (1964:318) and in the century. The origin of the micaceous absence of the thick slip ware tradition has been a matter of some mentioned by Mera debate (Gunnerson 1969). Some (1939:14–15) for true Kapo attribute its popularity to continued and Black. The thick black Kapo increased contacts with Ute and Apache slip is found at Picuris and groups located to the north and east has very rarely been found on during the late prehistoric and the upper portion of a pot protohistoric periods. The conical vessel whose lower portion was form utilized by these groups, Apodaca Gray. Apodaca particularly the Jicarilla Apache, is the Gray may have developed predominant vessel form for the exclusively out of the local micaceous containers. The Jicarilla have culinary wares without any been identified as the source of the Spanish influence. Ellis and micaceous wares elsewhere in the Rio Brody (1964:324) suggest Grande region (Skinner 1968), but that polished black also Woosley and Olinger (1990) caution derived exclusively from the against the use of micaceous wares as an local culinary wares. indication of ethnic affiliation. Though they propose that the Jicarilla probably Micaceous Wares began making micaceous pottery around During the excavations at Picuris in the A.D. 1700, Woosley and Olinger 1960s, the only locally made pottery was (1990:367) document the wide range of a fine, hard, thin-walled micaceous ware. interaction between Apache, Pueblo, and With the exception of the grayware Hispanic populations before and after pottery made by a few potters in the A.D. 1700. These interactions provided community, micaceous wares remain the the context within which potters from primary pottery type still made at these various ethnic groups adopted Picuris. On the basis of the excavations micaceous pottery production at Picuris, the micaceous ware tradition techniques. Compositional analyses of has a long history at the settlement. Two micaceous sherds from Taos Pueblo new micaceous pottery types were indicate the use of at least five different defined at Picuris, Vadito Micaceous and clay sources (Woosley and Olinger Peñasco Micaceous. Although both 1990:366). These data would support were first made about A.D. 1600, the the widespread manufacture and use of thick-walled Vadito Micaceous micaceous wares by various ethnic predominated until the early part of the groups throughout the northern Rio 20th century, at which time it ceased to Grande during the historic period. be made, leaving the thin-walled Whatever the origins of this Peñasco Micaceous as the sole locally distinctive ceramic tradition in the upper made pottery type. The clay for this reaches of the Rio Grande, at least two pottery comes from a serecite deposit 94 new types of micaceous ware were Rims: (1) The ollas have defined at Picuris. As first described by everted rims. Dick (1965b), Vadito and Peñasco (2) The bowls have Micaceous wares differ in both parallel sides with a flattened composition and construction. The lip. primary defining distinction between Wall thickness: The lower parts of Vadito Micaceous and Peñasco vessels range between 7.5 Micaceous is the thicker walls in Vadito mm (0.3 in) and 12.5 mm Micaceous. Another trait almost always (0.5 in). The rims of the ollas found in Vadito Micaceous is the taper to as little as 5 mm (0.2 application of a micaceous clay slip over in). the coarse culinary-type core. Peñasco Surface finish: Almost all the Micaceous never has a slip and is rich in sherds of this type have a thin mica throughout, although occasionally slip of the mica-rich serecite a thin wash, exceptionally rich in mica, clay found in the clay of the same clay is placed on Peñasco deposits used at the present Micaceous. Exterior olla surfaces are time by the Picuries. The slip generally rougher in Vadito Micaceous is applied both to surfaces of than Peñasco Micaceous. Although bowls and to olla exteriors. Vadito Micaceous is no longer made at Usually this slip is medium to Picuris Pueblo, two bowls of this type dark gray in color, but collected by H. J. Spinden at Picuris in occasional sherds with an 1910 are in the American Museum of orange slip have been found. Natural History. Bowl and olla exteriors and interiors are generally rough, Vadito Micaceous although the interiors of ollas Time: A.D. 1600–1910 are smoother than exteriors Range: Taos County, New Mexico and occasionally are Type site: Picuris Pueblo (TA-111) polished. Construction: Coiling and scraping Pigment: None Firing atmosphere: Both reducing Decoration: None and oxidizing atmospheres were used, although the Peñasco Micaceous reducing atmosphere was Time: A.D. 1600/1650 to present10 more common. Range: Taos County, New Mexico Core: Dark gray Type site: Picuris Pueblo (TA-111) Temper: Coarse quartzitic and Construction: Coiling and scraping arkosic sand, mica (generally Firing atmosphere: Modern as a natural constituent of the examples are almost always clay) and occasional pieces of fired in an oxidizing gravel up to 10 mm (0.4 in) atmosphere, although in diameter occasionally smudged pots Texture of the core: Coarse are made. The excavated Fracture: Rough and irregular examples, however, are about Shape: Bowls and ollas; ollas are evenly divided between more common oxidized and reduced.

95 Core: Medium to dark gray, The early occupation of Picuris is occasionally orange with a documented both ceramically and carbon streak architecturally. Although Taos Temper: The major tempering Black-on-white is part of a broad material is biotite mica, ceramic horizon with stylistic cognates which is found naturally made elsewhere throughout the ancestral mixed in the clay deposit. Pueblo world, extralocal exchange in Occasional large grains of ceramics is not clearly indicated for the quartzitic sand are also found early pithouse occupation at Picuris. No in the pottery. definite examples of early extralocal Texture of the core: Medium wares (Kwahe'e Black-on-white) were Fracture: Rough and irregular found in the Taos phase proveniences at Shape: Bowls, ollas, and in recent the site. The local mineral-painted ware, years many other forms, from Taos Black-on-white, is the sole sugar bowls with lids to decorated ware recovered from these coffee pots contexts. Though Kwahe’e Rims: Usually parallel sides with Black-on-white is reported from contexts rounded lips; ollas have at Pot Creek Pueblo, ceramic profiles at everted rims other early settlements throughout Taos Wall thickness: The range is from County (Levine 1994; Loose 1974) show 3 mm (0.12 in) to 7 mm (0.28 the same lack of Kwahe’e seen at in), with the great majority Picuris, suggesting a low degree of below 5.5 mm (0.22 in). regional exchange during the period of Surface finish: The surfaces are approximately A.D. 1050–1225. unslipped and fairly rough, Toward the end of the Taos phase, Santa although not as rough as Fe Black-on-white vessels were exterior surfaces found on imported from the south, with vessels of Vadito Micaceous ollas. this type recovered at Picuris and other Occasionally a thin wash local sites such as Pot Creek Pueblo. made of the same clay as the During the Santa Fe phase, core, but exceptionally rich in ceramic materials from the Santa Fe area mica, is placed on the vessel were probably imported into Picuris. In surfaces. addition to the architectural parallels Pigment: None with sites to the south, the presence of Decoration: None tuff- and silt-tempered Santa Fe Black-on-white in portions of the site Conclusions argues for extensive interaction with In addition to the use of ceramics as a groups to the south. Farther north, at Pot valuable temporal indicator of Creek Pueblo, a mixture of both local occupation, some inferences can be ceramics (Talpa Black-on-white) and made about the integration of Picuris extralocal Santa Fe Black-on-white Pueblo into local and regional patterns of pottery is documented for this phase ceramic manufacture and exchange (Wetherington 1964). It should be noted during the precontact and postcontact that the redwares from the Little periods. Colorado area to the west appear during this phase, but during the following

96 Talpa and Vadito phases there is little With only the slightest hint of significant ceramic evidence for increased outside contacts in the late exchange with this region. Vadito phase (due to the increase in The ceramic evidence indicates Glaze C, opposed to the paucity of that the Talpa phase was a period of Glazes A and B), there is a significant decreased exchange or contact with change in the types and amounts of other groups outside of the Taos area. nonlocal ceramics during the succeeding This relative isolation appears to have phases. At about A.D. 1500 there is an continued through the Vadito phase. increase in nonlocal ceramics, as well as During the 14th century, Wiyo a change in the styles of locally Black-on-white and Galisteo manufactured wares. During the 16th Black-on-white were the most popular century, vast amounts of trade and types manufactured to the south in the locally made Glaze D appear at Picuris. Santa Fe area and the Galisteo Basin. From this point through the end of the These southern decorated types are Tewa phase, the Picuris ceramic profile relatively rare at Picuris. Similarly, very strongly resembles the ceramic during the 14th and early 15th centuries, profiles of sites in the Galisteo Basin and Glaze A, B and C wares became of Pecos Pueblo. It is at this time that increasingly popular in regions to the trade ceramics from the west (the Jeddito south and southeast. At the same time, Yellow wares) appear again at Picuris, Biscuit A and B wares were in vogue on indicating a generally widening trade and around the Pajarito Plateau. The pattern. early glaze and biscuit wares are found As discussed in the section on in only very limited amounts at Picuris, architecture, there is a concomitant surge indicating limited exchange (in in the construction of large, aggregated ceramics) with populations to the south room-blocks during this time. There is a from A.D. 1300 until around A.D. 1490. possibility that a large population influx Although some extralocal may have occurred at Picuris during this exchange may be masked by the stylistic time. It may also be that there were similarities of the local and nonlocal actual increases in regional exchange of whitewares, Galisteo Black-on-white ceramics and other goods between the and Vadito Black-on-white for example, Taos area and other Pueblo we must also entertain the possibility communities. Unfortunately, we lack that Picuris underwent depopulation or significant archaeological deposits even abandonment during this period. created after the Tewa phase; therefore, Though there is a paucity of well-dated it is not possible to comment on the contexts, the low number of tree-ring ceramic contacts at Picuris in the post- dates during the 14th and 15th h centuries Tewa phase. may indicate settlement depopulation In conclusion, it should be rather than a sampling problem. Site pointed out that these interpretations of depopulation might have resulted in an changing patterns of regional trade and overall decrease in ceramic exchange, interaction are based on ceramics alone. creating a ceramic signature similar to Based on recent research into the that inferred by Dick (1965b) as relationships between the Rio Grande indicative of cultural isolation. Pueblos and groups to the east on the plains (Spielmann 1991), it is very likely

97 that an extensive trade network was culture change and continuity in the moving both durable and perishable northern Rio Grande region. goods across and through the northern Rio Grande region. Hunted game, Endnotes agricultural goods, skins, and other commodities may have been moving Editor's Note: Unpublished portions of both east-west and north-south during this chapter were originally completed the late prehistoric and early historic by Dick, Wolfman, and Schaafsma in the periods. Interestingly, although most mid-1960s. The section on architecture lithics excavated at Picuris (see section and room size was altered substantially on lithics) can be obtained locally, with more recent work by Adler. obsidian cannot. Throughout the Permission for coauthorship of this contexts dated to the Talpa and Vadito chapter comes from Curtis Schaafsma phases, significant quantities of obsidian and Martha Dick. The sections on tools were being made and used at Picuris architecture and pottery were Picuris, indicating that raw obsidian was much enhanced by the comments and being obtained from outside the Picuris criticisms of Stewart Peckham, Ronald area (probably from the Jemez Wetherington, and Fred Wendorf, each Mountains). This time period, however, of whom has made great contributions to is characterized by little evidence of our knowledge of northern Rio Grande extralocal ceramics. Though it is prehistory. plausible to suggest that raw obsidian 1 The phase names were introduced by could have been collected by small Herbert Dick (Dick 1965b) and reflect groups of Picuries who traveled to the both local places and regional location Jemez Mountains, such trips would not names. seem to preclude the same foray groups 2 At the time Dick and Wetherington from bringing back other durable goods were defining Talpa Black-on-white, such as pottery. both were working at the Fort Burgwin In sum, the large corpus of Research Center, with Dick directing the ceramic data indicates temporal excavations at Picuris and Wetherington fluctuations in the amounts and types of directing the excavations at nearby Pot local and extralocal ceramics at Picuris. Creek Pueblo. Dick began petrographic The position of this long-lived studies of materials from both sites, settlement on the fringes of the Pueblo though he never published the results. world makes it a candidate for both an These data are on file at the Fort exchange gateway to the western Great Burgwin Research Center. Both use Pot Plains and an isolable settlement on the Creek Pueblo as the type site for Talpa frontier of interaction networks in the Black-on-white Galisteo Basin, Pajarito Plateau, and 3 Kiva C was reconstructed in 1964 and central Rio Grande region. The was open to public visitation for several excavated sample of ceramics represents years. Later the structure was closed to one of the longest sequences of pottery the public, and some of the boxed manufacture and use in the eastern artifacts from the 1961–65 excavations Pueblo region. As such, it stands as a were stored in the structure. The roof of valuable resource for future research into the rebuilt kiva later collapsed, reburying

98 the boxes of artifacts stored in the layout at the rim and in the bowl interior. chamber. Organic-painted wares lacking the 4 Little description of the culinary wares framing lines have generally been was attempted in the original Picuris classified as McElmo Black-on-white, a reports aside from this basic listing of type that may predate the classic Mesa surface treatment. Additional Verde style by 25 to 50 years, but is also information on Taos-region culinary made contemporaneously with Mesa wares has been summarized by Levine Verde Black-on-white during the latter (1994) and Habichte-Mauche (1989). half of the 13th century. Ellis and Brody 5 Peckham and others continue to (1964:326) draw links between the differentiate between Taos Taos-area vegetal-painted wares and Black-on-white and Kwahe’e McElmo Black-on-white made to the Black-on-white on the basis of slip and west. paint characteristics, though they also 8 Recent research by Post on Santa Fe grant that the differentiation does not Black-on-white firing features found assist with chronological differentiation north of Santa Fe suggests that the because the types are relatively “blue-gray” firing clay characteristic of contemporaneous. Peckham has this decorated type may come largely suggested that a Taos-Kwahe’e from sediments of a Pleistocene lake Black-on-white category would be a near Santa Fe. Post suggests that this legitimate lumping of these types for high-quality, self-tempered clay was chronological, but not geographic, sought by local potters even though differentiations in ceramic classification adequate (but lower-quality) clays were in the northern Rio Grande (Peckham, available at closer localities (Post 1995). pers. comm. 1995). 9 At the time Dick and Wetherington 6 Carbon paints are also referred to as were defining Talpa Black-on-white, organic paints and vegetal paints. both were working at the Fort Burgwin Peckham (1991) believes the term Research Center, with Dick directing the “carbon paint” to be a misnomer. The excavations at Picuris and Wetherington process of boiling down iron-rich plants directing the excavations at nearby Pot such as Cleome concentrates iron oxide Creek Pueblo. Dick began petrographic in the vegetal paint, and he argues that studies of materials from both sites, this oxide, not carbon, provides the though he never published the results. pigment for the paint. Shepard (1942) These data are on file at the Fort argues that the pigment is primarily Burgwin Research Center. Both men carbon. use Pot Creek Pueblo as the type site for 7 In the Four Corners area, the classic Talpa Black-on-white. Mesa Verde Black-on-white ceramic 10 Dick used A.D. 1600 as the beginning style was most popular during the last date for Peñasco Micaceous in his early half of the 13th century. The style has writings on Picuris ceramics (Dick been defined primarily using bowl 1965b), but he later revised the designs and involves a banded layout of beginning date for this type to A.D. 1650 repeating geometric motifs, with both (Dick 1990). thick and thin lines framing the banded

99

Chapter Five: Ceremonial Caches From Picuris Pueblo

Daniel Wolfman and Herbert Dick

During the course of four summers’ the late 19th, and perhaps early 20th work at Picuris, all or parts of 110 centuries. surface rooms were excavated, some of Below the floors of Features 2, 6, which had excavations continue beneath 12, and 16, caches covered with stone the floor level. As described in chapter slabs were discovered. These were the 4, a number of the rooms had been only rooms with caches. All other room constructed over the top of earlier floors were probed with a thin steel rod structures, as evidenced by the presence to test for other caches. Though such of walls, floors, and room fill beneath features may have been missed, no the uppermost adobe floors. additional slab-covered features were Within Area VI (see Figure 4.2), found with the probe. a series of subfloor pits containing a These subfloor artifact hoards variety of artifacts was discovered. The (Figures 5.1 - 5.3) are probably votive artifacts had been placed into the caches left by groups or individuals who subfloor pits, which were subsequently had used the materials for ritual covered with stone slabs and new adobe purposes. The range of materials found floors. Area VI consists of 14 excavated in the caches is large and unique, storage rooms (Features 2, 4–14, and including small pottery vessels, wind 16–17), 2 partially excavated storage instruments, fossils, stone concretions, rooms (excavation of Features 1 and 3 bones, shaped stones, clay objects, and was discontinued at the request of other items often associated with Pueblo Picuris community members), a ritual activities (see Parsons 1939b). pithouse, and a room of the old pueblo Steve Conway (see chapter 6) discusses still standing above ground level and the ritual uses of flutes. Select commonly known as the Castillo Viejo. references to ritual caches and materials Almost all of the ground-floor rooms recovered at other Pueblo settlements are have storage pits and central upright mentioned, but these references are posts that supported the main roof beam certainly not complete for the full range (Figure 4.6). The living rooms were of ceremonial caches excavated in the located in the upper stories. Southwest. The storage rooms in Area VI were filled comparatively recently. Pottery Some of the older inhabitants of the The caches in Features 6 and 16 were pueblo recall when the ruin around the particularly interesting because they Castillo Viejo was used as a corral. This contained small pots on which were is verified by the levels of manure found depicted cloud (terraced pyramid) and in the fill of Features 3, 5, 7, and 9. lightning designs very similar to the Parsons' (1939a:209) sketch map of designs found on the walls of the Picuris 1925 shows the outline of 42 rooms in kivas (see chapter 9 in this volume). ruin in the vicinity of the Castillo Viejo. One small black-on-white pot (Feature Pottery in the fill of these rooms 16, pot # 2) had designs that could be indicates that the rooms were intact in compared to Hopi feather designs (Smith

101

Figure 5.1. Artifacts from Various Levels of Cache Pit, Feature 6, Area VI (W=Whistles, Pots=Miniature Vessels, Numbers Correspond to Figure 5.7 Vessels). 102

Figure 5.2. Cache Pit and Contents, Feature 16, Area VI. Materials Were Deposited in Two Layers Within the Pit.

103

Figure 5.3. Feature 2, Area VI: Subfloor Cache in Southeast Corner of Room

1952b:figures 9aa, bb, and ff). Several Pecos Pueblo, and in Kiva 7 at Pecos, Picuris excavators mentioned that the Wendorf (Kidder 1958:186–199) found materials in these caches were used in seven more small pots and fragments of kiva ceremonies. During the an eighth. Several of the small pots excavations at Picuris, only one from Pecos have cloud designs (Kidder additional small black-on-white pot with 1936: Figures 239c & d, 241d, 242b & c, cloud and lightning designs was found 243f & i, 244g & i, 245c, 246a & b). outside of cache deposit contexts. This Stubbs (cited in Kidder 1958:333) stated pot was located below the floor of Kiva that pots similar to the Pecos miniature A. pots have been reported from several Kidder (1936:278–286) reported modern pueblos. Kidder noted "about forty" small ceremonial vessels at (1958:333), "Jemez informants have told

104 Stubbs that such little pots were used by (1904:280). Conway (chapter 6 in this them in sets of seven to hold water from volume) discusses prehistoric and North, South, East, West, above, below, historic flute use in the Southwest. and 'here' a mixture of the other six; most excavations in the area disclose a Description of the Caches few such pots, but not always in sets." At Picuris there were seven small pots in Feature 2 the Feature 6 cache but only three in the The cache (Figure 5.3) was in an oval- Feature 16 cache. shaped hole 55 cm (N-S) x 43 cm (E-W) The small pots found in the x 61 cm deep, lined on the sides and caches were of four different types: bottom with pine bark (Figure 5.3). The Trampas Black-on-white, red slipped hole was covered with a roughly plain ware, plain ware, and incised plain rectangular stone slab, 46 cm (N-S) x 53 ware. Design elements are confined cm (E-W) x 26 cm thick. The slab did largely to simple geometric patterns, not cover the northern 10 cm of the hole. primarily zigzag bands on bowl interiors or exteriors. Bowl rims of Trampas The Cache Black-on-white bear a distinct 1. Six small bird-bone whistles all made resemblance to those of Rio Grande from golden eagle (Aquila chrysaetos). Glaze D. Given this similarity, a date of All the whistles had burned-bone inserts about A.D. 1500 would be proper for a that were "v" notched longitudinally. beginning date on Trampas a. Cut from the distal half of the Black-on-white. Stratigraphic shaft of a left ulna. An oval associations with Rio Grande Glazes E hole was drilled at the and F, quantities of modern glass, iron, nutrient foramen in the horsehoofs, and other postcontact palmar face. Both ends of materials indicate that A.D. 1650 might the tube are notched in both not be too late for an ending date for the faces. Length: 3.78 cm; manufacture of Trampas average diameter: 1.03 cm; Black-on-white. hole length: 0.61 cm; hole width: 0.55 cm (Figure Whistles and Flageolets 5.4a). The most common artifacts in the caches b. Cut from the proximal half were bone whistles and flageolets. It is of a right ulna. A round interesting to note that although the hole was cut in the anconal types of flageolets and tubular whistles face. Both ends of the tube found at Picuris were also relatively are notched in both faces. plentiful at Pecos (Kidder 1932:249– Length: 3.47 cm; average 253), no examples of "Bitsitsi whistles," diameter: 1.02 cm; hole described by Hodge (1920:130–132) and diameter: 0.56 cm (Figure Stevenson (1904:280–281), were found 5.4b). at Pecos. Three Bitsitsi whistles were c. Cut from the central section found in the caches at Picuris, although of a right ulna. A round none of our Bitsitsi whistles were hole was cut in the anconal notched as are some of those described face. The proximal end is by Hodge (1920:131) and Stevenson notched in the palmar face.

105

Figure 5.4: Bone Whistles and Tubes, Feature 2, Area VI

Length: 2.80 cm; average f. Cut from the distal half of a diameter: 1.11 cm; hole left tibiotarsus (part of the diameter: 0.6 cm (Figure fibula spine remains). An 5.4c). oval hole was cut in the d. Cut from the proximal half anterior face (opposite the of a right ulna. An oval proximal end of the fibula hole was cut in the palmar spine). The proximal end of face. The proximal end is the whistle was notched in notched in the anconal face, the posterior face and the and the distal end is notched distal end was notched in in the palmar face. Length: the anterior face. Note the 2.45 cm; average diameter: same direction of notching 1.06 cm; hole length: 0.62 and facing as in ulnae. cm; hole width: 0.50 cm Length: 2.39 cm; average (Figure 5.4d). diameter: 0.95 cm; hole e. Cut from the proximal half length: 0.60 cm; hole width: of a right ulna. An oval 0.62 cm (Figure 5.4f). hole was cut into the palmar 2. A tube cut from the distal portion of face where drilling started the proximal half of the left in the nutrient foramen. tibiotarsus of a young individual. The proximal end was The medullary foramen is present. notched in the anconal face Length: 2.98 cm; width: 1.32 cm; and the distal end was thickness: 0.85 cm (Figure 5.4g). notched in the palmar face. 3. Two Bitsitsi whistles, each made up Length: 2.32 cm; average of two rectangles of bone. diameter: 1.04 cm; hole a. Cut from mammal bone not length: 0.55 cm; hole width: identifiable as to family. 0.44 cm (Figure 5.4e). 2.78 cm x 1.18 cm x 0.33

106

Figure 5.5. Materials from Cache, Feature 2, Area VI

cm and 2.69 cm x 1.17 cm x 6. Concretions. 0.32 cm (Figure 5.4h). a. Siliceous concretion shaped b. May have been cut from the somewhat like the head and body of a tibiotarsus of a turkey chipmunk. 3.26 cm x 2.10 cm x 1.32 (Meleagris gallopavo). cm (Figure 5.5d). 2.05 cm x 0.94 cm x 0.18 b. Hematite concretion, cm and 1.97 cm x 0.99 cm x botryoidal form. 3.34 cm x 0.21 cm (Figure 5.4i). 2.44 cm x 1.63 cm (Figure 4. Slate rod with an oval cross section. 5.5e). The rod comes to a dull point at one 7. Fossils. end; one informant stated that these a. Viviparus sp. Agate or rods were thrown at people in chalcedony steinkern ceremonies. Length: 22.80 cm; (internal mold) of a width: l.l cm; thickness: 0.84 cm freshwater gastropod. (Figure 5.5a). Likely Jurassic in age 5. Unworked stone. (similar forms occur near a. Two milky quartz pebbles. Tuba City, Arizona and 2.54 cm x 1.63 cm x 1.25 Grand Junction, Colorado). cm and 2.32 cm x 1.57 cm x 2.10 cm x 1.74 cm x 1.50 1.24 cm (Figure 5.5b). cm (Figure 5.5f). b. Calcite rhomb. 2.40 cm x b. Amplovalvata sp. Agate or 1.38 cm x 1.24 cm (Figure chalcedony steinkern 5.5c). (internal mold) of a 107 freshwater gastropod. golden eagle (Aquila Probably Jurassic in age chrysaetos). An oval hole (similar forms occur near was cut in the palmar face. Tuba City, Arizona, and Length: 1l.70 cm; average Grand Junction, Colorado). diameter: 0.98 cm; hole 1.65 cm x 2.10 cm x l.75 length: 0.84 cm; hole width: cm (Figure 5.5g). 0.66 cm (Figure 5.6a). 8. Pieces of ground-up limonite (not b. Made from the central shown). section of a left ulna of a 9. Five pieces of unfired and partially large Canada goose, which fired clay ranging in length from is in the size range of 2.25 cm to 8.73 cm; in width from Branta canadensis moffitti. 2.05 cm to 7.96 cm; in thickness An oval hole was cut in the from 1.57 cm to 4.15 cm (not anconal face. Length: 12.4 shown). cm; average diameter: 0.92 cm; hole length: 0.85 cm; hole width: 0.48 cm (Figure Feature 6 5.6b). An oval-shaped hole, 130 cm (N-S) x 35 c. Made from the shaft of a cm (E-W) x 38 cm deep, in the left tibia of a bobcat (Lynx southwest corner of Feature 6 was rufus cf. baileyi). An oval covered by two roughly rectangular hole was cut in the shaft. slabs (Figure 5.1). The southernmost Length: 9.53 cm; average slab was 60 cm (N-S) x 36 cm (E-W) x 2 diameter: 1.03 cm; hole cm thick. The second slab, right next to length: 1.45 cm; hole width: the first slab, was 30 cm (N-S) x 37 cm 0.54 cm (Figure 5.6c). (E-W) x 2 cm thick. This left the d. Made from the distal half of remaining 36 cm of the hole without a the right ulna of a golden slab cover, but the floor was plastered eagle (Aquila chrysaetos). over this portion, indicating some filling An oval hole was cut in the prior to closing the cache. The cache anconal face. Length: 11.22 appeared to be set down in three levels. cm; average diameter: 1.00 The bottoms of the pots in level 1 were cm; hole length: 1.11 cm; 26 cm below the floor of Feature 6; the hole width: 0.51 cm (Figure bottoms of the pots in level 2 were 37 5.6d). cm below the floor of Feature 6; and the e. Made from the distal half of four whistles in level 3 were lying on the a right ulna from a large bottom of the hole, 38 cm below the (female?) Golden Eagle floor of Feature 6. (Aquila chrysaetos). A triangular hole was cut in The Cache the anconal face. Length: l. Eight large bone whistles. All 8.50 cm; average diameter: except those in Figures 5.6d and 5.6g 1.05 cm; hole length: 0.96 have bone inserts right next to the cm; hole width (at base of hole. triangle): 0.59 cm (Figure a. Made from the distal 5.6e). section of a left ulna of a 108

Figure 5.6. Whistles from Feature 6, Area VI.

f. Made from the proximal length: 1.0 cm; hole width: three-fourths portion of a 0.37 cm (Figure 5.7g). left ulna from a small h. Made from the shaft of a (male?) golden eagle left tibiotarsus of a fully (Aquila chrysaetos). An adult, but small, turkey oval hole was cut in the (Meleagris gallopavo). An palmar face. Length: 11.9 oval hole was cut in the cm; average diameter: 0.94 interior face. Length: 12.5 cm; hole length: 0.85 cm; cm; average diameter: 0.89 hole width: 0.51 cm (Figure cm; hole length: 0.64 cm; 5.7f). hole width: 0.50 cm (Figure g. Made from the central 5.7h). section of a right ulna from 2. Seven small ceremonial pots (Figure a large Canada goose which 5.7). is in the size range of a. Pot #1. Trampas Branta canadensis moffitti, Black-on-white miniature but which is a small canteen with a pair of individual (female?) of this horizontal loop handles, species. A rectangular hole straight rim, and rounded was cut in the anconal face. lip. Height: 6.2 cm; width: Length: 12.5 cm; average 6.1 cm; interior neck diameter: 0.80 cm; hole opening: 2.3 cm (Figure 5.7c). 109 b. Pot #2. Trampas cm; interior neck opening: Black-on-white jar with a 2.3 cm (not shown). pair of horizontal loop g. Pot #7. Trampas handles, slightly outcurved Black-on-white miniature rim, and a rounded lip. canteen with a pair of Height: 6.l cm; width: 8.4 vertical loop handles, cm; interior neck opening: straight rim, and rounded 5.2 cm (Figure 5.7e). lip. In addition to the c. Pot #3. Incised miniature designs depicted (Figure canteen, unknown type, 5.9), a wavy line, broken at with a pair of horizontal one point, encircles the loop handles (one handle interior of the neck. Height: broken), straight rim, and 5.8 cm; width: 6.2 cm; rounded lip. Color ranges interior neck opening: 2.1 from black to light brown; cm (Figure 5.7b). the paste contains mica. Height: 6.8 cm; width: 7.0 cm; interior neck opening: 2.3 cm (not shown). Feature 12 d. Pot #4. Trampas This was the smallest cache, and no map Black-on-white miniature was found of the cache. The cache was canteen with a pair of located along the center of the south horizontal loop handles wall. Immediately under the floor, a (both broken), slightly roughly circular stone slab, 23 cm in outcurved rim, and rounded diameter and 3 cm in thickness, was lip. Height: 7.8 cm; width: encountered. The cache materials were 7.5 cm; interior neck under the slab. opening: 3.8 cm (Figure 5.7d). The Cache e. Pot #5. Trampas 1. A small turquoise pendant. Black-on-white miniature Unfortunately this specimen was lost on canteen with a pair of the floor of the artifact lab. It was horizontal loop handles, similar to the pendants illustrated in straight rim, and rounded Kidder (1932:101). lip. Mica flecks can be seen 2. A Bitsitsi whistle of two small bone on the exterior; mica was sections. 1.7 cm x 0.91 cm x 0.14 cm contained in the slip clay. and 1.89 cm x 82 cm x 0.13 cm Probably Height: 4.6 cm; width: 4.4 from the tibiotarsus of a turkey cm; interior neck opening: (Meleagris gallopavo). 1.8 cm (Figure 5.7a). 3. Ten fish bones, species unknown. f. Pot #6. Undecorated slipped red miniature canteen, unknown type, Feature 16 with a pair of lugs, straight The cache was in an oval-shaped rim, and rounded lip. hole, 43 cm (N-S) x 53 cm (E-W) x 49 Height: 4.8 cm; width: 5.4 cm deep, covered by a roughly

110

Figure 5.7. Miniature Vessels from Feature 6, Area VI.

rectangular slab, 38 cm (N-S) x 51 cm a. The proximal end of this (E-W) x 3 cm thick. The hole was in the flageolet was broken off southwest corner of the room (Figure and missing. The break is 5.1). through the center of the vent hole. Length: 19.2 cm; The Cache average diameter: 0.93 cm; 1. Five three-stop flageolets (not vent length: unknown; vent pictured) cut from ulnae of golden eagle width: ca. 0.47 cm. First (Aquila chrysaetos), "a" and "b" from stop, oval, length: 0.49 cm, left ulnae, "c", "d," and "e" from right and width: 0.44 cm; second ulnae. All the holes have been cut in the stop, circular, diameter: palmar face of the bones––"c" and "e"– 0.47 cm; third stop, circular, fall into Kidder's (1932:249–250) diameter: 0.38 cm. subtype 2; the other three fall into b. Length: 18.0 cm; average subtype 1. In all the flageolets, the large diameter: 0.97 cm; vent oval vent hole is at the proximal end of hole length: 1.63 cm; first the bone, and the stops are toward the stop diameter: 0.43 cm; distal end. The stops are numbered from second stop diameter: 0.49 the proximal toward the distal end of the cm; third stop diameter: bone. 0.29 cm.

111

Figure 5.8. Rollouts of Painted Designs from Miniature Vessels, Features 6 and 16.

c. Short incised lines run third stop diameter: 0.26 crosswise to the shaft cm. between the second and d. Length: 20.0 cm; average third stops and along the diameter: 1.02 cm; vent left side of the flageolet in length: 0.80 cm; vent width: the vicinity of the stops, and 0.58 cm; first stop diameter: a zigzag incised line runs 0.38 cm; second stop between the vent and the diameter: 0.38 cm; third first stop. Length: 14.7 cm; stop diameter: 0.35 cm. average diameter: 1.02 cm; e. A zigzag line runs along the vent length: 0.84 cm; vent anconal face from the distal width: 0.60 cm; first stop end to 7.85 cm from the diameter: 0.31 cm; second distal end. A plug was stop diameter: 0.29 cm; found on the proximal side of the vent. The vent was

112 constructed by drilling two 3. Worked stone. intersecting circular holes in a. Stone rod, unknown the shaft. Length: 18.5 cm; material. Cylindrical, average diameter: 1.14 cm; tapered at both ends. vent length: 0.97 cm; vent Length: 14 cm; diameter: 4 width: 0.48 cm; first stop cm (Figure 5.10b). diameter: 0.50 cm; second b. Figurine of fine-grained stop diameter: 0.45 cm; micaceous schist. Nude third stop diameter: 0.44 female torso with butterfly cm. hairdo. Height: 13.06 cm; 2. Three small ceremonial pots. width: 6.91 cm; thickness: a. Pot #1. Unpainted 3.92 cm (Figure 5.11). black-and-gray jar, type c. Slate rod, ground smooth. unknown, lacking handles Identified by Picuris (color variation is due to excavators as a “kiva bell,” fire clouds). The rim curves broken. Length: 28.01 cm; outward at an angle of width: 2.52 cm; thickness: 45°–60°, and the lip is 0.64 cm (Figure 5.10a). rounded. Height: 8.5 cm; d. Rectangular rod of polished width: 9.1 cm; interior neck fine-grained basalt, one end opening: 2.5 cm (not broken off. Length: 11.68 shown). cm; width: 3.07 cm; b. Pot #2. Trampas thickness: 1.93 cm (Figure Black-on-white miniature 5.10c). canteen with a pair of e. Grossly flaked, horizontal loop handles non-functional blade of (one broken), a straight rim, fine-grained basalt. Length: and a rounded lip. Height: 12.81 cm; width: 3.74 cm; 6.9 cm; width: 8.0 cm; thickness: 1.57 cm (Figure interior neck opening: 2.8 5.10d). cm. (not shown, but see f. Grossly flaked flat rectangle Figure 5.8 for design of fine-grained basalt. layout). Length: 11.19 cm; width: c. Pot #3. Trampas 5.75 cm; thickness: 1.96 cm Black-on-white miniature (not shown). canteen with a pair of g. Fine-grained micaceous horizontal loop handles schist rod, rubbed smooth at (one broken), a straight rim, both ends. Length: 37.57 and a rounded lip. Above cm; width: 4.02 cm; the broken handle is a hole, thickness: 3.43 cm (Figure 0.55 cm in diameter. 5.9). Height: 7.1 cm; width: 8.0 h. Black, waterworn, siliceous cm; interior neck opening: cobble. One side is flat and 1.5 cm. (not shown) may have served as a pot polisher. Length: 5.02 cm;

113 Figure 5.9. Schist Rod, Feature 16, Area IV

Figure 5.10. Ground and Flaked Stone, Feature 16, Area VI.

width: 3.78 cm; thickness: j. Chalcedony projectile point, 3.03 cm (not shown). corner notched, with convex i. Black siliceous pot- blade edges, a stem polishing stone. Length: narrower than the blade, 5.14 cm; width: 3.51 cm; and a concave base. thickness: 1.53 cm (not Length: 4.06 cm; width: shown). 2.96 cm; thickness: 0.58 cm (not shown).

114 k. Obsidian projectile point o. Utilized obsidian flake, fragment with convex roughly triangular shape. edges, probably stemless. Length: 5.29 cm; width: Length: 4.02 cm; width: 3.42 cm; thickness: 0.98 cm 1.76 cm; thickness: 0.56 cm (not shown). (not shown). p. Roughly rectangular obsidian side scraper. Length: 4.38 cm; width: 3.65 cm; thickness: 0.73 cm (not shown). q. Roughly rectangular piece of coarse crystalline micaceous schist, smoothed on both ends. Length: 11.24 cm; width: 6.21 cm; thickness: 3.84 cm (not shown). r. Magnetite-chalcedony pebble, smoothed on one side. Length: 2.84 cm; width: 2.40 cm; thickness: 1.50 cm (not shown). s. Hematite cylinder, polished. Length: 2.16 cm; average diameter: 1.32 cm (not shown). Figure 5.11: Female Figurine, t. Flat, elongated oval piece of Front View, Feature 16, Area limestone, rubbed on one IV. side. Length: 7.29 cm; width: 2.08 cm; thickness: l. Triangular obsidian 0.78 cm (not shown). projectile point with u. Tabular piece of feldspar, serrated edges and a notch cut along one edge. Length: in the base. Length: 3.02 3.10 cm; width: 2.97 cm; cm; width: 1.65 cm; thickness: 0.75 cm (not thickness: 0.31 cm (not shown). shown). 4. Unworked stone m. Obsidian two-edged knife. a. Two quartz cobbles, one Length: 5.15 cm; width: hemispherical and the other 2.89 cm; thickness: 0.75 cm rectangular. Hemispherical (not shown). cobble: Length: 5.50 cm; n. Utilized obsidian flake. width: 4.03 cm; thickness: Length: 3.29 cm; width: 2.95 cm. Rectangular 1.55 cm; thickness: 0.74 cm cobble: Length: 5.39 cm; (not shown). width: 2.60 cm; thickness: 2.17 cm (not shown).

115 b. Chert cobble, roughly egg- k. Eight calcite rhombs shaped. Length: 5.24 cm; ranging in length from 1.05 width: 3.92 cm; thickness: cm to 2.28 cm, in width 3.87 cm (not shown). from 0.98 cm to 1.35 cm, c. Metamorphic quartz and in thickness from 0.27 hornblende cobble, egg- cm to 1.22 cm (not shown). shaped. Length: 7.97 cm; l. Six pieces of gypsum width: 6.90 cm; thickness: selenite ranging in length 6.16 cm (not shown). from 2.28 cm to 5.42 cm, in d. Green and orange siliceous width from 1.11 cm to 1.70 oval pebble. Length: 3.68 cm, and in thickness from cm; width: 2.15 cm; 0.16 cm to 0.50 cm (not thickness: 1.79 cm (not shown). shown). m. Two spherical sandstone e. Fourteen black-and-brown pebbles. Diameters: 1.72 siliceous pebbles, cm and 1.52 cm (not waterworn, ranging in shown). length from 1.70 cm to 3.93 n. Four quartz crystals ranging cm, in width from 1.22 cm in length from 1.60 cm to to 3.43 cm, and in thickness 4.57 cm, in width from 1.10 from 1.04 cm to 2.15 cm cm to 2.47 cm, and in (not shown). thickness from 1.08 cm to f. Botryoidal chalcedony. 1.75 cm (not shown). Length: 2.79 cm; width: o. Thirteen milky quartz 2.42 cm; thickness: 1.39 cm pebbles, waterworn, ranging (not shown). in length from 1.88 cm to g. Two waterworn chalcedony 3.12 cm, in width from 1.33 pebbles. One milky- cm to 2.10 cm, and in colored—Length: 2.28 cm; thickness from 0.92 cm to width: 1.54 cm; thickness: 1.93 (not shown). 1.10 cm; one red and p. Limonite. Length: 5.61 cm; white—Length: 2.00 cm; width: 3.30 cm; thickness width: 1.61 cm; thickness: 1.94 cm (not shown). 1.11 cm (not shown). q. Jasper cylinder, waterworn. h. Small amount of malachite Length: 3.33 cm; average adhering to a plain culinary diameter: 2.03 cm (not ware sherd (not shown). shown). i. Small piece of r. Irregular piece of opal. malachite-azurite mineral. Length: 3.70 cm; width: Length: 1.68 cm; width: 1.87 cm; thickness: 1.74 cm 1.23 cm; thickness: 1.05 cm (not shown). (not shown). 5. Molded alabaster gypsum, roughly j. Calcite pebble. Length: egg-shaped. Length: 6.34 cm; Width: 2.54 cm; width: 2.10 cm; 4.51 cm; thickness: 4.05 cm (not thickness: 2.20 cm (not shown). shown).

116 6. Concretions. = Upper Cretaceous: Lower a. Four sandstone concretions, Mancos (just above Dakota botryoidal forms, ranging in sandstone). Could have length from 2.55 cm to 5.71 come from 36 miles to the cm, in width from 1.86 cm west in the area between to 2.73 cm, and in thickness Sapello and Golondrinas. from 1.38 cm to 2.37 cm 4.19 cm x 3.05 cm x 1.87 (not shown). cm (not shown). b. Sandstone concretion b. Echinaria semipunctata cobble, roughly egg-shaped. (formerly Echinoconchus Length: 8.67 cm; width: semi-punctatus). Age = 7.55 cm; thickness: 7.19 cm Pennsylvanian. This fossil (not shown). is filled with micaceous c. Limestone concretion, sandstone, an unusual roughly egg-shaped. occurrence for a productid Length: 2.90 cm; width: brachiopod. Generally 2.82 cm; thickness: 2.14 cm found in limestone or shale. (not shown). 6.25 cm x 6.18 cm x 2.30 d. Six siliceous concretions, cm (not shown). assorted shapes, ranging in c. Neospirifer dunbari. Age = length from 2.13 cm to 4.08 Pennsylvanian. Could have cm, in width from 2.05 cm come from the Magdalena to 3.24 cm, and in thickness group a few miles away. from 0.91 cm to 2.42 cm 4.90 cm x 3.50 cm x 2.25 (not shown). cm (not shown). e. Magnetite concretion d. Gyrolithes(?) Spirally fragment. Length: 1.30 cm; coiled burrow of an width: 1.42 cm; thickness: unknown animal, 0.88 cm (not shown). resembling a loosely coiled f. Three hematite concretions. gastropod except that the 1) Large, hemispherical diameter remains constant. shape—Length: 5.50 cm; Apparently filled with clay thickness: 3.18 cm (not speckled with limonite (and shown). 2) Small, circular possibly pseudomorphous in cross section with a hole after pyrite). Age: = in the middle—Length: 2.75 unknown, 2.47 cm x 2.37 cm; width: 2.04 cm; cm (not shown). thickness: 1.17 cm (Figure e. Meekella striatocostata 5.16a). 3) Small, hollow (Brachiopod). Age = hemisphere—Length: 2.11 Pennsylvanian. Could have cm; width: 1.95 cm; come from the Magdalena thickness: 0.67 cm (not group a few miles away. shown). 3.53 cm x 2.75 cm x 1.80 7. Fossils. cm (not shown). a. Gryphaea newberryi (oysterlike pelecypod). Age

117

Figure 5.12: Wood Artifacts, Feature 16, Area VI.

f. Antiquatonia sp. (formerly 5.24lf. Length: 14.74 cm; Dictyoclostus, Productus, width: 2.55 cm; thickness: etc.). Age = Pennsylvanian. 0.57 cm (Figures 5.12b, 3.39 cm x 2.68 cm x 1.32 5.12c). cm (not shown). b. Unworked piece of wood. g. Crinoid columnal. Age = Length: 10.23 cm; Pennsylvanian. 2.94 cm x diameter: l.97 cm (Figure 1.86 cm x 1.40 cm (not 5.12a). shown). 9. Miscellaneous Bone. h. Undetermined gastropod. a. A tube (with the nutrient Similar forms occur in the foramen present) cut from Pennsylvanian and again in the the proximal half of a left Upper Cretaceous. 4.20 cm x radius of a golden eagle 1.97 cm x 1.90 cm (not shown) (Aquila chrysaetos). 8. Wood. Length: 4.86 cm; average a. Two spatulate-shaped diameter: 0.58 cm (Figure pieces of wood, carved at 4.13b). one end to form a terraced b. A broken tube cut from the pyramid (seven terraces on shaft of a right tibiotarsus of one piece; nine terraces on a turkey (Meleagris the other). Compare with gallopavo). Only the Kidder 1932:292, Figure posterior face remains,

118

Figure 5.13. Bird Bone Artifacts, Feature 16, Area VI

possibly trash. Length: 4.87 fired clay. Among the cm; average remaining thirteen pieces, diameter:unknown due to the lengths range between break (Figure 4.13c). 3.58 cm and 12.62 cm, c. Eight assorted golden eagle widths between 2.57 cm (Aquila chrysaetos) unguals and 6.01 cm, and (claws) representing a thicknesses between 2.21 minimum of two cm and 5.68 cm (not individuals (Figure 5.13d). shown). d. A pedal phalanx (toe bone) of a young turkey (Meleagris gallopavo). Possibly trash (Figure 4.13a).10. Eighteen pieces of unfired and partially

119

Chapter Six : The Music of Plenty in the Prehistoric and Historic Southwest

Steve Conway

“Ages ago, among the Yuma since bone whistles and flutes (both bone Indians of western Arizona, two and wood) are two of the most common young brothers, the sons of a bird, musical instruments found in the Southwest decided to make a flute, which (Brown 1967:80). Cole (1994:301) makes would make the girls love them. a strong case that bone whistles and flutes Upon finishing, a song was have been continuously represented in composed by one of the boys and ancestral Pueblo imagery from around 500 played on the new instrument. The B.C. to A.D. 1450. They are also part of words that accompanied the the material record of the Mogollon and melody were: ‘I have the flute in Hohokam cultures (Brown 1967). Reed my mouth. Anyone living far away flutes from Arizona date from as early as will hear and come listen’ 150 B.C. (Martin et al. 1952:429). Wood (Densmore 1932:49–50). flutes from the northern areas date as early as A.D. 470–488 (Morris 1959:406). For American Indians, bird song is Interestingly, the greatest number of bone more than beautiful: it possesses a magical flutes and whistles occurs in the northern quality. Likewise, a human being's singing Rio Grande valley area (Brown 1967:81). also has a magical power, which is why Given the importance of flutes and singing forms a major part of the festivals, whistles at Picuris, it is worthwhile to ceremonies, and rituals of Native American investigate the popularity and role(s) of cultures (Spinden 1933:8–17; Cushing these instruments elsewhere in the 1901:xi). A flute's "singing" has also been prehistoric and historic Pueblo world. The a major part of Native American primary role of this chapter is to show that, ceremonies, and these instruments were based on both ethnographic and likely perceived to have held magical archaeological evidence, wind instruments qualities. Magical or not, these wind have been and continue to be consistently instruments—made of bone, cane or associated with rituals that ensure fertility wood—are well represented in and moisture. The themes of fecundity and southwestern prehistoric material culture. moisture permeate the ritual and ceremonial Flutes are still important today. They life of southwestern cultures, and both the continue to be used in the rituals and cultures and these themes have great time ceremonies of the Pueblo Indians, are depth (Adams 1991; Crown 1994). It included in numerous myths, legends, and should not be surprising, then, that Picuris, folk-tales, and are depicted in Indian art. one of the oldest continually occupied The importance of flutes during the pueblos in the Southwest, is no exception to prehistoric and historic periods has been this pattern associating flutes and fertility. well established through excavations at Picuris. Wolfman and Dick (chapter 5 in Flutes and Whistles in the Archaeological this volume) report that bone whistles and Record flageolets were the most common artifacts Prehistoric wind instruments found in in the Picuris caches. This is not surprising, the Southwest take several forms: whistles,

121 Bitsitsi whistles, and flageolets. Whistles 1954), the Chama Valley (Wendorf 1953; are defined as instruments in which the tone Jeançon 1923), and of course, Picuris. is created by blowing either into the end of Clearly there existed a wide range of the tube or across a tone hole bored into the variability in the manufacture and surface of a bone at the approximate center decoration of prehistoric flutes and of the tube's length. A single tone hole on whistles. Pepper (1920:166) illustrates a the tube generally identifies the instrument painted flute taken from Pueblo Bonito in as a whistle (Payne 1991:165–167). A Chaco Canyon. The decorations include Bitsitsi whistle gets its name from Bitsitsi, a design fields of either stacked or reflected, character associated with the Zuni Shalako stepped terraces separated by bands of rites. It is usually made of two curved circles. Earl Morris (1925:293) described a pieces of wood bound together with a burial excavated in Canyon del Muerto, wrapping of hair cord (Hodge 1920:130– Arizona, which contained "the body of an 131). Between the two curved pieces is a old man, surely once a priest or chief. reed (Brown 1967:83), which vibrates Besides the usual offerings of beads, rapidly when blown. Wendorf (1953:90) baskets, and sandals, there lay above his reports finding bone Bitsitsi whistles, buckskin wrappings a flute, one end similar to those found at Picuris, at Te'ewi, beneath the chin, the other between the near the confluence of Rio del Oso and the thighs." Most of the flutes found by Pepper Chama River. The third type of instrument and Judd at Pueblo Bonito in Chaco is the flageolet. This is a duct flute that is Canyon were also in the context of burials similar to a recorder in that it is end blown assumed to be those of priests (Payne but has fewer tone holes. A true flute is 1989:18; Pepper 1920:164–279; Judd played transversely, with the mouth of the 1954:304–305). Clearly these instruments, player directing the air against the edge of as part of a mortuary offering, were special. the embouchure hole (Randel 1986:310, Their unique character is suggested by the 312). Despite these definitional close association of flutes with the differences, the terms flageolet and flute mythological characters of southwestern (recorder-type) are often used Indian traditions. interchangeably. Flutes and whistles have been found Flutes and Flute Players in Southwestern in archaeological contexts throughout the Oral Tradition Southwest. Sites containing prehistoric Flutes, in particular, play an important wind instruments include Tularosa Cave part in southwestern Indian mythology and and the Upper Gila River in southwestern folktales. In one version of the Hopi New Mexico (Martin et al. 1952:357; emergence story, the locust searched for the Cosgrove 1947:120), Basketmaker sites in sipapu leading from one world to the next. northeastern Arizona (Morris 1980:134; On his arrival at the sipapu, the clouds shot Morris 1959:406–407; Guernsey and at him with lightning bolts. All the while, Kidder 1921:112), Bear Ruin in central the locust calmly played his flute, ignoring Arizona (Haury 1940:115), and Talus the lightning being hurled at him (Hill Village in southern Colorado (Morris and 1995:21; Schaafsma 1980:140; Waters Burgh 1954:63). In the northern Rio 1950:300; Parsons 1938:337). Grande area they are reported from, among According to the Hopi, the locust other places, Pecos (Kidder 1932), Otowi became the famous and ubiquitous and Jemez (Payne 1991), Paa-ko (Lambert humpbacked flute player called Kokopelli

122 or Kokopilau. The two Hopi Flute Clans, Flutes and Whistles in Ritual and the Blue and the Gray, are named for him Ceremonies (Waters 1963:37–38). It is the humpbacked The Indians have long sought to flute player that plays his flute at the altar obtain the help of the ancients with music of the Flute Society, bringing warmth and and dancing (Cushing 1901:xv), and the melting the snow (Waters 1950:300). flute, it seems, has always played an Kokopelli’s powers include healing, important part in ritual and ceremonies bringing rain, and ensuring fertility (Lambert 1967:400). Among the historic (Lambert 1967:400). Pueblos, the prayers and supplications to Fertility concepts figure heavily into the gods are focused chiefly on bringing the Zuni story of Payatamu. In these rain (Waters 1950:297). A second, equally accounts, Payatamu appears out of the east, important purpose is to recount the myths playing his flute, and subsequently teaches and legends of the group (Waters the corn-growing ritual to the Zuni 1950:241). It is not surprising, therefore, (Parmentier 1979:615). Parsons (1994 that many of the flute-playing deities and [orig. 1926]) also recorded numerous Rio legendary characters such as those Grande Tewa folktales that involve the use mentioned above, play an important role in of a flute. These include "Coyote Plots to these activities. In the ceremonies, these Become Summer Chief," "The Broken characters take the form of Katsinas, the Water Jar," and "The Women Stealer." reincarnation of the ancestors and ancients As noted above, the Yuma Indians of (Frigout 1979:572) and a key symbol in western Arizona have a story of the flute's Pueblo ceremonialism (Waters 1950:277). origin; part of the legend is connected with In the annual public rituals of the their cremation custom and the Memorial Hopi, at least three Katsinas appear with Ceremony. The Papago Indians have a flutes in hand, including Road Runner, similar folktale for the origin of their first Snow Kachina, and Flute Kachina (Fewkes flute (Densmore 1932:49). It seems fitting 1985:80, 84, 101; Stephen 1969:174). The that the offspring of a bird, whose song is humpbacked Kokopelli borrows a flute considered magical, should be credited with from the Flute Kachina during the Mixed making a musical instrument that is capable Kachina Dance (Colton 1959:35). of mimicking a bird's song. In fact, the Kachinas, at least among those groups medicine men of Santo Domingo Pueblo practicing this belief system during the use a short reed whistle to imitate the historic period, are representations of the singing of birds during their curing spirits or gods. After donning the sacred ceremonies and throughout the Christmas masks for ceremonial dances, the mask Eve festival. The end of the whistle is wearers come to possess the powers of the submerged in a bowl of water and blown, spirit (Fewkes 1985:13–16; Waters reproducing the songs of the quail, owl, 1963:167). crow, and eagle (Densmore 1938:38–40, There are several Hopi ceremonies 58). Bird-bone whistles are treasured by featuring the use of the flute: the Flute many present-day Native American groups Dance (Leleñti), the Mixed Kachina Dance, and are commonly used in their ceremonies and the Flute Ceremony (Cole 1994:305; (Payne 1991:175). Fewkes 1985:29, 57; Waters 1963:210– 214). The last is extremely important to the Hopi and alternates every other year with the famous Snake-Antelope Ceremony.

123 The practical purpose of this ceremony is to and phallus, and are often portrayed in a help mature the crops and bring the summer seated position (Schaafsma 1980:122). rains (Waters 1963:210). However, on the After about A.D. 1000, Kokopellis are last day of the Flute Ceremony, the Hopi depicted with the humped back and phallus emergence myth is reenacted (Waters (Schaafsma 1980:136). These figures are 1963:213). often depicted with a flute—dancing, At Santa Domingo Pueblo, New sitting, reclining, standing, right-side up Mexico, the people who play the flute or and upside down. Kokopelli is found in drum belong to medicine societies. Each hunting scenes and in close association with moiety group had its own musicians and a birds, lizards, snakes, bighorn sheep, leader. The flute people's responsibility insects, corn, and various geometric figures was to ensure the success of summer crops, (Slifer and Duffield 1994; Brody 1991; and they performed as the corn was planted, Schaafsma 1980; Schaafsma 1975). He is in the belief that the music made everything also depicted chasing women, copulating, grow better. The music of the instruments or observing the act (Slifer and Duffield also accompanies the grinding of corn for 1994:45, 81; Patterson-Rudolph 1990:plate ceremonial use (Densmore 1938:22–23). 3). The flute player is also associated with Flutes, a male fertility symbol, are figures that Patterson-Rudolph (1990:51) played at the Zuni phallic ritual, which is a interprets as women giving birth (Slifer and part of the Corn Dance (Bunzel 1932:530). Duffield 1994:63; Patterson-Rudolph The Payatamu order in the Little Fire and 1990:plate 3; Schaafsma 1980:139). Aside Bedbug societies of the Zuni perform on from the humanlike musician, the rock art long flutes (Stevenson 1904:485, 509). depictions of flutes include various Each dancer in the Acoma Flower Dance zoomorphic figures and insects playing the carries a cane flute (Densmore 1957:3). As instrument (Slifer and Duffield 1994; described in more detail below, it is likely Schaafsma 1980). that the flutes and whistles found in In addition to the ubiquity of archaeological contexts at Picuris were used Kokopelli in rock art, he is also found in in kiva ceremonies. ceramic painting and murals. Flute-player images have been found painted on the Prehistoric Flute Imagery walls of structures at Mesa Verde (Brody Out of the myths and folktales, 1991:62; Chapin 1988:122). In a kiva reinforced and amplified by ritual and found in the Chaco district, three flute ceremonies, emerged the flute-player players are the main figures on the kiva symbolism and imagery found throughout bench (Slifer and Duffield 1994:115; the Southwest. The flute player—with and Kluckhohn 1939:43). At Jemez Pueblo, a without a humped back, with and without a particularly striking kiva mural features two phallus—is found in petroglyphs and flute players. Each is standing on a stepped pictographs, mural painting, and pottery terrace, playing his flute over a vessel designs 1. Schaafsma (1980:122) suggests containing either corn or corn plants (Slifer that the earliest images of the flute player and Duffield 1994:117-118; Brody appeared in the Basketmaker III period 1991:140). (A.D. 400–700). Cole (1994:303) sets the At Yellow Jacket Ruin and Sand date as early as Basketmaker II (A.D. 1– Canyon Pueblo, both located in 400). These earliest flute-playing images southwestern Colorado, Kokopelli images are stick figures that lack the humped back were carved into kiva floors and then

124 covered over with either plaster or association with other icons (Slifer and compacted fill (Slifer and Duffield Duffield 1994:30). 1994:118–119; Bradley 1989:158–159; A bowl from the Zuni reservation in Lange et al. 1986:32). The carving at New Mexico portrays a single insect form Yellow Jacket covered half of the kiva floor of the flute player (Slifer and Duffield (Slifer and Duffield 1994:118; Lange et al. 1994:112; Roberts 1932:123, Fig. 27a). A 1986:32). The example at Sand Canyon ladle from Sikyatki, in Arizona, carries the Pueblo depicts a stylized Kokopelli playing image of the flute player on the bottom. a flute; it is pecked into the bedrock upon The humped back is present and he is which the kiva was built in the late 13th wearing a feather, which is an integral part century. of the chief's badge among the Tusayan and In addition to the mural adorns most objects involved with worship representations, there are numerous (Fewkes 1898:plate CXLII, 65). examples of flute players painted onto ceramic vessels. Slifer and Duffield Discussion and Conclusions (1994:110–115) present a number of Flutes and whistles not only are examples on ceramics originating common in the material culture of the everywhere from Mesa Verde in Southwest but also are associated with southwestern Colorado to Snaketown in Native American oral traditions, certain southwestern Arizona and points in clan and medicine society rituals, Katsina between. On one Mesa Verde bowl, our ceremonies, and iconography. As was hero appears with a bow hunter and rows of noted earlier, the antiquity of flutes and ducks. On another specimen, a Mancos whistles is documented by excavated Black-on-white bowl, he appears with a examples as well as by iconographic horned lizard and a bighorn sheep. depictions dating back well over 1,500 Lambert (1967) reported a Gallup Black- years. These musical instruments are still on-white effigy pitcher that was found in commonly used throughout the area in both northwestern New Mexico. The handle is a public and private ceremonial contexts. flute that is being held by the flute player. Payne (1989) attributes flute and On the neck of the vessel, one on each side, whistle use to the Hopi, Yuma, Papago, appear a phallic figure and a female. These Pima, Zuni, and Yaqui tribes. It is also figures may represent the Hopi deities clear that flutes were used historically Kokopilau and Kokopilmana, the female among the Tewa and Acoma (Densmore counterpart of the Locust Flute Player. 1957, 1938), and are probably still in use Lambert suggests (1967:400) that the today. pitcher dates to the 11th or 12th century and The assumption that the past uses of was used in rites and ceremonies associated flutes parallel their uses recorded by with a Kokopelli cult. ethnographers during the 19th and 20th A collection of 28 sherds from centuries is open to debate, as is the general Snaketown feature the flute player. In most use of analogy in archaeological cases he is alone and nonphallic, and interpretation. Iconographic and although his back is arched, it does not archaeological evidence, however, supports appear humped (Haury 1976:239-240). this contention. As discussed above, both The Hohokam flute player often wears a flute and whistle music and the instruments headdress. When not alone, he appears in a themselves are consistently included in line of identical figures but never in ceremonies that ensure the fertility of crops,

125 animals, and humans. Moisture is the are totally random, since to be so would element most essential to the propagation of preclude any means of our recognizing life in the arid Southwest, and it is no them as symbols in the first place. On the surprise that wind instrument music other hand, Brody effectively makes the traditionally accompanies ritual requests for point that literal “translations” of these moisture. symbols into actual messages, such as that The presence of flutes on the floor of attempted by Patterson-Rudolph (1990), do Kiva A at Picuris provides at least some not constitute testable knowledge about contextual evidence of the probable use of prehistoric peoples and their beliefs. In flutes in rituals and ceremonies. Subfloor either case, one key message we can derive excavations in surface rooms also from the archaeological and iconographic uncovered caches that included flutes, information is the importance of wind whistles, and a wide variety of other instruments, particularly flutes, and of the artifacts, many of which were probably individuals playing them, in the life of the ritual items and fetishes associated with prehistoric peoples of the Southwest. medicine society or clan ceremonies (see Relatedly, the music, real or mythical, Wolfman and Dick, chapter 5 of this created by the instruments and players was volume). Hunters used Bitsitsi whistles, also a central part of prehistoric and historic similar to those found at Picuris, for life among southwestern peoples. attracting birds and maybe certain animals Music itself is considered to be magic (Hodge 1920:128). Jeançon (1923:27) in many cultures, and the phrase, "to sing" described the use of whistles as turkey calls can be interpreted as "to make magic" among some of the eastern Pueblos. This (Spinden 1933:23). Perhaps, in the mind of use may have been the intended the ancestral peoples of Picuris, it was the interpretation of the rock art depicting flute's "singing" that vested it with the Kokopelli playing his flute in various magical power to help people and animals scenes that include both large and small reproduce, bring the rain, make the earth game. fertile, and ensure a successful hunt. The ubiquity of Kokopelli images across much of the Southwest also suggests Endnotes the prehistoric importance of the flute, although it is the flute player, not the As an art form, the flute-player image is instrument, who is the focus of attention. popularly called Kokopelli, the From A.D. 1000 on, he is shown engaged in Humpbacked Flute Player; however, he is all manner of activities and associated with also called Kókopilau, Kokopolo, and all manner of beasts, insects, and geometric Kokopele (Slifer and Duffield 1994:8; figures. Brody (1991:70–71) cautions Waters 1963; Colton 1959). Among the against trying to apply literal interpretations Zuni, the flute player is called Chu'lu'laneh, to prehistoric iconographic images, stating which is the name of the instrument played that the images could be anything from by the rain priests (Hill 1995:20; Slifer and totally random to completely structured. In Duffield 1994:67; Roberts 1932:150). fact, however, no human signs or symbols

126 Chapter Seven : The Nonavian Fauna from Picuris Pueblo

Arthur H. Harris

Approximately 9,500 individual nonavian bags. Thus, in most cases, different levels elements from excavations at Picuris were of the same feature had the MNI calculated identified in the mid-1960s while I was at separately. Available chronological data the University of New Mexico and Fort limited the number of excavation units and Hays Kansas State College.1 The following biological elements useful for interpreting data are based on catalogue information and change through time. Most interpretations notes made at that time, with minor of these materials utilized percentages based additions and corrections made during the on MNI. The number of identified following years. Interpretations, specimens (NISP) sometimes gives necessarily, are based only on the information concealed by MNI data and chronology and other data available from consists of a straight count of identified that era. bones and fragments where fragments are not obviously a result of excavation damage. Materials and Methods The dependence on MNI measures Osteological material was received in the calculated from intrafeature provenience original paper field-collection bags, and data information was necessary given the original relating specifically to given osteological data-recording method used. Because this elements are dependent solely on the approach, in some instances, split up faunal labeling on the bags. Identifications, sample obtained from the same together with pertinent data, were recorded archaeological feature, there is a likelihood in a catalogue specific to the Picuris that certain reported MNI counts material; individual elements were marked overestimate the actual MNI that would with serially assigned catalogue numbers have resulted if the entire provenience had preceded by the letter "P." been used as a single sampling unit. The Most of the osteological material is results of the quantification, then, should be currently curated in the collections of the used with caution. The species lists can be Laboratory for Environmental Biology, used with confidence, but comparisons of Centennial Museum, University of Texas at these MNI figures with other southwestern El Paso. However, a portion was lost when contexts is not advisable given the overzealous physical plant workers cleared nonstandard division of feature contents and discarded material from a storage area used during the coding. during the 1970s. Most categories used in Some material of particular interest interpretation are self-explanatory; however, has been assigned a Laboratory for the category "Other Edibles" is not. This Environmental Biology number (acronym group includes all small mammals (beaver- UTEP). Picuris has the UTEP locality sized and smaller) except the rabbit group number "37," and material catalogued into (Sylvilagus and Lepus) and carnivores. It the UTEP system has serially assigned almost certainly includes some animals that numbers with "37" as a prefix. were intrusive and not utilized for food. Minimum numbers of individuals (MNI) were calculated based on the excavation unit as given on field-collection

127 Results and Discussion elements and though some elements are Results fall primarily into two areas: those definitely identifiable as cattle, none have without chronological control and those been identified as bison on morphological with. The former are shown in Table 7.1 grounds. Assuming nonintrusion, however, and the latter in Table 7.2. The order of precontact Bos necessarily are bison, and the presentation follows Banks, McDiarmid, and increase seen during the Talpa phase may Gardner (1987). indicate increased hunting activity in the Figure 7.1 suggests a decreasing plains to the east. Since deer utilization utilization of lagomorphs (cottontail and increases during this same time, however, jack rabbits) through time, together with an there may instead be a general increase in increasing utilization of large-hoofed concentration on large game. mammals. Caution is needed in interpreting Approximately 55 nonavian taxa data such as these, since increase in one (Table 7.1) have been identified from the class necessarily results in decrease in other excavated material. These are considered in classes to keep the total at 100 percent (see a series of taxon accounts, below. the discussion in Harris 1993). The trend Unionidae (Clams, Mussels, and appears most meaningful in postcontact Relatives). Several pieces of bivalves were times. The MNI for the same taxa are recovered but were too fragmentary to allow plotted in Figure 7.2 and show that there further identification. They seem most like was an actual major increase in artiodactyl freshwater clams, but the possibility of their usage rather than a decrease in lagomorph having been traded in from elsewhere utilization or in numbers of other taxa. (including marine environments) cannot be Particularly emphasized by both figures is ruled out. the increase in artiodactyl usage during the Osteichthyes (Bony Fishes). Bony Trampas phase. fishes are represented only by one skull Plotting percentages (Figure 7.3) of fragment. Since fish undoubtedly were the various artiodactyl species indicates an present in nearby streams, this suggests lack amazingly constant percentage of deer of utilization. It should be pointed out, (Odocoileus) throughout the record however, that fish bones are notoriously (domestic pig, Sus scrofa, is omitted from difficult to recover from archaeological the figure as inconsequential). The increase contexts without fine-mesh screening and in utilization of artiodactyls during flotation, neither of which were used at postcontact time is seen to be the result of Picuris. moderate increases in pronghorn Anura (Frogs, Toads, and Relatives); (Antilocapra americana) and cattle (Bos ? Bufo. The scanty remains of amphibians taurus), and of, particularly, the addition of probably record natural occurrences. Toads sheep and/or goats (Ovis/Capra) during the often burrow to escape hot, dry weather or Trampas phase. A single, tentatively to hibernate. Disturbed ground may provide identified record of sheep/goat from the easy digging, and in some cases, abandoned Talpa phase is presumed to record and collapsed dwellings may provide contamination from later deposits or a moister soil for hibernation than available misidentification. Figure 7.4 shows the elsewhere. same data for artiodactyl taxa on the basis of Testudinata (Turtles); Terrapene cf. MNI. ornatus (Ornate Box Turtle). Turtle remains Differentiation of cattle from bison are moderately common. Those that are (Bos bison) is difficult on fragmentary identifiable to a level lower than "turtle"

128 Picuris Fauna (Percentage per Period)

80 70 60 Other Edibles 50 Lepus 40 Sylvilagus 30 Artiodactyls 20 10 Percent of Fauna (MNI) 0

s o s pa t al Tao T adi mpa anta Fe V a S Tr San Lazaro Archaeological Phases

Figure 7.1. Change in Faunal Species Through Time at Picuris, Based on Percentage

Picuris Fauna (MNI per Period)

160 140 120 Other Edibles 100 Lepus 80 Sylvilagus 60 40 Artiodactyls 20 0 Minimum Number of Individuals Minimum Number o ro pas Taos ta Fe Talpa adit an V Laza S Tram San Archaeological Phases

Figure 7.2. Change in Faunal Species Through Time at Picuris, Based on MNI

129 Artiodactyl (MNI by period) 40 30 Odocoileus Antilocapra 20 Bos/Bison Ovis/Capra 10 Bighorn

% Artiodactyl (MNI) 0

o os t a alpa di T T a nta Fe V ampas a n Lazaro S a Tr S Archaeological Phases

Figure 7.3. Change in Faunal Species (Artiodactyl) Through Time at Picuris, Based on Percentage

Artiodactyl at Picuris (by Period) 80 60 Odocoileus Antilocapra 40 Bos/Bison Ovis/Capra 20 Bighorn Artiodactyl (MNI) 0

o os t as di alpa a Ta nta Fe T a V Lazaro S an Tramp S Archaeological Phases

Figure 7.4. Change in Faunal Species (Artiodactyl) Through Time at Picuris, based on MNI.

130

represent box turtles (Terrapene), and the the desert to the ponderosa pine forest. In species nearest Picuris is T. ornatus. Use for desert and grassland situations, the gray fox ceremonial purposes, such as rattles, is tends to stick to rough terrain but spreads likely. Box turtles do not reach the Picuris more widely where vegetation allows ample area today, occurring in southern New cover. It is probably most common in Mexico and in the Great Plains to the east. piñon-juniper woodlands in the Picuris area. Thus Terrapene remains almost certainly The gray fox probably was taken for its pelt, derive from forays to the east (or south) or which, among some pueblo peoples, is used trade with groups in those areas. ceremonially. Homo sapiens (Human). Human Vulpes vulpes (Red Fox). One lower remains consist largely of elements not jaw was identified. This fox tends, in the easily recognized during excavation, such as Southwest, to be an inhabitant of high podials and metapodials. These materials elevations, from the mixed coniferous forest were later separated from the rest of the zone and upward. faunal collection and were returned to Ursus americanus (Black Bear). Picuris Pueblo for reburial. In calculations Black bear remains are the most common of faunal percentages, Homo was not carnivore elements recovered in excavations included. at Picuris. Most material consists of toe Chiroptera (Bats). Bat remains are bones, though other elements (humerus, unusual in non-cave sites. A humerus of a scapula, etc.) also are represented. In large bat, based solely on size, likely general, several to many toe bones occurred represents either the pallid bat (Antrozous together in one of two patterns. In some pallidus) or the big brown bat (Eptesicus cases, only third (terminal) phalanges were fuscus), both species that might be expected present. These are the bearers of the claws to roost in abandoned buildings. in life, and the most likely explanation is Canis familiaris (Domestic Dog). that the remains of bear claw necklaces are Numerous dog remains were recovered. represented. In other cases, the terminal Many of these were nearly complete phalanges were associated with second skeletons, indicating burials. A rather large (middle) phalanges. In skinning out the feet number were puppies, although adults and of bears, these are the phalanges that are old adults also were present. most likely to remain with the pelt—they Canis lupus (Gray Wolf). Unlike the have little flesh to cause problems and they domestic dog, the wolf is scantily are extremely difficult to extract. Cut marks represented, and identification in most cases are present on many of the second is a judgment call based on general size. phalanges. However, the identification of at least one Ursus cf. arctos (Grizzly Bear). Two element (fragment of right dentary with elements (a distal humerus and a proximal badly preserved P4 and M1, catalogue no. ulna) are of such large size as to suggest the P3721) does seem soundly based in that the grizzly bear, but material is insufficient for carnassial tooth is notably larger than that of us to be sure. a domestic dog. Mustela frenata (Long-tailed Urocyon cinereoargenteus (Gray Weasel). Several complete skulls have been Fox). Gray fox skull material is moderately recovered. As a generalization, it would be common. This is a fox of low and mid expected that this small carnivore was taken elevations, occupying ecological zones from for ceremonial use rather than for food or

131 clothing. The completeness of the skulls Equus asinus (Burro). A few (unusual for small mammals of any type) recovered bones are easily assigned to E. suggests that the skulls were retained in the asinus, nearly duplicating modern material skins until the latter reached a condition from northern Mexico. calling for discarding. Long-tailed weasels Equus caballus (Domestic Horse). A occur throughout the area today. gap of some 10,000 years separates the Taxidea taxus (Badger). Badger presence of several species of native North remains are uncommon, indicating that no American horses from Equus caballus and special efforts were made to obtain this large Equus asinus, introduced from the Old member of the weasel family. Badgers World by Europeans. Occurrence of would be expected throughout the area. domestic horse at Picuris following Spanish Mephitis mephitis (Striped Skunk). contact is not surprising. The general In most of the region today, this is the most impression from the recovered material is of commonly encountered member of the horses of approximately "cow pony" size. weasel family. Its rarity in the However, this material, like that of other archaeological material suggests that it was domestic animals from Picuris, has not not hunted deliberately but perhaps was received critical study. killed when it blundered into the pueblo. Sus scrofa (Pig). Domestic pigs Felis sylvestris (Domestic Cat). Also were introduced by the Spanish. The small known under the earlier-accepted names of number of recoveries suggests that they Felis catus and Felis domesticus, the never gained popularity at Picuris during the domestic cat shows up sparingly in the time periods represented. Picuris material. One specimen, a skull with Cervus elaphus (Elk, Wapiti). lower jaws and three cervical vertebrae, Although elk should have been available at likely represents an individual discarded or higher altitudes, there is no evidence that interred with flesh still present. they were systematically hunted. They are Felis concolor (Mountain Lion). rare in the recovered material. Mountain lions range throughout the region. Odocoileus (Deer). Although most They are represented by several elements of remains cannot be identified with certainty the forelimb and by terminal phalanges. to species, almost certainly all represent the Four terminal phalanges were recovered mule deer (O. hemionus). Unlike remains of from the same place, a subfloor cache, and their relative, Cervus, remains of deer are presumably represent a set that was kept common and generally represent just below together in some sort of perishable 30 percent of the recovered NISP (Figure container. 7.3). The high percentage of deer remains Lynx rufus (Bobcat). Several strongly indicates deliberate hunting effort elements of bobcat, including several lower and the importance of deer in the food jaws, were identified. Bobcats are common economy of the site throughout the time throughout the area today. The use of these, span. Mule deer occur throughout the area like the other recovered wild carnivores, is at all elevations. speculative. Usage as food items seems Antilocapra americana (Pronghorn). unlikely, whereas usage of parts of Pronghorn generally are animals of open carnivores by modern Pueblo peoples during plains. However, this fleet artiodactyl will ceremonial events suggests a similar usage enter into broken country and into in the past. vegetation zones as high as the piñon- juniper zone. At no time were pronghorns

132 insignificant (though sinking to 3.7 percent are to the family level only, due to the of the identified fauna during the Talpa fragmentary nature of most limb bones. phase), but their importance increased from Cynomys gunnisoni (Gunnison's the Talpa phase on, reaching nearly 20 Prairie Dog). Unlike the black-tailed prairie percent of the fauna during the Trampas dog (C. ludovicianus) of the plains, phase. This increase follows a general trend Gunnison's prairie dog inhabits smaller of increasing utilization of hoofed animals towns and is not restricted to large, open from the Vadito through Trampas phases. grasslands. Although a somewhat open area Bos bison/Bos taurus (Bison, Cattle). is required, the size may be relatively small Bison and cattle are now considered to and include scattered bushes or woodland belong to the same genus. As noted above, trees. The animal may occur anywhere from the two are difficult to tell apart on many Upper Sonoran grasslands to grassy bony elements. As can be seen in Figure meadows above 10,000 feet. Bailey (1931) 7.3, Bos is a significant resource in post- noted that Navajos apparently utilized them Vadito time. Although the degree to which heavily for food. the plains to the east were utilized is of Marmota flaviventris (Yellow- considerable interest, the faunal evidence of bellied Marmot). A single individual of usage depends strictly on the chronology— marmot was identified. Marmots in the no B. bison element has been definitely Southwest generally are considered identified on strictly morphological grounds. creatures of very high altitudes. Harris Ovis/Capra (Sheep/Goat). Domestic (1970) pointed out that southwestern sheep and goats are difficult to identify to marmots currently are limited to highlands genus on fragmentary material and are because of the necessity for green fodder lumped together here. Apparently these throughout the nonhibernatory period, and animals were adopted only after A.D. 1600, only highland areas receive sufficient and rapidly became a significant resource. winter-spring precipitation for green fodder Ovis canadensis (Bighorn Sheep). to survive the southwestern spring drought Although sporadically present, bighorn period. In special cases, however, irrigation sheep were never common (MNI of 1 each or other water sources may allow the in the Talpa and Vadito phases, 2 in the marmot’s descent to as low as around 6,000 Trampas phase). Today, bighorn sheep feet. The chances are that the identified occur almost exclusively in northern New individual represents Picuris activity in the Mexico at high elevations. Their recent high mountain area. occurrence, however, in such areas as the Sciurus aberti (Abert’s Squirrel). malpais near Grants suggests that bighorn The Abert, or tassel-eared, squirrel is closely sheep may have occupied lower elevations tied to ponderosa pine forest. Its occurrence with particularly rough topography during can be taken as indicating hunting in that earlier time periods. ecological zone. Sciuridae (Squirrel Family). Spermophilus lateralis (Golden- Squirrels are widespread in the Southwest mantled Ground Squirrel). This relatively and generally are thought of as falling into high-elevation ground squirrel generally two major groups, the tree squirrels and the ranges in open areas from ponderosa pine ground squirrels (which include the prairie forest and upwards through mixed dogs). Both groups may be utilized for coniferous forest. food. Most of the identifications of squirrels Tamias cf. quadrivittatus (Colorado Chipmunk). This is the common chipmunk

133 in the area, and identification is based on the Neotoma (Woodrats). A number of fact that the recovered material is larger than species of woodrats occur in the Southwest, that of the higher-elevation least chipmunk with, not uncommonly, two species within (Tamias minimus). relatively close habitats. The white-throated Tamiasciurus hudsonicus (Red woodrat (Neotoma albigula) extends from Squirrel). Red squirrels are high-elevation desert into piñon -juniper woodland and, animals, being closely associated with occasionally, into lower Transition Zone spruce-fir forest. Presence is an excellent habitats. The Mexican woodrat (Neotoma indicator of Picuris’ utilization of highland mexicana) occurs at higher elevations and areas. extends down into piñon -juniper habitats in Thomomys bottae (Botta's Pocket some areas. Both species may be present in Gopher). This burrowing animal is the the faunal material, but identifications are pocket gopher species presently expected to not certain. Both species could have been occur at Picuris. Thomomys talpoides used for food. (northern pocket gopher) occurs at higher Onychomys leucogaster (Northern elevations of the region but has not been Grasshopper Mouse); Peromyscus sp. found in this sample of Picuris faunal (White-footed Mouse); Reithrodontomys remains. In light of the number of animals (Harvest Mouse). These small mice are in the sample that come from surrounding nearly ubiquitous in the region and are highlands, it is likely that all pocket gopher expected to end up in archaeological remains are intrusive rather than remnants of contexts regardless of usage. food items—otherwise, the northern pocket Microtus cf longicaudus (Long-tailed gopher should show up, at least sparsely, in Vole). In northern New Mexico, voles the sample. occur in grassy areas from piñon-juniper Dipodomys ordii (Ord's Kangaroo woodland to above timberline and, where Rat). Ord's kangaroo rat is an animal of permanent sedge beds occur near rivers or relatively low elevations in the Southwest, springs, into lower elevations. rarely occurring as high as piñon-juniper Ondatra zibethicus (Muskrat). The woodland. Since it is a burrowing rodent, semiaquatic muskrat occurs throughout the natural occurrence is likely. region in areas of permanent water. Not Perognathus cf. flavescens (Plains likely to occur naturally among the faunal Pocket Mouse). Two species of small remains, muskrats likely were taken for pelts pocket mice should occur within the general and possibly for food. area of Picuris at present. The plains pocket Mus musculus (House Mouse). mouse tends to be limited to areas of sandy House mice were introduced into North substrate in the region, whereas the slightly America by Europeans and so are a marker smaller silky pocket mouse is less limited by of postcontact contexts. They seldom are soil type. Natural occurrence of the pocket found far from human settlements and, once mouse, like the kangaroo rat, would be introduced, live quite comfortably with expected at the site. humans. Castor canadensis (Beaver). Beavers Erethizon dorsatum (Porcupine). were widespread along waterways in the Porcupines occur throughout the Southwest, Southwest until widespread trapping in the from low desert to high mountains. Because 19th and early 20th centuries drastically they are easily hunted, porcupines are often decreased their numbers. Use for pelts and considered as a source of emergency food food would be likely. by present-day woodsmen. Use of

134 porcupine quills for decorative purposes is identified at Picuris. The desert cottontail widespread among Native American groups. occupies lowlands, up into sparse piñon- Lepus sp. (Jackrabbit). Three juniper woodland; Nuttall's cottontail species of jackrabbits occur in northern New occupies heavier vegetation in piñon-juniper Mexico. The relatively small snowshoe hare woodland and up into higher-zone (L. americanus) occurs at high elevations in vegetation. At various places in northern coniferous forest; it is difficult to distinguish New Mexico and Colorado, the two species from cottontail rabbits on fragmentary occur together but are segregated in habitat. remains and is unidentified from the site. The presence of both species could indicate The white-tailed jackrabbit (L. townsendii) hunting occurred at both lower and higher enters the Rio Grande valley in the vicinity elevations, or hunters frequented those of Taos and also is known from very high ecotonal areas where both species were open country in the San Juan Mountains to present. the north. It is difficult to separate from the Mammuthus (Mammoth). The black-tailed jackrabbit (L. californicus), occurrence of this Pleistocene period which is the common jackrabbit at mammal, long extinct in the Southwest, was elevations up into ponderosa pine forests. unexpected. The only reasonable Likely the last species is represented at explanations are that excavated materials Picuris, but the presence of white-tailed jack included undisturbed, fossiliferous alluvial rabbit cannot be ruled out. fill or that the prehistoric Picuries uncovered Sylvilagus audubonii (Desert the fossil during the earlier construction of Cottontail); Sylvilagus nuttallii (Nuttall's adobe structures. Cottontail). Both species of cottontail are

Table 7.1: Total Taxa Identified from the Picuris Excavations

Taxon Common Name Unionidae Freshwater Clam Osteichthyes Bony Fishes Anura Frogs and Toads ? Bufo Common Toad Terrapene cf. ornatus Ornate Box Turtle Homo sapiens Human Chiroptera Bats Canis familiaris Domestic Dog Canis lupus Gray Wolf Urocyon cinereoargenteus Gray Fox Vulpes vulpes Red Fox Ursus americanus Black Bear Ursus cf. arctos Grizzly Bear Mustela frenata Long-tailed Weasel Taxidea taxus Badger Mephitis mephitis Striped Skunk Felis sylvestris Domestic Cat

135 Felis concolor Mountain Lion Lynx rufus Bobcat Equus asinus Burro Equus caballus Domestic Horse Sus scrofa Domestic Pig Cervus elaphus Wapiti (Elk) Odocoileus hemionus Mule Deer Antilocapra americana Pronghorn Bos bison (chronological grounds only) Bison Bos taurus Domestic Cattle Capra hircus Domestic Goat Ovis aries Domestic Sheep Ovis canadensis Bighorn Sheep Cynomys gunnisoni Gunnison's Prairie Dog Cynomys ludovicianus Black-tailed Prairie Dog Marmota flaviventris Yellow-bellied Marmot Sciurus aberti Abert's Squirrel Spermophilus lateralis Golden-mantled Ground Squirrel Spermophilus variegatus Rock Squirrel Tamias cf. quadrivittatus Colorado Chipmunk Tamiasciurus hudsonicus Red Squirrel Thomomys bottae Botta's Pocket Gopher Dipodomys ordii Ord's Kangaroo Rat Perognathus cf. flavescens Plains Pocket Mouse Castor canadensis Beaver Neotoma albigula White-throated Woodrat Neotoma cf. mexicana Mexican Woodrat Onychomys leucogaster Northern Grasshopper Mouse Peromyscus White-footed Mouse Reithrodontomys Harvest Mouse Microtus cf. longicaudus Long-tailed Vole Ondatra zibethicus Muskrat Mus musculus House Mouse Erethizon dorsatum Porcupine Lepus JackRabbit Sylvilagus audubonii Desert Cottontail Sylvilagus nuttallii Nuttall's Cottontail Mammuthus Mammoth

136 Table 7.2: Taxa Recovered from Chronological Contexts

Numbers represent minimum numbers of individuals; numbers in parentheses are queried identifications. Categories are mutually exclusive. Taxon Common Archaeological Phase Name Taos Santa Talpa Vadito San Trampa Fe Lazaro s Turtle Turtle 1 Homo sapiens Human 2 3 8 (2) 2 1 Carnivora Carnivore (1) Canidae Dog, Coyote, Fox, and Wolf Canis Dog, Coyote, (1) 4 1 6 (1) and Wolf Urocyon/Vulpes Fox (1) Ursus Bear 1 2 Ursus Black Bear 1 americanus Mustela frenata Long-tailed 3 1 Weasel Lynx rufus Bobcat 1 3 Equus Horse 3 Sus scrofa Domestic Pig 1 1 Cervidae Deer and 1 Wapiti Cervus elaphus Wapiti 1 Odocoileus Deer 8 14 28 64 (1) 17 (1) 55 (1) Antilocapra Pronghorn 3 3 3 23 8 (1) 38 (1) americana Bos bison/Bos Bison/Cattle 1 2 9 (1) 10 8 33 taurus Ovis/Capra Sheep/Goat 1 14 (1) Ovis canadensis Bighorn Sheep 1 1 2 (1)

137 Taxon Common Archaeological Phase Name Taos Santa Talpa Vadito San Trampa Fe Lazaro s Rodentia Rodent 5 1 1 1 Sciuridae Squirrel and 1 1 5 20 4 2 (1) Relatives Cynomys Gunnison's 1 1 1 gunnisoni Prairie Dog Marmota Yellow-bellied 1 flaviventris Marmot Sciurus aberti Abert's 1 1 3 (1) 2 Squirrel Spermophilus Golden- 1 lateralis mantled Ground Squirrel Spermophilus Rock Squirrel 1 1 1 variegatus Tamiasciurus Red Squirrel 2 hudsonicus Thomomys Western 4 1 Pocket Gopher Thomomys Botta's Pocket 1 9 4 3 bottae Gopher Castor Beaver 1 canadensis Muridae Mouse and Rat 1 Neotoma Woodrat 2 (1) 1 1 Neotoma cf. Mexican (1) mexicana Woodrat Onychomys Northern (1) (1) leucogaster Grasshopper Mouse Peromyscus White-footed 2 (1) Mouse

138 Taxon Common Archaeological Phase Name Taos Santa Talpa Vadito San Trampa Fe Lazaro s Erethizon Porcupine 2 3 (1) dorsatum Lagomorpha Rabbit and 1 Hare Lepus Jackrabbit 4 4 (1) 3 16 3 Sylvilagus Cottontail 8 13 14 54 7 16 Sylvilagus Desert 1 3 1 4 1 3 (1) audubonii Cottontail Sylvilagus Nuttall's 1 1 7 1 2 nuttallii Cottontail

Endnotes

The avifauna from Picuris were initially identified by Lyndon Hargrave and were subsequently reexamined by Steven Emslie, who ultimately published on the Picuris avifaunal materials (Emslie1981).

139

Chapter Eight : Evidence of Prehistoric Farming in the Vicinity of Picuris Pueblo

Richard B. Woodbury

Along the permanent streams flowing Locality 1 westward to the Rio Grande from the Sangre Locality 1 (Figure 8.1) slopes gently to the de Cristo Mountains, small-scale irrigation west, crossed by at least 14 north-south, is practiced today wherever broad flat parallel lines of boulders. Each row is 1.0 to bottomlands and adequate water supplies 1.5 m wide and is at a higher elevation than permit. Large areas surrounding the towns the one adjacent on the west. Some boulder of Chamisal, Rio Lucio, Picuris, Peñasco, lines have larger boulders at the upper, and Vadito are now under cultivation, so eastern edge and smaller below; others show that any direct evidence of farming along no such separation. Each boulder line ends these streams by the prehistoric groups at a small, intermittent drainage channel on occupying the region in the past has either the south. The northern part of the locality been destroyed or is now impossible to has fewer boulders, and the lines are thus distinguish from the farming activities of the less conspicuous, finally disappearing last few centuries. Between the perennial entirely. Between the rows of boulders are streams are boulder-strewn slopes and strips of “cleared” land, 1.5 to 2.0 m wide, ridges, most of them heavily grown with so that about 60 percent of the area was free piñon, juniper, and sometimes ponderosa of all but the smallest stones and 40 percent pine; these areas are hunted today for deer was boulder-covered. Between the rows, and smaller game and show no signs of occasional lines of boulders run east-west, recent farming. But two areas examined suggesting an intermittently spaced grid closely during the Picuris archaeological pattern. These cross rows seem to be about project appear to have been used extensively 5 or 6 m apart but are too few for confident in the past for small fields or garden plots, generalization as to their purpose. To the although today the soil is discouragingly east and northeast the land rises a little more thin and stony (Figure 8.1). steeply and then drops away to the next In July 1963 an area (comprising main drainage, so that no great amount of localities 1, 2, and 3) was examined adjacent surface runoff could have been available. to the airstrip that is located north of New Mexico State Highway 75 (Embudo to Locality 2 Vadito and Rio Pueblo), near the west end Locality 2 (Figure 8.2) is large, of ill- of the settlement of Peñasco and south- defined limits, lying on both sides of the southeast of Picuris. The ground is nearly airstrip and probably partly destroyed by it, level or gently sloping to the south and west; with many traces of boulder lines forming a very little grass or other ground cover occurs large grid. The lines are usually a single among the closely spaced piñon and juniper. boulder wide; the major axes of the grid are The sandy, reddish soil is strewn thickly oriented approximately northwest-southeast with waterworn pebbles, cobbles, and and northeast-southwest. The boulder boulders from a few centimeters to about 50 alignments are similar to those in Locality 1 cm in largest diameter. and probably served much the same

141

Figure 8.1: Cobble-lined Terraces in Locality 1 Near Picuris Pueblo

purposes: trapping and retaining moisture This grid does not seem to be closely for agricultural purposes. oriented to the slope of the land or to the drainage located to the north and west. As Locality 3 in other localities, where stone was abundant Locality 3 lies close to and northeast of on the surface, the grid is clearly observable, Highway 75, opposite the beginning of and each boulder line contrasts with the bare Highway 76 where the road west from soil adjacent to it. In places where stone Peñasco turns southwest to Trampas and was scarcer, the distinction is less marked Truchas. There is an extensive area of and the lines become obscure or disappear undefined limits with numerous traces of entirely. My impression, which cannot be boulder lines about 1 m wide, forming dignified as inference or even hypothesis, is approximate squares about 5 m on a side. that stone was habitually removed from land

142

Figure 8.2. Cobble-lined Terraces and Stone Grids, Locality 2, near Picuris Pueblo

under cultivation, but only to a convenient place a couple of steps away. Combined Locality 4 with this practice were attempts to prevent In September 1963 an additional area near erosion and rapid runoff, efforts carried out Localities 1, 2, and 3 was examined, with greatly varying degrees of skill and consisting of two prominent ridges regularity. At some points the boulder running northwest-southeast, about 2.4 lines appear to continue the pattern merely km directly south of Picuris. The to give an effect of repetition or continuity, northerly ends of the ridges are close to whereas at other points the arrangement the south side of the road to Truchas, seems entirely practical. about 0.8 km and 1.2 km, respectively, west of Highway 75. The ridge to the northeast has no farming evidence on

143 either slope or on its narrow top. Its sides would melt here more slowly than on the were probably too steep and the top too other side of the ridge and since summer rocky to sustain any significant amount of sunshine and associated evaporation crop plants, even with soil- and moisture- would be less intense than with a control devices. The ridge is heavily southwestern exposure. grown over with piñon and juniper. The second ridge is similar but Locality 5 broader and a little less steep. The Locality 5 is also on the northeast-facing southwest-facing slope has no traces of side of the ridge, and is very similar to having been used for farming, perhaps Locality 4. Only 11 terraces could be because its greater exposure to the sun found in this group, however. Present-day made it too hot and dry in contrast to the tree growth is less heavy, with no top and the northeast face, which had ponderosa pine. farming remains at four localities. Locality 4, on the northeast-facing slope Locality 6 of the ridge, near its southeast end, Locality 6, on the northeast-facing slope, includes 40 terraces, the highest near the is similar to the two preceding localities. top of the slope and the lowest near the We counted 14 terraces here. Because bottom, so that virtually the entire slope underbrush and annuals are scanty on the was utilized. Each terrace consists of a slopes of ridges such as this, we believe sloping zone of boulders from 1 to 2 m that we found, with considerable wide and running for 10 to 15 m along accuracy, the extent of the terraces of parallel to the contour of the slope. Each Localities 4, 5, and 6. Trees prevent more of these boulder terraces supports a level than a small part of a group being seen at area from 2 to 5 m wide, the surface of once; one end of a terrace is rarely visible which is covered with gravel and small from the other end, even when just a few stones no more than 4 or 5 cm in paces away. But once identified, a group diameter; a few boulders occur, but it of terraces can generally be followed to its appears that nearly all had been termination, except where destroyed by concentrated in the adjacent zones. subsequent road building or other modern The accumulated boulders cannot activities or where the surface scatter of be regarded as a wall, since they are boulders becomes too scanty and the merely grouped on the ground. They have, "boulder zones" or boundaries between however, caused soil to accumulate cleared areas are reduced to single lines of upslope from them, creating a terraced or small boulders. stepped surface on what was presumably once a fairly uniform slope. These Locality 7 terraces were built on a part of the slope Locality 7, on the top of the ridge, near that is now heavily grown with piñon, the northwest end, is an area of about 0.2 juniper, and ponderosa pine, the last being hectares, with scattered piñon and juniper, scarce or absent on most of this ridge. on which there are poorly preserved lines This suggests, as does the topography of boulders, possibly forming a grid itself, that this location is better watered pattern originally. Since soil is scant and than the rest of the ridge. The moisture least on the ridge top, compared northeastern exposure was perhaps also a with the slopes, it is uncertain whether factor in selection, since winter snow this was actually a farming area with

144 stones marking boundaries of plots or farmlands. This increasing intensification whether the pattern of stones had some in the use of upland areas for farming is quite different function. However, consistent with what Anscheutz (1994) absence of soil today need not indicate its argues occurred during and after the 14th absence in the past; the last few centuries century along the Rio Grande valley and have seen heavy overgrazing and timber its major tributaries. These terraces and cutting, which can cause rapid and plots, then, might represent the time complete erosion of thin soils in exposed period just before the acquisition of metal positions such as this ridge top. tools from the Spanish made it more Therefore, the most reasonable practical to clear and irrigate large interpretation of this locality is that it was sections of bottomlands. The present a group of small farming plots, used denuded condition of these slopes, with similarly to the narrow strips of land on little soil and very sparse cover of small the slope below. plants, was undoubtedly conditioned by overgrazing by livestock during the last Chronological Evidence century or so and should not mislead us Sherds occur in small numbers throughout into thinking of these localities as wholly the area of Localities 1, 2, and 3, almost lacking in agricultural potential. entirely of Taos Black-on-white pottery. This pottery type dates primarily to the Functional Inferences time period A.D. 1100–1250, with the The question should, of course, be asked possibility of manufacture being 50 years whether these accumulations of boulders earlier and later than this estimated span are indeed evidence of farming or actually (see chapter 4, this volume). There is, served some other purpose. The evidence unfortunately, no way to positively is partly negative: they do not appear to associate this pottery with the farming be houses, shrines, assembly places, activities believed to have been carried fortifications, or other structures that we out here, since pithouse remains also can reasonably conclude the prehistoric occur on these slopes. It is highly Native American occupants of the region improbable that a settled, farming might have built. But there is also occupation existed here earlier than the positive evidence: comparable field pithouse occupation, but it is possible that systems have been found at many the terraces and farming plots are of later localities in the Southwest, with farming date than the pithouses. Therefore, the always the most reasonable explanation most cautious conclusion to suggest is that for their presence (see Woodbury farming on the hilly slopes of this area, 1961b: 8–10, 41) and in a few places, with simple terraces and boulder lines, particularly among the Hopi of may have begun as early as the 12th northeastern Arizona, such field systems century but cannot positively be dated to have continued to the present (Hack any particular time from then to the last 1942). few centuries. Extensive research into the With less certainty, we can suggest creation and use of prehistoric farming that the growth in population that is landscapes in the northern Rio Grande has reflected in the 14th- and 15th-century documented a fascinating array of rock expansion of Picuris Pueblo may have and soil features designed to conserve made essential the exploitation of new water, warmth, and soil—the three

145 elements that determine the success or that enhance the chances of producing a failure of agricultural pursuits in the arid viable agricultural crop. It is clear that the Southwest. The recognition of prehistoric prehistoric agriculturalists fully agricultural features began with appreciated these benefits, building Bandelier’s (1890–92:2:41–57) discussion combinations of the features across the of boulder-bordered garden plots in the landscape depending on whether they Rio Chama valley. As described for the needed to enhance their harvest of Picuris localities, the Chama field sites moisture, soil, or warmth or a were composed of stone-lined plots, some combination of these three essential cleared of rock and others covered with components. gravels. Subsequent field research has For example, Anscheutz (1994:10) substantiated the prehistoric use of points out that contour terraces function cobbles, gravel mulches, terracing, water- most effectively to conserve runoff diversion dams, reservoirs, and stone- moisture and slow the erosion of soil. It is lined canals along the Rio Grande and its logical, then, that the prehistoric terraces upland tributaries (Anscheutz 1994, 1993; in all of the localities are on slopes that Anscheutz and Maxwell 1987; Bugé today exhibit thin soils. Although one 1984; Fiero 1978; Gauthier, Prince, and might argue that thin soils attest to the Mathien 1978; Greiser, Greiser, and ineffectiveness of the terraces in holding Putnam 1992; Lange 1981; Lightfoot the soils in place, we must realize that 1993; Moore 1981; Snead 1993; Wills, overgrazing and deforestation in the Baker, and Baker 1990; Woosley 1980; vicinity have played a major role in the Wozniak 1992). Cordell, Earls, and erosion of these surfaces. But more to the Binford (1984:237) summarize data for point, terraces were built to conserve upland agricultural features in the Rio those soils put at risk by any human Grande region, including the Picuris field alteration of the landscape, meaning those information. Their lists of feature soils on steeper slopes. Given the location and variability are ample geomorphological processes that evidence of the importance and extent of invariably deposit thicker soils in the agricultural features in the higher valley bottoms and strip soil from the elevations of the northern Rio Grande. ridge crests and slopes, the prehistoric Anscheutz (1994) has provided a Picuries ensured longer use lives for their succinct overview of prehistoric Pueblo ridge-top and ridge-slope fields by techniques for harvesting and conserving constructing check dams and terraces. precipitation, warmth, and soil in the Rio As Anscheutz and others have Grande region. Though the agricultural pointed out, the addition of cross-walls features found in the Picuris area do not between boulder lines and terraces helps constitute live water irrigation (the decrease the amount of soil movement diversion of water from perennial within the garden complexes themselves. watercourses), they do comprise the Thus, the presence of gridded areas in remains of features designed to enhance some of the localities attests to the need to what Anscheutz (1994:9) calls “runoff control water and soil movement on a farming.” The features near Picuris very small spatial scale. This brand of include proper terraces, check dams, and “micro-farming” is a strategy well suited gravel-mulch gardens. Each of these to the Southwest, since it allows food feature types confers one or more benefits producers to exploit even the smallest soil

146 and water concentrations created by the areas surely lie undiscovered among the locally complex physiography. piñon and juniper. Certainly the In addition to boulder borders and agricultural potential of the area did not terraces, gravels were also applied to rest only in these upland field locations. certain field surfaces, particularly in Other locations that today lie in areas of Locality 4. Gravel mulching provides a irrigation extend for six to eight number of benefits to agricultural fields, kilometers along the Rio Pueblo tributary including the dampening (literally) of that flows past Peñasco and Rio Lucio. evaporation rates and the conservation of We do not know and should not assume, heat (Anscheutz 1994; Moore 1981). The however, that these bottomlands were all gravels keep moisture in the soil for farmed in prehistoric times, since the lack longer periods of time. The heat that of iron and steel tools would have made it collects in the rock during the day keeps extremely difficult to clear any heavy the garden plots warmer during the chilly growth of willow, grasses, or other summer evenings, helping to decrease the moisture-loving plants that today make effects of cold-air drainage (Adams 1979) untended spots along the streams into and the possibility of killing frosts. Thus, miniature jungles. In addition, the valley gravels were placed on those fields that bottom environs are the most susceptible required higher and more-consistent levels to frost damage in the late spring and of moisture and heat, but in a selective early fall, both critical growing times for fashion, since not all the bordered fields in agricultural plants. The drier slopes could the Picuris area show gravel-mulched have been partly cleared for farming by surfaces. simply girdling the trees, breaking off the Cumulatively, the evidence is smaller branches when they died, and convincing that these lines of boulders rearranging the larger stones and boulders. were designed to aid prehistoric farming If soil and moisture were sufficient for through the retention of water, warmth, crops, even small plots could have been and soil. Woosley (1980) has proposed successfully tilled with no tool more that these same features might have been elaborate than a wooden digging stick. used to divert water away from habitation areas as well. In addition, they served the Endnotes purpose for which many New England stone walls were built—to clear away The fieldwork reported here was enough of the larger boulders to make undertaken at the invitation of Herbert farming in the intervening areas easier. Dick; his cooperation in the field and his And of course, farming with a digging many helpful suggestions are much stick instead of a plow makes small plots appreciated. The work was supported in or long, narrow strips just as useful as part by National Science Foundation larger fields. Grant G22262 and was part of a larger Based on these findings program of research on prehistoric water- and other summaries (Cordell, Earls, and control and water-management systems Binford 1984:237), the total acreage of for agriculture. In the field I was assisted these hillside farming plots was by Nathalie S. Woodbury, who found significant, with many of the farming many of the features and helped with the features spread out over plots spanning process of recording their nature and several square kilometers. Other field extent.

147

Chapter Nine: Kiva Murals and Iconography at Picuris Pueblo

Helen K. Crotty

Kiva murals found in several of the may date from the 14th century, with Kiva subterranean structures at Picuris are among sub-A perhaps constructed even earlier. the least-known aspects of the Kiva C was probably filled in the late 17th archaeological discoveries made at the century, Kiva D at the same time or perhaps pueblo by Herbert Dick. Before his death, a little later, and Kiva A in the 19th century. Dick gave several public talks in which he Two of nine additional kivas encountered described the murals, but never published during salvage operations in 1965 bore any photos or extensive descriptions of the evidence of painted plaster (Dick 1965b). mural motifs (Martha Dick, pers. comm. Since it was not possible to record these 1995). This chapter marks the first time the paintings, they will not be discussed further murals have been described in print. here. In any case, the mural art recorded at Michael Adler asked several tribal members Picuris apparently extends over a longer whether they would be interested in period than is known for any other contributing any insights on the murals, but southwestern site. For at least five he did not find any interested in doing so. centuries, a very limited array of motifs— The paintings are used here with the terraced pyramids, lightning bolts, birds, and permission of the Picuris people. rainbows—appears in all of the recovered The murals are the most complete set murals, with a few additional images in of painted figures found in an ancestral Rio some of the kivas. All the motifs are Grande Pueblo context north of the site of relatively common in ancestral and historic Kuaua, near Bernalillo, New Mexico. Dick Pueblo art, but the particular way in which ensured that photos were taken and scale they are executed at Picuris renders them drawings were made of most of the painted unlike their counterparts elsewhere. motifs. Unfortunately, the murals were not In the following pages, mural art in preserved, since the friable plaster onto the Southwest is briefly outlined, and certain which the murals had been painted either stylistic features that the Picuris paintings flaked off or was removed in the process of share with other ancestral and historic looking for earlier painted designs that had Pueblo paintings are noted. The been covered by replastering episodes in the iconography, or imagery, of Picuris is then kiva. It is not known how much of the kiva examined in the order of the frequency of mural art was intact at the time the kivas the various motifs. Each motif is considered were backfilled after the excavations had first as it appears at Picuris and then as it been completed at Picuris.1 may be found in the mural art of other The murals of Picuris, like the kivas prehistoric or historic sites or, when in which they were painted, exhibit appropriate, on ritual objects or in rock art. distinctive features that remained virtually Finally, the possible ceremonial significance unchanged over a remarkably long time of the murals is suggested, and the place of span. As discussed in chapter 4 of this the Picuris paintings in the history of volume, the earliest of the rooms in which southwestern mural art is evaluated. murals were recorded, Kivas sub-A and B,

149 Kiva Mural Art in the Southwest imagery of individual mural sites, the Murals have been observed in southwestern iconography is generally far more diverse kivas dating as early as the 10th century at and represented in a greater number of Alkali Ridge, Utah (Brew 1946), and into paintings than is the case at Picuris. At most the 20th century at several Pueblo locations of the better-known sites, kiva walls had (for a review of the distribution of kiva been replastered many times. For example, murals, see Smith 1952b:55–103; Crotty 100 or more layers are reported in three of 1990; Brody 1991). Reportedly, they are the painted kivas at Pottery Mound (Hibben still painted today at some pueblos. The 1975:table 3), 100 or more in Room 218 at earliest examples usually employed Awatovi (Smith 1952b:table 1), and 87 geometric motifs similar to those found on layers in Kiva III at Kuaua (Dutton contemporaneous painted pottery, although 1963:207–208). Not all of these plaster simple life forms were occasionally layers bore evidence of paint, however. For represented. When life forms were each of the three much-replastered Pottery portrayed in these early murals, they were Mound kivas, painted layers numbered 6 or small in scale and were casually placed on less; of the 100+ at Awatovi, 27 were the walls, without visible regard to a painted; and of 87 at Kuaua, 17 were compositional scheme (Smith 1952b:55–68, painted. In contrast, for the Picuris kivas figure 7). Around the beginning of the where murals were recovered, only a single Pueblo IV period (ca. A.D. 1300–1600), plaster layer was recorded for Kivas sub-A representational art gained wider acceptance (Figure 9.2), B (Figure 9.3), and C (Figure among ancestral Pueblo peoples, and life 9.4); Kiva A (Figure 9.2) had three layers of forms were increasingly depicted on pottery plaster, all painted, and Kiva D (Figure 9.5) and, in enlarged scale, on rock surfaces and had one unpainted layer over its painted on the interior walls of kivas and ceremonial layer. Among the kivas tested during the rooms. Kiva mural art reached a peak in Picuris salvage excavations, Kivas H and L development during the Pueblo IV period, each had two unpainted plaster layers, Kiva when large complex scenes featuring K showed some red paint in the second of elaborately detailed human and animal three plaster layers, and Kiva N, which figures were depicted in carefully organized could be only superficially examined, had and framed compositions. Kiva art of the four or five layers of painted plaster (Dick historic period is poorly known.2 1965b:109–110, 120). No plaster remained The best-known mural sites of the in the rest. Pueblo IV period are Awatovi and Kawaika’a (collectively known as the Ancestral Pueblo Stylistic Features and Jeddito sites) in the Hopi area of the Picuris Murals northeastern Arizona (Smith 1952b), and In style as well as imagery, the Picuris Kuaua, Pottery Mound, and Las Humanas paintings exhibit an idiosyncratic (the last also known as Gran Quivira) in conservatism unknown at most of the Pueblo central New Mexico (Dutton 1963; Hibben IV sites where murals have been found. 1975; Peckham 1981) (Figure 9.1). Although an acquaintance with the artistic Portrayals at these sites include a variety of traditions of other ancestral Pueblo muralists human figures engaged in ritual activities, as is evident in certain stylistic qualities, the well as animals or composite creatures that Picuris painters generally follow an may illustrate mythic beings. Although independent path. One stylistic feature of certain themes or motifs often dominate the Pueblo III murals, particularly those of the

150

Figure 9.1. Map of the Southwest, Showing Places Mentioned in the Text (1) Walpi; (2) Awatovi; (3) Kawaika'a; (4) Canyon Creek Ruin; (5) Zuni Pueblo; (6) Gila Cliff Dwelling; (7) Acoma; (8) Jemez Pueblo; (9) Zia Pueblo; (10) Picuris Pueblo; (11) Frijoles Canyon; (12) Pueblo del Encierro; (13) Cochiti; (14) Pecos Pueblo; (15) Kuaua; (16) Isleta; (17) Pottery Mound; (18) Las Humanas; (19) Three Rivers Petroglyphs

151

Figure 9.2. Kiva A and Kiva Sub-A. Kiva A was Built Over Kiva Sub-A. Locations of Murals Indicated on the Map.

Mesa Verde region, is the dado, a broad distance above floor level came to be used band of color, usually reddish, extending both as a lower frame and as a ground line two or more feet upward from the floor. for the imagery. This band was later much Geometric decorative elements, such as elaborated, especially in the Jeddito murals, triangles, often extend above the dado into but it is not always present at Kuaua. At the lighter-colored wall above. Starting Picuris, there is no indication of a dado in around A.D. 1400 at Awatovi and Pottery the imagery arranged with any apparent Mound, a narrow band painted a short regard for a consistent ground line, which

152

Figure 9.3. Map of Kiva B. Areas of Mural Paintings Indicated on the Map.

153

Figure 9.4. Map of Kiva C. Mural Locations Cover Entire Inside Wall Space.

154

Figure 9.5. Map of Kiva D. Mural Locations Not Indicated On Original Maps

155 suggests that it dates to the late 14th or early the Jeddito, Pottery Mound, and Las 15th century. Other stylistic features of this Humanas sites, these colored backgrounds painting to be discussed below support this normally extended to the full height of the temporal assessment. The fragments composition. recovered from Kiva A do not include a A second characteristic of most dado (Figure 9.7), as might be expected in a ancestral Pueblo murals is the use of kiva dating from the historic period, but contrasting outlines around flat-color areas, dadoes are definitely present in Kivas B and although this stylistic feature is usually C. In Kiva B, which was probably in use in absent at Las Humanas. Contrasting the late 1400s to early 1500s, a 6-in band of outlines are found in the Picuris murals, but light gray is noted near the bottom of the not on all the motifs. They are particularly wall (Figure 9.8). In Kiva C, which may noticeable in delineating the terraced have been occupied contemporaneously with pyramids, although sometimes missing on the painted kivas of Kuaua, the dado the top step and often lacking between the consists of a 3-in black band placed 4 inches interior colored rectangles. They are above the floor (Figure 9.9). Though the employed occasionally on the shafts of Picuris dadoes are somewhat narrower and lightning bolts in Kivas B and A, and are closer to the floor than the average dado at generally lacking in the depictions of birds, other Pueblo IV sites, they are within the rainbows, and corn plants in all the kivas. range recorded elsewhere. No dado is A third characteristic of ancestral evident in the painting from Kiva D, but the Pueblo mural art is the symmetry employed motifs are arranged at a relatively consistent in the composition. The type of symmetry distance above the floor level (Figure 9.10), varies among the sites: mirror symmetry as is the case in some of the late Kuaua around a central focus is usually favored in murals. the Rio Grande pueblos of Pottery Mound The murals of Kivas B and C are and Kuaua, whereas serial repetition of the unusual in the presence of a secondary figures is preferred in the Jeddito paintings colored band that serves as a background for and is always employed at Picuris. Serial the imagery. In Kiva C, a 27-in band of repetition is also characteristic of most light blue served as a background for the ancestral Pueblo pottery. In the Jeddito lower portion of the imagery, with tan region, where kivas are all rectangular, the plaster above. In Kiva B, there was a third painting on a single wall is often dominated colored band: white paint over the gray by a central frontal human figure. dado reached to a height of 27 in above the Accompanying figures rendered in profile floor; above that was a 22-in black band on either side normally face toward the ending a little over 48 in above the floor, viewer’s left rather than toward the center. and above the black band was tan plaster. At Pottery Mound and Kuaua, figures and The use of a banded background appears to motifs are usually organized in mirror be unique to Picuris. Also apparently symmetry centered on a niche in the wall unique is the white background setting off opposite the ventilator and sometimes at the the bird standing on the left rainbow in the ventilator. In the historic murals of the Rio mural from Kiva sub-A. Although white, Grande and Zuni areas, mirror symmetry black, or colored paint was sometimes replaces the dado as the organizing principle applied to a predetermined portion of the of the composition (e.g., Cushing 1979: wall to serve as the background for murals at figures 11, 20; Goldfrank 1962:number 63;

156 Reagan 1914, 1922; Smith 1952:figure 36d; representation of birds that is typical of Stevenson 1904:plate 108) and it is ancestral Pueblo mural art at all the other sometimes used at Hopi, also (e.g., Stephen sites appears at Picuris only in Kiva sub-A. 1969:146 [orig. 1936]). Mirror symmetry in It will be discussed in the section on bird composition is noticeably absent, however, depictions below. in the murals of Picuris. Although the opening of the Picuris Iconography subsidiary ventilator in the west wall of the Picuris kivas is emphasized by specialized Terraced Pyramids imagery—rainbows and corn plants—the Strictly speaking, a pyramid is a three- icons vary somewhat and may be placed dimensional form, but I will use the term asymmetrically. In addition, bird depictions terraced pyramid to refer to a common in profile all face toward the viewer’s left prehistoric and historic Pueblo art motif that around the kiva wall, as do the tips of the is sometimes also called a “cloud terrace” or lightning bolts. The movement in the “cloud altar.” The motif probably originated Picuris paintings is thus always from right to in plain-weave basketry and textile left, or counterclockwise. Since the decoration, where the substitution of a participants in most Pueblo rituals also contrasting element for a graduated number follow a counterclockwise direction, the of square units in successive rows produces preference for leftward-moving serial a stepped equilateral triangular form with a repetition in the murals of the Picuris and truncated flat top. Vertical bisection of this Jeddito kivas may reflect similar ceremonial motif results in two right-angled stepped practices rather than artistic influences. The triangles, which I shall refer to here as left-facing positioning of the Picuris images terraced triangles. Terraced triangles are is more consistent than is the case with the more common in ancestral Pueblo basketry, Jeddito murals, many of which include textile, and pottery decoration than are figures that face toward the viewer’s right. terraced pyramids. On balance, the murals of Picuris Terraced pyramids are recorded in exhibit selected features of the ancestral all the Picuris kivas from which murals were Pueblo mural tradition while maintaining a recovered, and unlike terraced pyramids in distinctive style. The dado appears to be other kiva mural art, they are colorfully used to organize the composition in Kivas B decorated within and are often asymmetrical and C, but it was not used in Kiva sub-A and in outline. The polychrome rectilinear probably not in Kivas A and D. A forms of the interior decoration are usually secondary or tertiary band of background asymmetrically arranged, and some are color above the dado is not known decorated with small disks or nucleated elsewhere. The outlining of color areas, disks in a contrasting color. No disks appear noticeable at most ancestral Pueblo sites, on the pyramids of Kiva sub-A, and only seems to have been reserved at Picuris one appears in Kiva B; a single red disk on a largely for delineation of the pyramids. The complex rectilinear form near the base of an serial repetition employed is characteristic elaborately decorated pyramid (Figure 9.8). of ancestral Pueblo pottery decoration, and In Kiva C, two of the pyramids have pairs of the leftward movement is generally disks: on one, the disks are solid gray and observed in Pueblo ritual. No mirror are placed just below the top steps of the symmetry is recorded in Picuris paintings. pyramid; and on the other, nucleated disks A stylistic convention in the that resemble eyes are placed lower, near the center of the pyramid (Figure 9.9). In Kiva 158

159 D, a pair of black disks is placed below the Mound (e.g., Smith 1952b:figures 65c, 70a; first step, and another closer to the base of Hibben 1975:figures 1, 37). At Las the pyramid (Figure 9.10). Field drawings Humanas, white pyramids are used in do not depict disks on the pyramids in Kiva compositions on a black ground in a sub-A (Figure 9.6). No disks are recorded ceremonial room dating to the late 17th on the fragmentary remains of terraced century (Peckham 1981:figures 43, 50). At pyramids in the murals of Kiva A (Figure Kuaua, simple monochrome pyramids often 9.7). frame the niche (e.g., Dutton 1963:plates 16, The asymmetry of the outline and the 22). In other Kuaua murals, white complexity of the interior polychrome semicircles placed on the steps of black- decorations are somewhat less pronounced painted pyramids suggest thunderheads, an in Kivas sub-A and B than in Kiva C. Most impression reinforced by the addition of of the pyramids of Kivas sub-A and B have black drops below the base of the terrace to a narrow longitudinal rectangle, white or indicate rain. In historic Hopi murals, the black, at the center of the pyramid. Although rectilinear terraced pyramid is usually this arrangement is retained in some of the replaced by pyramidal forms made up of pyramids of Kiva C, it is elaborated or stacked semicircles, with black vertical interrupted in others. It appears that a trend dashes below the base making the allusion toward asymmetry in the treatment of the to rain clouds (e.g., Stephen 1969:figures terraced pyramid motif at Picuris peaked in 118, 144–145, plates 5–7 [orig. 1936]). the murals of Kiva C. If so, this might Though the stacked semicircular forms are reflect a taste for asymmetry that spread preferred in the decoration of historic across the Pueblo world between the 14th ceremonial objects at Hopi, the rectilinear and 17th centuries, most notably in the terraced pyramids are more common at Zuni widely traded Sikyatki wares from the and in historic Rio Grande villages (Smith Jeddito and Hopi areas. Sherds of Sikyatki 1952b:table 7). Rectilinear terraced Polychrome and other western Pueblo pyramids are especially numerous on the pottery types were found during the Zuni carved wooden altar furnishings excavations at Picuris (see chapter 4 of this illustrated by Stevenson (1904:plates 58, 59, volume). 104, 116, 122, 125, 126, 127). Nowhere but Monochrome terraced pyramids with at Picuris, however, are the interiors of the symmetrical outlines are an important terraced forms decorated with polychrome element in many prehistoric murals, and rectangles or with disks or pairs of disks, they are virtually ubiquitous in the and nowhere else do the pyramids appear to ceremonial art of modern Pueblos. Simple be deliberately asymmetrical. terraced pyramids were the sole decorative Although the asymmetrical terraced element above a very wide dado in a pyramids of the Picuris paintings have no 14th-century ceremonial room at Canyon counterpart in the murals of other Pueblos, Creek, Arizona, which is located southwest similar forms occur in the decoration of of ancestral Pueblo territory in what may several miniature canteen-like ceremonial have been a mixed Mogollon-Anasazi vessels found in caches from Picuris, as occupation with influences from the Wolfman and Dick (see chapter 5 of this Hohokam (Haury 1934:48, 152–155, plate volume) point out. Four of the five Trampas 33). Outlined but unpainted symmetrical Black-on-white (ca. A.D. 1500–1650) pots pyramids are given a position of importance found in a subfloor cache in Feature 6 have in the early murals of Awatovi and Pottery irregular terraced pyramids as their main

160

Figure 9.7. Murals from Kiva A, Picuris (drawn by Deborah Kelley)

161 decoration (Figures 5.7 - 5.8). In each case, were among a number of such vessels the pyramids rest on a baseline or baseband, recovered from Pecos. Like those from and on two of the pots, lightning shafts Picuris, they are equipped with a pair of tiny emerge from the pyramids themselves or handles or other devices at the neck to hold from the baseline between them, just as they a cord; some are undecorated, whereas do in the murals. Arrow-point tips very others are decorated with other motifs. The similar to those on the lightning bolts in the Pecos canteens were recovered from post- Kiva B murals occur on Pot 7, but the Spanish deposits. Kidder (1936:286) notes lightning shafts on Pot 6 lack this detail that the pottery types “run practically the (Figure 5.8). The pyramids of Pot 7 are entire gamut of Pecos wares from Black-on- apparently rendered in deliberately white to Glaze V,” suggesting they may asymmetrical outline, in contrast to the more have been carefully preserved heirlooms. symmetrical inverted one-step terraced The paired terraced triangle design pyramids placed below two of the lightning apparently does not occur on early black-on- bolts. An inverted pyramid is also found on white types from Pecos, but is rather Pot 4 (Figure 5.8). The images on this pot common on glaze wares. Most of these are are somewhat irregular, as the steps of the described as having a light or a gray slip terraced pyramids are undercut rather than with glazed decoration; one has a red slip right-angled. The presence of a narrow with a glazed decoration. Although it is longitudinal rectangle at their centers, tempting to see the Picuris terraced however, indicates an affiliation with the pyramids as derived from an earlier paired terraced pyramids of the murals. The triangle motif, there is no evidence to pyramids of Pot 1 are somewhat more support this notion. On the contrary, it regular in outline, but their tall, narrow top appears that the terraced triangles in the step recalls the central longitudinal rectangle murals of Kiva sub-A and B predate those of of the terraced pyramids of Kiva B. the Picuris ceremonial jars and probably the Two irregular terraced pyramid paired terraced triangle motif of the Pecos designs resting on a baseband and a possibly jars as well. related motif are found on ceremonial One Vadito Black-on-white vessels of similar size and shape recovered miniature canteen recovered from the from various caches at Pecos (Kidder subfloor of Kiva A had terraced pyramid 1936:278, figures 241d, 242b, 239c, d, 242c, decoration of a different sort. This consisted 243 f, i). The terraced pyramid design of an outlined band of opposed upright and occurs on one canteen with a gray slip and inverted terraced pyramids relatively regular glaze decoration and on another identified in form but with rather tall and narrow steps by Kidder as “Biscuit A?” The possibly at the apex. The design is reminiscent of related motif consists of two stepped mural decoration recovered from Long triangles resting on a baseband, with their House in Frijoles Canyon in that the terraced sides turned outward and their opposing pyramids are spaced so that a backs separated by an open space. If a line negative white zigzag line is formed were drawn across the tops, they would form between them (Rohn 1989:36). In the Long a terraced pyramid with a longitudinal House mural, all the pyramids are solidly rectangle at the center. The upper step of painted, whereas in the Picuris jar each of the triangles is long and narrow, as decoration, two of the inverted pyramids are the tops of the pyramids in Pot 1 from were left unpainted, and the negative zigzag the Picuris cache. The miniature canteens is indicated only by their outlines. The with the paired stepped triangle decoration opposed terraced pyramids design is not

162

Figure 9.8. Murals from Kiva B, Picuris (Drawn by Deborah Kelley)

163 known to be used on other ceremonial on the third might have been deliberate or objects at Picuris, but the negative zigzag due to plaster loss. The shafts of lightning elements are reminiscent of the lightning in Kiva B are more elaborate, consisting of bolts depicted in the murals. bands of red and gray, or of red, gray, and Miniature canteens are known from white tipped with angular gray arrow points other prehistoric and historic Pueblo and arising from the terraced pyramids or contexts. Several such vessels, including from the baseband (Figure 9.8). In Kiva C, 11th-century examples from the Chaco the lightning is all black, and the points have region and the Mimbres Mogollon, are slightly convex edges (Figure 9.9)., unlike illustrated by Peckham (1991:figures 18, the straight-sided points of Kivas sub-A and 145), who refers to them as “medicine jars.” B. In addition, some of the lightning bolts None of these canteens, however, bear an in Kiva C extend horizontally, independent encircling band that serves as a baseline for of the pyramids or baseband, and at least terraced pyramids or paired terraced one ends in a crescent-like form. Notes on triangles. Nor could I find this specific type the field sketches from Kiva D suggest that of decoration on any vessels in the lightning may have been represented, but no collections of the Museum of New Mexico lightning is shown in the drawings (Figure Laboratory of Anthropology or in the 9.10). Field notes for Kiva A mention Maxwell Museum, although terraced diagonal black lines which were probably pyramids occur in other configurations on a part of a lightning design in the earliest layer few vessels, and although paired terraced (Figure 9.7). The second layer had diagonal triangles, usually inverted and dependent lines colored black, red, and green, and a from a line near the rim, occur somewhat lightning device with a gray head and a shaft more frequently, especially on what appear banded with red, white, and gray. Lightning to be ceremonial vessels. In ancestral is not mentioned for the top layer, although Pueblo ceremonial pottery, the terraced vertical lines of white, red, yellow, and gray pyramids motif resting on a dado-like band are noted. is recorded only at Picuris and Pecos, with a Lightning bolts are represented in the related motif found at Pecos and, Jeddito, Kuaua, and Pottery Mound murals, occasionally, elsewhere in the Southwest. where they take somewhat different forms. Polychrome banded lightning bolts are represented in the Jeddito kivas, but these Lightning Bolts lack arrow points at their tips and appear to Like the terraced pyramids, depictions of drop from above to end in the baseband or in lightning bolts are distinctive at Picuris, some object on the baseband (Smith where they occur frequently in the murals 1952b:249, figures 60a-b, 62a, 68a, 76a, and are also seen in the decoration of some 77a, 79a-b). At Pottery Mound and Kuaua, of the ceremonial vessels. The paintings of lightning shafts are represented as crossed Kiva sub-A include three examples of slats, similar to the crossed-stick lightning lightning bolts, two of which are blue-gray, frames used in historic Pueblo ceremonies. with the third painted black (Figure 9.6). The lightning, however, is much larger in All three arise vertically from a point near proportion to the human figures at Pottery the base of a neighboring motif but not at a Mound than it is at Kuaua (cf. uniform distance above the floor level. Two Hibben1975:figures 12, 45, 61; have arrow-point heads painted the same Dutton1963:plates 16, 22). The Pottery color as the shaft. It cannot be determined Mound lightning slats may be painted a from the drawing whether the lack of a head 164

165

166 solid red, white, or yellow, with a points form the heads of the bolts contrasting tip, but they lack arrow (Stephen 1969:figure 144 [orig. 1936]). points. Kuaua lightning comes in a The lightning in historic Hopi paintings variety of solid colors, often tipped with may emanate from cloud representations arrow points of a contrasting color or from the hand or the shoulder of an (Dutton 1963:144). The lightning bolts anthropomorphic figure. may be associated with terraced Historic carved wood slat altar pyramids as at Picuris, but at Kuaua the furnishings from Hopi, Zuni, Zia, and lightning bolts are relatively much Jemez show vertical zigzag or wavy smaller in proportion to the terraces. lightning bolts. At Hopi, they have the Lightning bolts are also crossbar tips seen in the Jeddito murals represented in historic murals from (Fewkes 1897:figures 43, 44). At Zuni, Isleta, Jemez, and the Hopi villages. an ambiguity exists between lightning These depictions differ from one another and serpent forms, as it does in the and from those at Picuris. In the Jemez murals. In several altars ceremonial room of the Laguna Fathers illustrated by Stevenson (1904:plates 58, at Isleta, two vertical bolts have pointed 59, 116, 122, 125, 127), either lightning heads, but the zigzag shafts are thin and bolts or snakes are suggested by end in a series of short diagonal serpentine vertical forms with arrow- branches suggesting the fletching of an point heads in some, whereas in others, a arrow (Parsons 1932:plate 17). In similar shape with a rounded head is paintings from Jemez kivas, an early clearly decorated with snake markings. mural published by Simpson (1850:plate In a Zia altar illustrated by Stevenson 9; see also Brody 1991:plate 36) shows a (1894:plates 14, 15), the central figure is thin-shafted horizontal bolt with an decorated with a vertical zigzag arrow-pointed head accompanying a lightning bolt with an arrow-point tip; rainbow depiction. A later version two side figures are vertical serpentine published by Reagan (1914, 1922:plates forms with arrow-pointed tips and 6, 7) shows four pairs of lightning bolts, anthropomorphic facial features—two one of which has arrow-point heads dots for eyes and one for the mouth. In resembling those of Picuris, but the two altars from Jemez illustrated by others have the heads of horned serpents. Parsons (1925:plate 7), arrow-point- In both early and later versions, the headed lightning bolts alternate with lightning bolts emanate horizontally anthropomorphic figures wearing from cloudlike forms arranged along the headdresses composed of two facing sides of the painting. In the kiva murals terraced triangles. of historic Hopi villages, lightning is Although lightning bolts appear most often depicted with a short crossbar on some of the Picuris ceremonial forming an inverted T at the tip, as it vessels discussed earlier, they are not often was in the prehistoric Jeddito seen on the miniature canteens from paintings (cf. Bourke 1884:plate 23; Pecos. The motif does appear, however, Stephen 1969:figures 145, 146, plates 5– on other ceremonial objects from Pecos. 7 [orig. 1936]; Smith 1952b:figures 76a, A fragment of a glaze-ware ceremonial 77a). In one example from the Chief prayer-meal bowl "of uncertain date" is kiva at Walpi, however, stemless arrow described as exhibiting

167 lightning bolts with arrow-point heads lines of the body, and the beak appears short associated with terraced pyramids on its and small, superimposed over an oblong exterior (Kidder 1936:274, figure 236). The area of gray. No lines suggesting legs or arrow-point lightning bolt also appears on a feet are visible, but there is space for legs few of the several hundred burnt-clay pipes between the bird's body and the rainbow. recovered from various contexts at Pecos. The legs or feet are visible, but there is On some it is carved in relief and exhibits a space for legs between the bird's body and heavy shaft; on others it is incised, and the the rainbow. The most interesting feature of shaft is a thin line (Kidder 1932:figures this bird are the two eyes shown on the left 143a-e, g, 144e, l, l48k, n, 151e, 139, 146l, side of its head. Two-eyed profile views of 147g-h, 149l and 155). Some of the carved birds and mammals are rare in Native North pipes also include representations of horned American art, but they appear in the serpents in a similarly vertical position decoration of Fourmile Polychrome pottery (Kidder 1932:figures 143c-e, g),3 indicating (A.D. 1325-1400) and Awatovi murals from an association at Pecos between lightning the early and intermediate occupations (ca. bolts and horned serpents or snakes, as noted A.D. 1350-1500), which were clearly at Jemez and Zuni but not evident at Picuris. influenced by the Fourmile style. Picuris lightning bolts always have arrow The little green bird resting atop a points tipping a thick, angular shaft and are terraced pyramid to the left of the panel unlike lightning representations elsewhere. (Figure 9.7) shows two upraised pointed wings, an innovative and more naturalistic pose that has to my knowledge no Birds counterpart in ancestral Pueblo art and one It is in the rendering of birds that the Kiva that does not reappear in the murals at sub-A mural (Figure 9.6) differs most from Picuris. The other bird portrayals in the those of the other Picuris kivas. In this early mural are less aberrant. Near the center are painting we can see the influences of two frontal views of flying birds. One is ancestral Pueblo artistic tradition a poised over the subsidiary vent shaft in conventionalized treatment that was to be ascending vertical flight, and the other flies reflected in the later Picuris murals. The laterally toward the left. Their sickle-shaped two red birds perched over rainbows exhibit wings and forked tails suggest swifts or single upraised wings that are typical of bird swallows, and similar representations are to portrayals in the Jeddito, Pottery Mound, be found in a 15th-century kiva at Kawaika'a, Kuaua, and Las Humanas murals. The bird in two 15th-century kivas at Pottery Mound, over the south rainbow is highly stylized, its and in three kiva murals at Kuaua. Similar upraised wing consisting of two straight representations also occur in Mimbres lines that form a terraced triangle, and its Classic Black-on-white pottery decoration. three-stepped tail forms another. A lighter A single swallow-like bird in ascending band of color marks the lower body and vertical flight is found in Kiva C at Picuris. upper tail. The head and beak are a single Fragments above terraced pyramids at the crook-like line. Two fine angled lines far left and right of the panel suggest indicate its legs, but no feet are shown. The representations of birds similar to those bird over the north rainbow is less stylized; found in the same location in other Picuris the leading edge of its black wing angles up murals, although it is possible that the from its neck, with rectilinear steps on the innovative rendering of the green bird was opposite side suggesting feathers. The repeated in Kiva sub-A. pointed tail juts upward from the horizontal 168 Nearly all of the birds depicted in Awatovi, birds shown in profile in a Kivas B, C, and D are apparently realistic standing or perched position are invariably representations of songbird types shown in portrayed with one upraised wing, like the profile with no indications of wings, either two stylized birds from Kiva sub-A (Figure raised or folded. They are painted yellow, 9.6). I have suggested elsewhere (Crotty gray, red, or black, with yellow and gray 1995:138–139) that the legless birds of the predominating. The silhouettes vary as if 15th-century murals were probably derived the artists had definite species in mind, from a motif common in late Pueblo III– although they may not be recognizable to us. early Pueblo IV period pottery decoration, a Most of the birds are perched on the tops of motif that Smith (1971:152–153) calls the terraced pyramids, two standing on corn “bird-perch.” These birds, often identified plants, and one is placed inside a rainbow. as “parrots,” were created by the addition of Although depictions of legs are sometimes a crook-like line to suggest a head and beak missing, space is left between the body of and one or two lines to suggest tail feathers the bird and the perch on which it rests. The at the corners of an inverted equilateral feet are not indicated in any of the Picuris triangle added to each of the exterior corners bird portrayals. Exceptions to the perched of a square. This can be seen in several bird depictions besides those already noted Jeddito Black-on-orange (A.D. 1250-1350) for Kiva sub-A and C include possible avian sherds and a Tusayan Black-on-white (A.D. forms in Kivas C and D. Located just east 1125-1300) bowl recovered from the early of the swallow-like bird in Kiva c is a form occupation of Awatovi (Figure 9.11). The composed of the head of a bird with a thick purely geometric square-and-triangle motif curved beak like that of a raven and what (Figure 9.11d) has a long history in ancestral may be a wedge-shaped tail, but lacking a Pueblo pottery decoration, but the addition body or clearly delineated wing (Figure 9.8). of crooks and tail feathers first occurs in the Near the north vent or niche of Kiva D is a late Pueblo III period. None of the “bird- problematic red figure labeled "bird" in the perch” birds in pottery decoration exhibit an field drawings. It has a bird's head, but its upraised wing. That feature seems to have body ends in a bulbous form that curves been introduced into mural art in the late back under the belly (Figure 9.10). The 1300s, possibly through Fourmile latter two figures have no counterparts in Polychrome ceramics, and ultimately Pueblo IV murals from other sites. derived from classic Mimbres pottery Bird depictions occur frequently in decoration, where it is frequently employed the murals of ancestral Pueblo sites; indeed, in bird depictions. birds are the most numerous life form after The highly stylized avian forms of anthropomorphs (Crotty 1995:table B.4). the Pottery Mound and the Jeddito murals, Highly stylized birds predominate in the forms that are also referred to in the Jeddito and Pottery Mound paintings, literature as “parrots,” are an exception to a although other, more naturalistic, birds are general trend toward increasing naturalism also depicted. In the earliest paintings at the in the Pueblo IV murals. Even these birds latter sites, the stylized birds lack legs, and become somewhat more naturalistic, their breasts touch the corner of a square or however, sometime in the 15th century, the step of a terraced pyramid (e.g., Smith when the bodies are rounded and legs and 1952b:figures 70a; Hibben 1975:figure 70; feet are added so that they appear to stand Crotty 1995:figure 38). With a single upright on their perches rather than resting exception found in a 14th-century kiva at awkwardly on their breasts (e.g., Hibben

169 1975:figure 18; Smith 1952b: figure 52a; Kiva sub-A murals were aware of the artistic Crotty 1995:141, 222). Another convention traditions of the Western Pueblos, but they appearing in the stylized "parrot" depictions traditions obviously did not influence later of the Jeddito and Pottery Mound murals muralists at Picuris. There are no more some time after A.D. 1400 is a light-colored stylized "parrots" or birds with upraised band around the lower body and upper tail, wings. such as was noted in the bird over the south At Las Humanas and Kuaua, the rainbow in Kiva sub-A. This is stylized “parrots” are also absent. Birds of characteristic of the markings of immature various species are portrayed fairly golden eagles and some hawks, but not of naturalistically in profile views, but the scarlet macaws, suggesting that the artists upraised wing is retained except for one were more familiar with local raptors than mural from the 15th-century Kiva N at Las with exotic species imported from Mexico. Humanas. Here a group of three birds is It can now be seen that the stylized depicted in flight (Peckham 1981:fiche A-8, bird standing on the south rainbow in Kiva Crotty 1995:figure 33). All three appear to sub-A is a combination of several be songbirds. They face toward the left and conventions found in ancestral Pueblo arts are painted mostly black but with markings traditions. It has the crook head and beak of in other colors. Two of them exhibit the "bird-perch" motif from Pueblo III-IV upraised wings, and two have short, footless pottery, the upraised wing of the Fourmile legs projecting downward. The lead bird Polychrome style, and the light band around has legs indicated but the upraised wing is the lower body that appears elsewhere in lacking, and this bird, therefore, at least mural art after A.D. 1400. The rounding of superficially resembles the Picuris bird the body and the addition of legs partakes of depictions. the greater naturalism of post-A.D. 1400 Another convention appears in the artistic traditions. In unpublished notes, stylized "parrot" depictions of the Jeddito both Dick and Wolfman (Dick, Wolfman, and Pottery Mound murals some time after Schaafsma, and Wolfman n.d.) compare this A.D. 1400, namely the use of a light-colored bird to a Jeddito example illustrated by band around the lower body and upper tail, Smith (1952: figures 12h and 43b). That such as was noted in the bird over the south bird is in one of the 14th-century kivas at rainbow in Kiva sub-A. This is Awatovi and is painted in the Fourmile characteristic of the markings of immature Polychrome style, with a two-eyed profile golden eagles and some hawks, but not of and a geometric body. Its head, neck, and scarlet macaws, suggesting that the artists upper body are suggested by a red- and were more familiar with local raptors that black-banded S-curve; its upraised wing is with exotic species imported from Mexico. an elongated terraced triangle with the In the Kuaua murals—which forward edge curved, and straight lines are probably date from the 16th or 17th century used to suggest its lower body and tail. The (Crotty 1995:62–64), about a century later comparison is apt, and the two-eyed profile than Dutton (1963) suggests—the of the bird standing over the north rainbow characteristic markings of various species reinforces the attribution of Fourmile style are often recognizable. Apparently legless influence. Both of the Picuris birds, birds are portrayed with their breasts resting however, are far more naturalistic than the on the corner of a lower step of a cloud early Awatovi bird. The two Picuris birds terrace in an early Kuaua mural (Dutton demonstrate that the artists who painted the 1963:figure 81), but only the absence of legs

170

Figure 9.11. Bird Perch Motifs on Pottery From Awatovi (from Smith 1971: figure 207 and 134a, redrawn by Deborah Kelley).

171 and the positioning resemble the stylized "parrot" depictions in the “parrots” of the early Jeddito and Pottery Jeddito and Pottery Mound murals. This Mound murals. The detailed black-and- marking, however, is more reminiscent white markings indicate that both birds of raptors than it is macaws. The other are magpies, although one was identified two birds lack both the massive bill of by Dutton’s consultant as a roadrunner the parrot family and the (Dutton 1963:90). Black swallow-like conventionalized lighter body band near birds shown in flight like those depicted the tail. in Kivas sub-A and C occur in three murals at Kuaua (e.g., Dutton 1963: figures 45, 69, 86). As noted above, the Birds atop Terraced Pyramids swallow-like birds in flight are also As noted in the previous section, many found in 15th-century kivas a Kawaika'a bird figures are perched on the top of and Pottery Mound, and they may derive terraced pyramids. Because this from classic Mimbres pottery particular icon is rare in the prehistoric decoration. At Kawaika'a, the birds are Southwest, it is considered as a unit in in lateral flight, but in one Pottery this section for purposes of comparison. Mound mural (Hibben 1975: figure 61), Simple birds, colored gray, yellow, red, two swallow-like birds are seen in or black, and with varying silhouettes, ascending vertical flight like those in stand on the tops of all the terraced Kivas sub-A and C. pyramids of Kivas sub-A and C, about With minor exceptions at half of those recovered from Kivas B, Awatovi and Las Humanas, standing or and at least one from Kiva D. Although perched birds portrayed in prehistoric birds may be posed on the steps of Jeddito and Rio Grande murals are terraced pyramids in prehistoric mural always shown with an upraised wing, a art at other sites, they do not stand on the convention that the Picuris muralists top. Birds standing atop pyramids do acknowledged only partially in the Kiva occur, if seldom, in earlier rock art of the sub-A murals and then rejected. The Mogollon area, and they are somewhat conventionalized rendering of the flying more common in historic murals from swallow-like birds, on the other hand, Zuni and Hopi and in historic Zuni slat was retained. This motif may be earlier altars. in Kiva sub-A at Picuris than at Pottery The rock art example that most Mound or Kawaika'a, while the Kiva C closely resembles the Picuris icon is a example is possibly contemporaneous red pictograph from the upper Gila River with those of Kuaua. The three birds drainage in what is now Gila Cliff associated with the rainbows in Kivas Dwellings National Monument in sub-A and C have sometimes been southwestern New Mexico. Although identified as parrots or scarlet macaws, the dating of rock art remains but the only characteristics that any of problematical, the pictograph was them share with one another or with probably made by the occupants of the scarlet macaws are their relatively large nearby cliff dwellings, which date to the size and red color. The bird over the late 1200s (Bradford 1992:74, 179, sound rainbow in Kiva sub-A, as noted, figures 33, 34). The painting consists of has the lighter-colored band around its three—perhaps originally four—terraced lower body that appears on the highly pyramids, which are topped with birds that face toward the viewer’s right. The 171 birds are identical: a relatively large head with no defined beak, a large head with a heavy, almost ducklike upraised wing, a short banded tail, and a beak; no wings indicated on the body; single leg and foot. It stands on a three short lines at the tail; and legs terraced pyramid embellished with without visible feet. No particular vertical lines on the steps and below the species identification comes readily to base. Within the pyramid, a semicircle mind. A surprising feature of the bisected by a zigzag line, perhaps pictograph is the red band that runs signifying a rainbow and lightning, is below and connects the pyramids, centered on the baseline. Joined to the serving as a baseline for the base of the pyramid and centered on the composition. A dado or baseline is lightning is the flowering tassel of the unusual for rock art of any period, and corn plant, which is shown with three narrow dadoes of this type are not ripening ears along a zigzag stalk. It known to occur in mural art before about seems reasonable to interpret the A.D. 1400. The dado in the pictograph petroglyph panel as a literal prayer for may be related to ceramic decoration, rain to ensure a bountiful harvest of corn where lines may set off an encircling or other blessings. The bird in the band design, but its actual origins are petroglyph resembles neither the Gila obscure. pictograph nor the Picuris examples, and The Gila pictograph is like the others, is not readily identifiable. sufficiently different stylistically from Turning to historic mural art, we the Picuris paintings—in the general find a painting in a ceremonial room shape of the birds, the presence of used by the Macaw clan at Zuni. The separate tail feathers, the direction in mural, photographed by A. C. Vroman which the birds face, and the regularity in 1897, shows birds in association with of the pyramids—to argue against direct terraced pyramids, although not all the Mogollon influence on the Picuris birds stand on the tops of the pyramids muralists. Indeed, the similarities may (see Webb and Weinstein 1987:figure be purely coincidental. It is not unlikely, 100; Brody 1991:figure 112).4 The however, that both the pictograph and mural was painted in two registers on the the murals express an ideology that was upper walls of the room, and the widespread in the Pueblo world by the pyramids of both registers rest on a wide 1300s. band that serves as a baseline. On the A petroglyph panel from the upper register, large birds, apparently Three Rivers Recreation Area in the ducks, stand on the baseband between Tularosa Basin of south-central New the pyramids, the tops of which reach to Mexico combines the bird-on-terraced- the ceiling. Large ducklike birds also pyramid motif with a corn plant in what stand on the baseband between pyramids may be a more explicit expression of the on the lower register, but smaller birds, same ideology (Schaafsma 1980: figure apparently jays, can be seen on the 189a). The petroglyph, which differs uppermost step or on the tops of the stylistically from both the Gila and the pyramids. The composition is organized Picuris examples, was probably made by in mirror symmetry, with all the birds occupants of a nearby Jornada Mogollon facing toward a central image on the end village dated between A.D. 1100 and wall. On the lower register the focal 1400. The bird displays a rectangular point consists of a central pyramid with

172 two facing jays perched on its topmost pyramids is a “tree” consisting of a steps. Directly above them in the upper central stem and a series of upward- register, another pair of jays, facing but angling lines ending in dots, or knobs. asymmetrically placed, appear to be Slender birds with medium-length tails building a nest in a leafy bush or treetop. are perched on the top of each of the Fructification seems to be a theme. upright pyramids and appear to peck at Although Webb and Weinstein the knobs. The upper two birds have (1987:124) state that the room is tapered beaks and a single pointed decorated with “emblems of the macaw wingtip indicated. The lower two are clan,” the meticulously delineated less carefully drawn, but each appears to markings of the larger birds—dark have a partially raised wing. All are heads, white neck rings, white wing shown with a suggestion of a crest and bars, and upcurled central tail feathers— with legs but no feet indicated. Stephen are those of male mallard ducks.5 The describes one of the upper birds as a identifying marks of the smaller birds— woodpecker painted in streaks of yellow, crests and black-barred wings and blue, and red; the other is identified tails—indicate Steller’s Jays. Both wing simply as a red bird. The lower birds tips are visible on most birds, but no were apparently colored black and gray birds display the upraised wing and exhibit somewhat dissimilar forms, convention of Pueblo IV period art. but they are identified by Stephen as jays At Hopi, rectilinear terraced (Smith 1952b:98–99). pyramids occur in only one of several In other historic Hopi murals, historic murals. The painting from the clouds are represented by stacked center of the south wall of the Nashabki, semicircles. On the north wall of the or Middle Kiva, at Walpi shows birds Middle Kiva at Walpi, a kilted atop rectilinear terraced pyramids said to anthropomorphic figure holds aloft a represent clouds (Stephen 1969:figure cloud composed of three tiers of 146 [orig. 1936]). The composition, like semicircles of various colors, with that of the Zuni mural, is organized in falling rain lines below. Lightning mirror symmetry and includes two ending in a crossbar tip emanates from registers. In each register the terraced the outer edges. Perched on the upper pyramids are arranged in pairs along a level of the cloud terrace is a bird that dotted or barred band. Similar bands Stephen (1969:figure 145 [orig. 1936]) appear in Zuni wooden tablet altars, identifies as a snipe, although the where they denote the “house of the relatively short beak and the markings clouds” (Stevenson 1904:246, 432). are more characteristic of a killdeer. It is White lightning ending in a crossbar tip painted white with black streaks and has emanates from the outer side of each of a long neck with a dark ring, an upraised the upper pyramids. Below the “house wing, a fan tail, and long legs. In a of the clouds” band in the upper register mural from the north wall of the Chief are three smaller inverted terraced kiva at Walpi, an unidentified bird with a pyramids with bird and butterfly figures thin, straight bill, upraised wing, and hanging from them, and below the lower short tail and short legs stands near the band are vertical black lines signifying top of a cloud terrace composed of three rain (Stephen 1969:figure 146 [orig. heaped semicircles with lightning and 1936]). Between each pair of upright rain symbols (Stephen 1969:figure 144

173 [orig. 1936]). Beneath the cloud is a legs, and wings indicated by a single line sunflower plant apparently growing from on the body. Stevenson (1904:245–246) the floor. A mural from the Young Corn does not discuss the white birds in her Mound Kiva at Sichomovi shows the discussion of the various parts of the usual multicolored cloud with lightning altar, and they remain unidentified. In and rain. Above it stands an unidentified the altar of the Great Fire society, the and rather stylized bird with a thick birds perched atop the terraced pyramid curved bill, a short upcurved tail, and an headdresses have black heads with upraised wing (Stephen 1969:figure 126 heavy pointed bills, and their upper [orig. 1936]). Bourke (1884:plate 24) bodies are black with white underparts illustrates a painting from an (Stevenson 1904:plate 116). Although unidentified Hopi kiva. In this mural, a Stevenson does not identify the black- central kilted anthropomorphic figure and-white birds in this altar either, her appears beneath one simple cloud terrace discussion of the ceremonial room of the composed of a row of three semicircles. Galaxy society includes an identification Below the figure are two more cloud of what appear to be identical birds terraces. The upper one consists of five sitting on semicircular clouds on a heaped semicircles, on one of which a decorated bar placed above the altar as slender bird with a thin bill, an upraised “the bird of the Zenith, purple martin” wing, and a fan tail is perched. The final (Stevenson 1904:432, plate 104). This example, a historic photograph of a identification is not further elaborated in mural from the Lallaconte Kiva at Stevenson’s 1904 publication, but in a Walpi, shows a frontal bird atop a three- later paper, Stevenson (1915:89), tiered cloud that has falling rain below describing plumes used on prayer sticks, and emanates lighting (see Brody mentions the “spokesmen” of the 1991:figure 94). Beside the cloud is a lightning makers, the “rain bringing” corn plant, and beside that is the large birds of the six directions, and lists a striped figure of a sacred clown. The variety of birds, including the purple latter painting is the only instance in martin of the zenith. which a thick-billed possible raptor or In summary, the icon of a bird macaw is depicted frontally atop a cloud perched atop a terraced pyramid is the terrace. most frequently depicted image in the Birds resting atop rectilinear Picuris paintings, but it is otherwise terraced pyramids also occur on some of absent in prehistoric mural art, although the wooden-slat altar furnishings from it is seen in stylistically different Zuni illustrated by Stevenson prehistoric rock art from the Mogollon (1904:plates 58, 116). In the ceremonial area of New Mexico. At Picuris, it rooms of the Eagle Down and Great Fire appears that the muralists deliberately fraternities, the terraced pyramid represented birds of different species, headdress of each of the whereas in the prehistoric and historic anthropomorphic “lightning makers” at examples discussed from other sites, the the four corners of the altar is birds may be of the same type. There is surmounted by a bird. In the altar of the no consistency in the species of birds Eagle Down society, the birds are depicted from place to place, but with painted white, and they have short thin the single exception noted above, no beaks, upcurving ducklike tails, short images appear to be representations of

174 macaws or raptors—birds that are black, green, and red; and the final layer frequently represented, if in other is like the first. The rainbows of the first contexts, in prehistoric murals and the final layers are approximately in elsewhere. Identifiable birds in the the same position; that on the middle historic ceremonial art of Zuni and Hopi layer is lower and offset a bit toward the include mallards, Steller’s jays, and south. In Kiva B, the south rainbow is purple martins at Zuni and possible angled at the sides rather than curved, Steller’s jays and a snipe or killdeer at and a single corn plant with a bird Hopi. The appearance of the bird-atop- perched on top is placed between the terraced-pyramid icon at locations subsidiary ventilator and the north widely separated in both space and time rainbow (Figure 9.8). The south suggests a shared religious concept. The rainbow was painted in alternating bands Zuni identification of birds of various of yellow and gray, with a color reversal species as spokesmen of the lightning in the north rainbow. In Kiva C, corn makers and bringers of rain might well plants flank the subsidiary ventilator, extend in a general way to the with similar rainbows of red, gray, representations of the birds atop terraced black, gray, yellow, gray, black, gray, pyramids. Certainly such an and red next to the corn plants on either interpretation would be in keeping with side (Figure 9.9). The corn plants are the iconography of Picuris. absent in Kiva D, and the rainbows consist of bands of white, red, black, and red (Figure 9.10). Rainbows The wall opposite the ventilator In the Picuris paintings, rainbows appear is normally the focus of the ancestral only near the subsidiary ventilator on the Pueblo murals, as it is in historic kivas in west wall opposite the main ventilator. both Hopi and the Rio Grande pueblos. The rainbows are paired, one on either A wall niche, if present, is often located side of the subsidiary vent in Kivas sub- at the center of this wall. The A, B, C, and D. In Kiva sub-A, the positioning of the rainbows and the corn rainbows are asymmetrical; the one on plants, therefore, suggests an analogous the south side has bands of white, red, significance for that location in the green, yellow, and green in a shallow arc Picuris kivas. placed on a level with the top of the Representations of isolated subsidiary vent shaft. The rainbow on rainbows are not common in ancestral the north has red, green, and yellow Pueblo murals or in historic paintings bands in a semicircular arc beginning at elsewhere. A few relatively naturalistic about the midpoint of the shaft opening depictions occur in the Jeddito and (Figure 9.6). In Kiva A, plaster was Pottery Mound kivas, but they appear as found only on the west wall, but that part of a more complex composition wall had been replastered and painted involving other figures and objects (e.g., three times (Figure 9.7). On each layer, Crotty 1995:figure 22; Hibben a rainbow was found just north of the 1975:figure 24: Smith 1952b:figure subsidiary ventilator. On the earliest 88a). Naturalistic depictions of layer, the rainbow consists of a narrow rainbows are absent at the other black border above and below framing prehistoric sites. three wider bands of red, green, and red; the second layer has bands of yellow, 175 Rainbow depictions are not with leaves like those of a corn plant reported in the historic murals of Hopi, emerges from one of the terraced but they are seen in Zuni ceremonial art triangles in each panel. A single bolt of and in the murals of the Rio Grande lightning with an arrow-point head pueblos of Cochiti, Isleta, and Jemez. appears in one of the panels. In the later Two examples from Zuni show the murals published by Reagan (1914, rainbow in an anthropomorphized form, 1922:plates 6, 7), the rainbow-and- with head, arms, and legs at the ends of facing-terraced-triangle motif in one the flattened arc, as in Navajo dry painting is flanked by four pairs of paintings (sandpaintings). One is found horizontal lightning bolts, the upper pair on the Eagle Down society altar having arrow-point heads and the lower illustrated by Stevenson (1904:246, plate three ending in serpent heads. In a 58). The other, from a mural, rests on second painting, sun, moon, and stars the terraced triangle headdress of a flank the central image, and a single pair winged anthropomorphic figure of serpent-headed lightning bolts appears identified by Cushing (1979:figure 11) below. The same rainbow-and-facing- as the God of War and by Stevenson terraced-triangles motif, with the (1904:246) as “the being with wings and addition of an inverted triangle at the tail of knives.” In the Turquoise Kiva at base that converts it to a mask-like Cochiti, a rainbow takes on the solidity shape, appears twice on an embroidered of an architectural form: sacred clowns mantle worn in Kachina ceremonies at climb and perch on it in a drawing Acoma. Stirling (1942:plate 12) published by Lange (1959:figure 2). describes the slightly altered motifs as Mural decoration of the ceremonial "unfinished (no eyes) katsina masks.". room of the Laguna Fathers at Isleta has Although the Picuris depictions of been published in two different versions. isolated rainbows apparently have no Parsons (1932:plate 17) illustrates a counterpart in prehistoric mural art, the sketch in which a rainbow appears to be rainbows in the historic Isleta and the focus of the composition. Goldfrank Cochiti murals seem to serve as a central (1962:Painting 63) illustrates a more focus in a similar way, and rainbows formal painting of the same theme by associated with terraced triangles are “The Artist of Isleta.” The rainbow is clearly an important icon at Jemez. again the focus, and like the rainbow from Cochiti, it is imbued with solid, architectural qualities. Here the rainbow Corn (Maize) Plants serves to support a rampant lion on the Somewhat stylized corn plants are left and a standing bear on the right. depicted on the west wall nearest the Several murals from Jemez depict a subsidiary ventilator, or niche, in Kivas rainbow joining a pair of facing terraced B and C but were apparently not triangles. In the earlier painting represented in the other Picuris kivas. In published by Simpson (1850:plate 9; Kiva B, a single gray-colored plant with Brody 1991:plate 36), two such images a gray bird at the top is shown are shown in adjoining panels of a single immediately north of the vent (Figure mural. Each rainbow is decorated with 9.8). This plant is so stylized as to make white feathers above, three on one panel identification tentative, but the addition and two on the other; a wavy blue stalk of a few more realistic details to a pair of similar depictions in Kiva C suggests 176 that a corn plant is represented in the a terraced triangle in each of the panels analogous location in Kiva B. In the (Simpson 1850:plate 9; Brody Kiva C painting, a yellow bird is shown 1991:plate 36). As with the rainbow at the top of the gray-painted plant depictions, the closest resemblance to immediately south of the vent (Figure the portrayal of corn plants in the Picuris 9.9). murals occurs not in prehistoric Corn plants are more realistically paintings but in 20th-century examples depicted in the prehistoric Jeddito, from Cochiti and Isleta. Pottery Mound, and Kuaua murals (e.g., Smith 1952b:figures 64d, 79a; Hibben 1975:figures 38, 99; Dutton 1963:plate “Suns” 14), and a single stylized example occurs Two 6-in pronged circles found on the in the 15th-century Kiva N at Las western wall of Kiva D are identified by Humanas (Peckham 1981:figure 21). Dick as possible “sun designs.” These None of these depictions appear to be are the only such depictions recorded at associated with rainbows, nor are the Picuris. Both “suns” are located to the plants located near the niches. south of the subsidiary ventilator, and A corn plant with three ripening both are essentially concentric circles ears was noted in a petroglyph from with prongs radiating from the outer Three Rivers. In this instance the plant ring, like teeth on a gear, but the “suns” is located directly below a terraced are treated somewhat differently (Figure triangle containing presumed symbols of 9.10). The image nearest the rainbows a rainbow and lightning and topped by a has an unpainted center surrounded by a bird. ring composed of three segments, Corn plants are not known to be painted white, yellow, and red, represented in the historic paintings of respectively, from which black prongs of Zuni and Hopi, but they do appear at the same colors and black radiate. The Cochiti and Isleta and possibly at Jemez, two lower prongs extend to frame a where they are associated with rainbows. curving gray band that reaches to the rim Corn plants flank the rainbow in the of the south rainbow, located below and Cochiti painting (Lange 1959:figure 2), slightly to the west. The other “sun” and a single plant appears beside the image consists of a black inner disk with rainbow that is the focus of the Isleta a red outer ring and red prongs of more composition from the Laguna Fathers or less equal length. It is placed higher ceremonial room illustrated by Parsons on the wall, directly above the second (1932:plate 17). In the sketch, additional terraced pyramid south of the ventilator. corn plants are depicted singly on the Sun symbols are identified in the other three walls. In the more formal murals of several prehistoric sites. In the version of the composition by “The kivas of Awatovi, Kawaika-a, and Artist of Isleta” (Goldfrank Pottery Mound, the sun is apparently 1962:Painting 63), corn plants are visible represented by “sun shields,” large disks on two side walls but are not directly decorated on their perimeters by long, beside the central rainbow. In the earlier radiating feathers—usually eagle-tail version of the Jemez rainbow-and- feathers—alternating with red lines and terraced-triangle icon, as noted, a single often surrounded by a spatter of red plant with cornlike leaves emerges from paint (Crotty 1995:238–242; Hibben 1975:figure 32; Smith 1952b:240–242). 177 Most are undecorated, but some are they might represent sun shields or marked with concentric circles, and a possibly paired symbols of the sun and few are elaborately painted, but not with the moon. the suggestion of facial features seen in Representations of the sun, historic murals. None of these shields sometimes paired with the moon, appear appear to be associated with a rainbow in historic ceremonial art from Zuni and or with a terraced pyramid. Disks Hopi and also from Acoma, Jemez, and composed of concentric circles and Isleta. At each village, the celestial lacking radial feathers or prongs have bodies are depicted somewhat been identified as possible sun images at differently. At Zuni, both the sun and two other prehistoric mural sites. At the moon are represented in most of the Kuaua, a single small (6.5 in) disk tablet altars and ceiling bars discussed located on the north wall of Kiva III was previously and in mural art as well. The identified by Dutton’s Zuni consultant as sun is usually painted blue-green, the the sun, or sunshine (Dutton 1963:51, color of the firmament (Stevenson figure 100). It is composed of a 1904:24, 246); the face of the moon is greenish-black center and concentric yellow. Both the sun and the moon are rings of adobe, yellow-orange, and black given simple faces composed of three and does not appear to be related to any dots for eyes and mouth, and the faces nearby imagery. At Pueblo del Encierro, are encircled by the barred black and located on the Rio Grande near the white band that symbolizes the “house of present Cochiti Pueblo, a series of the clouds” at Zuni (Stevenson paintings was recovered from the area of 1904:246). In a mural from the the ventilator on the east wall of a kiva ceremonial room of the Sword dated from the mid-1400s to the early Swallower society, the images are 1500s (Schaafsma 1965). The elaborated by a yellow outer ring that is decoration on several layers consists of encircled in turn by concentric rings of large (ca. 22-in) disks composed of blue-green, red, and black suggesting a concentric rings and arranged in pairs rainbow band (Stevenson 1904:454, with slightly different color plate 108). Short prongs of the same combinations on either side of the three colors emerge at the four compass ventilator. The disks north of the points, or poles. The only rainbow that ventilator have yellow centers with a Stevenson associates with the celestial whitish or unpainted outer ring; those to bodies at Zuni is found on the tablet altar the south have whitish or unpainted of the Eagle Down society: here, the centers with a yellow-orange outer ring. moon surmounts the arc of an Black outlines frame the color areas on anthropomorphized rainbow (Stevenson all the disks, and in some instances, 1904:246, plate 58). Cushing other colors were added. A short red (1979:figure 11) illustrates a Zuni mural fringe embellishes the periphery of two in which a large sun disk superimposes a of the disks, and two are accompanied water serpent. The disk is again ringed by fragmentary designs that Schaafsma by a barred black-and-white band, but (1965:11) identifies as animals with a the face is more stylized. The upper heart line. The rest lack exterior third is bisected into two quadrants of embellishment or associated images. different colors, each framed by a Schaafsma (1965:10, 14) suggests that narrow band, and the lower part has

178 paired horizontal lines indicating the two prongs to “represent beams of light,” and eyes and the mouth. the outer ring of the moon is red with red A mural from the ceremonial prongs at the poles to represent “the ring room of the Warrior Society at Walpi around the moon.” features depictions of the predator Kivas at Jemez were visited by animals of the four directions. outsiders several times between 1849 Accompanying one of the animals is a and 1940 (Simpson 1850; Mallery 1881; representation of the sun, which seems Bourke [in Bloom 1938]; Reagan 1914, to have varied somewhat though time, as 1922; Ellis 1952; for a complete review, reported by various visitors. Mindeleff see Smith 1952a:85–87). From the (1891:131) describes it as a large disk. descriptions and the illustrations, the Stephen (1969:figure 64a [orig. 1936]) mural decoration appears to have illustrates a crudely drawn disk with a changed little over time. All the visitors stylized face vaguely similar to that of mention representations of the sun and the Zuni mural described above. A the moon. The illustrations that single line marks the upper third, the accompany Simpson’s report show the eyes are short lines, the mouth is a single sun and the moon as blank disks without line, and an angular U-shaped line facial features (Simpson 1850:plates 8, suggests a nose. Pairs of lines, 11; see also Brody 1991:figures 3, 110). apparently feathers, appear in a V shape Each has a contrasting outer ring and at the four poles, with crosshatched lines exterior decoration at the four poles. between the poles. Fewkes (1902:plate The decoration on one consists of pairs 22; 1924:figure 2) illustrates a more of feathers in a V shape with a pointed refined version of the same mural. The object between; on the other are single sun differs from that of Stephen’s rhomboidal forms, resembling arrow drawing chiefly in that it has been turned points or darts. Similar disks reproduced on its side and radiating feathers by Reagan (1914, 1922:plates 1, 2; 7; between those at the poles replace the see also Brody 1991:figure 115) show hatched lines. the sun and the moon with facial features At Acoma, figures of the sun and consisting either of almond-shaped eyes, the moon are used in dry painting or on eyebrows and nose indicated by a single kiva walls. The face of the sun is red curving and dipping line, and an “because the Sun is male and the giver upturned arc as the mouth or of two of strong light”; the face of the moon is triangles for eyes and a narrow rectangle yellow “because the Moon is female and for the mouth. All have an outer ring the light is pale” (Stirling 1942:121, indicated and exterior decoration plate 11). Both disks have stylized faces consisting either of arrow points or composed of narrow isosceles triangles rhomboids on those disks identified by placed horizontally for eyes and a small Reagan as sun representations and paired square for a mouth, and the foreheads feathers in a V shape on those identified are decorated with a squarish figure said as the moon. Additionally, the outer to represent a squash blossom. Two ring of two of Reagan’s sun figures has a concentric rings, the outer one pronged scalloped edge. The exterior decoration at the poles, encircle the central disks. of the disks identified as the moon at The inner ring is green on both, the outer Jemez is similar to that of the sun in the ring of the sun is orange with orange Hopi paintings, a reminder that signs and

179 symbols identified in the ethnographic sun with the dark center and the moon literature for one Pueblo group may not with the lighter one, as in Zuni and apply to the arts of other groups or to the Acoma ceremonial art. Parsons prehistoric past. (1939b:962) notes the relative Representations of the sun in the importance of the moon in the ceremonial room of the Laguna Fathers northeastern pueblos. The style and the at Isleta are associated with the rainbow placement of the Picuris disks, however, image that is the focal point of the are quite different from that seen in decoration. In the sketch illustrated by prehistoric and historic murals Parsons (1932:plate 17), it is a simple elsewhere. disk with radiating lines all around its edge. It is centered above the rainbow, and a crescent-shaped moon appears to Quadrupeds the right of the rainbow. In the painting The only quadruped recorded in the illustrated by Goldfrank (1962:painting Picuris murals is a figure from Kiva C. 63), the sun is given simple facial Painted entirely in black, it has a long features, composed of short upward snout and an open mouth with no teeth curving arcs to represent eyes and indicated, short pointed ears, a thick mouth, and the rays are focused at the body, and a stubby tail (Figure 9.9). It is four poles. The sun is placed to the left placed just south of the east ventilator of the rainbow, and at the right is shaft. No markings are indicated, and another disk with similar rays enclosing the legs in the field drawing end in short a four-pointed star. lines that may indicate the remains of In summary, the two circular either claws or hoofs. Dick’s notes “sun” images from Picuris differ in their indicate that the animal was “interpreted interior coloration. Like disk-shaped as a badger.” objects interpreted as celestial bodies in Various quadrupeds are other prehistoric murals, they lack facial represented with varying degrees of features, which appear to be a relatively verisimilitude in prehistoric and historic late development in the ethnological Pueblo mural art and in rock art. In record of historic sites. Rays or some many cases, the identification of the sort of radiating exterior decoration animal remains uncertain or vague (see occur at Picuris, in the Jeddito area, and Smith 1952b:200–212). Although bears at Pottery Mound but are absent at other are not reported in prehistoric murals, a prehistoric sites. Among the prehistoric badger may be depicted at Kawaika-a sites, paired disks presumably (Smith 1952b:207, 209, figure 62a). representing celestial bodies occur only Badgers as well as bears are depicted in at Picuris and Pueblo del Encierro. In historic Zuni ceremonial art, where they the historic murals, exterior are among the prey animals of the six embellishment is usually present, but it directions. Both may be seen in the was noted that the paired, V-shaped mural from the ceremonial room of the feathers that identify the moon at Jemez Sword Swallower society (Stevenson appear in Hopi representations of the 1904:445, plate 108). In the ceremonial sun. Despite this caveat, it is likely that room of the Cimex society, a bear is the pronged disks from Picuris do represented on the bar above the altar, represent celestial bodies, perhaps the and bears of the four regions are depicted in a dry painting on the floor 180 before the altar (Stevenson 1904:550, the north rainbow in Kiva sub-A that plate 126). At Hopi, the bear is among was mentioned earlier is unexplained, as the four predatory animals associated is a gray diamond with the central blue with the directions. It is pictured on the disk directly above the subsidiary wall of the ceremonial room of the ventilator shaft (Figure 9.6). Their Warrior society at Walpi (Fewkes placement in the most important area of 1902:plate 22; Fewkes 1924:figure 2; the kiva, however, suggests that they had Stephen 1969:figure 64b [orig. 1936]), special significance for the muralists. although the animal identified as a bear The unidentified images from Kiva C are in Stephen’s sketch would be difficult to located on the southeast wall, just left of recognize as such without the caption. the easternmost terraced pyramids. The Both a bear and a badger are identified group, all painted black, consists of two by Parsons (1932:plate 17) in the sketch cone-shaped objects with slightly of the Laguna Fathers ceremonial room rounded tips, one of them more at Isleta. In this drawing, as Smith elongated than the other, and next to (1952b:209, n. 367) observes, the badger them something that looks like the is “a very indeterminate likeness.” A upper-right quadrant of a circle (Figure similar animal appears in an analogous 9.9). In the absence of any visual or position in the painting reproduced by ethnographic clues as to what they might Goldfrank (1962:painting 63). In this represent, they remain an enigma. painting, the bear stands erect, resting One unidentified image from against the right side of the rainbow, and Kiva A is a fragment from the final a bear skin hangs from a central post, layer; it consists of a series of vertical suggesting an especially strong ritual bands painted white, red, yellow, blue- association with the bear in that room. green, and gray (Figure 9.7). The The Picuris quadruped, with its absence of terracing in either the outline short tail and relatively long legs, might or the interior suggests that this is not the well represent a bear rather than a base of a terraced pyramid, although this badger. Dick and Wolfman (chapter 5 of remains a possibility. If indeed the this volume) mention that bear claws and fragment is part of a different image, it, bear phalanges and toe bones were found together with the geometric forms of on the floor of Kiva D and that crude, Kiva sub-A, the “suns” from Kiva B, unfired clay figurines identified by the and the curious black shapes from Kiva Picuries as bears were found with a C constitute the only deviations from the ceremonial vessel in the subfloor cache virtually uniform imagery—terraced in Kiva A. Parsons (1939b:189-190) pyramids, lightning bolts, standing notes that the bear is the particular profiled birds, flying swallow-like birds, patron of the curing societies of the rainbows, and corn plants—preserved in eastern pueblos and Zuni, and that the the Picuris kivas. badger is the curer animal of the Hopi. Ceremonial Significance of the Picuris Murals Unidentified Geometric Forms The quintessential Picuris icon is the Apparently complete images that could multicolored terraced pyramid with a not be identified are found in Kivas sub- bird standing on its top and lightning A and C. The oblong area of gray emanating from it or beside it. This behind the head of the bird standing over 181 image does not appear in its entirety are bound together.” For example, elsewhere in prehistoric art, but similar, terraced pyramids might also represent if stylistically different, imagery does mountains, which may be shrouded with occur fairly frequently in historic Zuni clouds during thunderstorms. slat altars and Hopi kiva murals. In I have suggested that the birds unpublished notes, Dick and Wolfman perched on top of the clouds at Picuris note that terraced pyramids were and Hopi seem to represent something interpreted by the Picuries as clouds. analogous to the Zuni concept of birds of Terraced pyramids are said to represent various species as spokesmen of the cumulous clouds at Zuni (Stevenson lightning makers and as rain-bringing 1904:245), and Stephen (1969:figure birds of the six directions. Lists of birds 146 [orig.1936]) describes the paired whose feathers or skins are ritually terraced pyramids of a mural from the associated with the directions vary Middle Kiva at Walpi as “cloud altars.” somewhat among pueblos and among The more usual form of representing the reports of ethnographers (see Tyler clouds at Hopi is a pyramidal mass of 1991:table 2) 6. The plumage of most of multicolored semicircles. These, like the these birds matches that of the colors multicolored pyramids of Picuris, emit associated with specific directions lightning. Below them a fringe of among the western pueblos. Among the vertical black lines represents falling birds listed are long-tailed (yellow- rain, a detail that is similar in concept to breasted) chat, oriole, western tanager, the dotted areas below the largest flycatchers, and warblers for yellow terraced pyramids at Kuaua but that is plumage; various blue jays or bluebirds entirely absent at Picuris. Many of the for blue; macaw, cardinal, red-shafted Hopi clouds have birds perched at the flicker, or robin for red; spurred (rufous- top, and, as noted earlier, these seem to sided) towhee or magpie for white; vary in shape and color. At least one of purple martin, hepatic tanager, painted them is identified by Stephen bunting, and lark bunting for all colors; (1969:figure 146 [orig. 1936]) as a and crow or blackbird for black. With snipe—a wading bird that has a long, the exception of the macaw for red in slender bill, that frequents marshy areas several pueblos, the birds are of songbird and pools, and that is an important water size and shape. Many are identifiable in symbol at Hopi. Its Hopi name, Patsro, other prehistoric and historic murals, and literally translated means “water bird” they are among the bird species (Tyler 1991:123). There seems to be recognized at the various pueblos. little doubt that to modern Pueblos, Perhaps some of them are represented at terraced pyramids or heaped semicircles Picuris. It should be noted, however, represent the summer thunderheads that that according to Parsons (1939b:957), bring much-needed rain to the crops, color-direction symbolism “appears to whatever else these images may also be slight or non-existent” in the symbolize. Young (1988:105–106) northeastern pueblos, and that for Isleta observed of symbolic associations at and Taos, there are five directions rather Zuni: “ritual symbols…are frequently than six. multivalent or multireferential, standing At least 10 birds, all differing in both for themselves and something else color and silhouette, are depicted in the at the same time, yet all of the meanings Kiva C mural—8 of them atop the

182 pyramids, 1 atop a corn plant, and 1 The icon of terraced pyramids over a inside a rainbow. In Kiva B, at least 4 baseline even without the birds thus birds are depicted, 3 atop pyramids and 1 seems to have ritual significance of atop a corn plant. The panel recovered considerable time depth at Picuris. from Kiva sub-A includes 5 complete Similar vessels, though apparently birds, 2 flying, 2 perched on rainbows, 1 lacking that particular decoration, were atop a pyramid, and an amorphous shape being used as sacred water containers in and a fragment presumed to represent eastern Pueblo ceremonies into the 20th birds atop two more pyramids. At least century and presumably still are. one bird atop a pyramid appears in Kiva Other consistent imagery in the D. Regardless of the form of directional Picuris murals includes rainbows and symbolism at Picuris, it seems likely that corn plants, with birds perched on some the birds are in some way associated corn plants. Rainbows in association with the bringing of rain. with corn plants were also depicted in Although the bird-atop-a- modern murals from Cochiti and Isleta. terraced-pyramid icon is not recorded in These images suggest the rain-bringing early ancestral Pueblo mural art, a summer thunderstorms that ensure the pictograph with the same elements over success of the corn crop. a continuous baseline was noted in the Metaphorically, an abundant harvest of upper Gila River region in Mogollon the basic subsistence food refers as well territory. Because of stylistic to the increase and general well-being of differences, it appears that the similar the people. icons may reflect similar ideologies The “suns,” or possibly the sun rather than direct contact between the and the moon, of Kiva D may reflect the two areas. The presence of a baseline in relative importance of the moon in the the pictograph suggests that the motif northeastern pueblos. “Sun,” as Parsons may have been derived from pottery (1939b:962–963) notes, “is everywhere decoration. Similar dadoes, or of paramount importance, but continuous baselines, are used in the Moon…has more distinction in the terraced-pyramid and terraced-triangle pantheon of the Northeast than in that of decoration of miniature canteens, known the West. Moon changes sex, and Moon as medicine jars, of unknown date that Old Man (Taos, Isleta, Jemez, Tewa) is were found in caches at Picuris and more of a personage than Moon in the Pecos. Sets of vessels of this type have role of Sun’s younger sister (Zuni).” been found at other ancestral Pueblo The sun was represented by a single sites and were apparently still in use at image in the prehistoric murals of Jemez and elsewhere in the early 20th Awatovi, Kawaika’a, Pottery Mound, century. Parsons (1925:121) refers to and Kuaua, but paired disks appear at “ritual miniature canteens” used to fetch Pueblo del Encierro as well as at Picuris. water from “ceremonial springs to pour Paired disks representing the sun and the into the medicine bowl or onto the field moon appear also in the historic of a society chief.” She reports that she ceremonial art of Jemez, Zuni, and brought one back from Cochiti to Jemez Acoma, but not of Hopi. and was told by her Jemez consultants The only quadruped in the that “such old wabobo‘ (cloud, canteen) Picuris murals is Kiva C animal were used on altars” (Parsons 1925:121). identified as a badger, which is perhaps

183 more likely a bear. Parsons (1939b:189) rigidly observed in the murals of Picuris notes that the bear is the particular and is found to a lesser extent in the patron of curing societies in several of Jeddito area. In contrast, the prehistoric the eastern pueblos as well as at Zuni, murals in other Eastern Pueblo sites but she does not include the Tiwa- exhibit a preference for mirror symmetry speaking pueblos in her list. She notes, around a central focus. This tendency however, that bear paws lie on the altars apparently increased through time, and of these societies, where they are drawn mirror symmetry replaces the dado as on by the doctors or shamans, who are the organizing principle of the called bears. The presence of bear composition in most historic murals. claws, phalanges, and toe bones in Kiva The fragmentary remains of the later D suggests a similar practice in that kiva. Picuris kivas (A and D), however, offer Clay figurines identified by Picuris no evidence of the use of mirror Indians as bears were found in a subfloor symmetry. cache in Kiva A, suggesting an The terraced pyramids of Picuris association with bears there as well. It is are strikingly different from renderings possible that the depiction of a bear (if it of similar forms elsewhere in prehistoric is a bear) in Kiva C is related to the and historic mural art in the Southwest observances of a curing society. The and, to my knowledge, in any of the badger is also associated with curing other arts as well. The asymmetry of the societies, particularly at Hopi. outlines, as noted, can be found in some of the Picuris miniature canteens, but the The Place of Picuris in the History of multicolored rectangles of the interior Southwestern Mural Art decoration seem to be unique. In the The imagery portrayed in the murals of arts, the only source of inspiration that Picuris is always markedly different in comes readily to mind is basketry or style from that found in other prehistoric textile weaving, but asymmetrical and historic Pueblo murals, and it seems pyramidal forms do not appear to have to have developed independently. been a common design element in Among the typical ancestral Pueblo prehistoric basketry or textiles that have stylistic features that can be found in been preserved (e.g., Tanner 1976). some form at Picuris are the use of a The conservative Picuris dado, outlining of color areas, and iconography is already expressed in the symmetry in the form of serial mural from Kiva sub-A, but the painting repetition. Conspicuously absent at differs stylistically from those of the Picuris, except in Kiva sub-A, is the other kivas. These differences, which conventionalized depiction of profile are most marked in the treatment of the birds with an upraised wing, a motif that two birds over the rainbows, offer some occurs at all the other prehistoric sites insights into the chronology of the where birds are portrayed. The outlining Picuris kivas as well as into the of color areas, a characteristic of the influences that contributed to the paintings at other prehistoric sites, is development of ancestral pueblo mural used only selectively at Picuris, mostly art after A.D. 1300. According to Dick to outline the pyramids. Serial repetition and Wolfman (chapter 5 of this volume), of design elements, which is typical of the pottery recovered from the fill of ancestral Pueblo pottery decoration, is Kiva sub-A indicates that it was filled in

184 the 14th or 15th century, although other The greater naturalism of the evidence suggests it might have been silhouettes of these two birds, and the built near the beginning of the more life-like pose of the little green occupation of the area around A.D. bird with two upraised wings, exemplify 1250, and Kiva B is thought to have a generalized trend in the Pueblo world been built in the mid-14th century and away from decoration based on filled about 100 years later. Although geometric motifs and toward pictorial the kivas may have been built as early as depictions. This trend began in the late Dick and Wolfman suggest, the murals 1200s and is seen in the tinkering with appear on stylistic grounds to be later. I geometric forms in the "bird perch" would suggest that the painting in Kiva motif and the Fourmile pottery sub-A was made around A.D. 1400 and decoration of the 1300s. By the early that in Kiva B sometime later, perhaps 15th century, life forms are more not long before it was filled. The realistically portrayed, although certain majority of ancestral Pueblo kiva conventionalized motifs remain. At paintings dating prior to the 1350s Picuris, birds with upraised wings and consist of geometric motifs similar to highly stylized bird with lighter bands those found in contemporary textile and around their lower bodies disappear after pottery decoration or portray crude Kiva A, despite their persistence animal figures like those found in rock elsewhere. Geometric forms, art (Crotty 1995:43-44). The earliest of nevertheless, are never entirely the Awatovi murals are believed to date abandoned in Pueblo art, as we see in the around A.D. 1350 (Smith 1952):317- various types of terraced pyramids that 318), and they exhibit many features of apparently symbolize clouds at Picuris the Fourmile Polychrome style (A.D. and elsewhere, both in prehistoric and 1325-1400), including life forms created historic kivas. The Picuris terraced by adapting geometric shapes—as in the pyramids are unique in their asymmetry, use of a stepped triangle to represent an their colorful decoration, and their upraised wing—and two-eyed profiles. longevity; yet there are subtle changes Depiction of two-eyed profile animals through time. The increasing asymmetry continues in the murals of the of outline and complexity of interior intermediate occupation of Awatovi until elaboration in Kivas B and C may reflect fairly late in the 15th century (Crotty a preference for asymmetrical decoration 1995:133-134). As noted previously, the that spread throughout the Pueblo world upraised stepped triangle wings of both between the 14th and 17th centuries, birds and the two-eyed profile of the bird particularly in the widely-traded Sikyatki over the north rainbow in Kiva sub-A wares produced by Jeddito and Hopi show that the muralists were aware of potters. The fragmentary remains of the Fourmile style. The combination of pyramids from Kivas D and A appear stylistic conventions evident on the bird simple and more symmetrical, as might above the south rainbow demonstrates be expected of later Pueblo art. an acquaintance with other Despite their rejection of developments in ancestral Pueblo pottery conventions that were popular decoration and mural art, some of which elsewhere, the Picuris muralists were not become evident elsewhere only after oblivious to changes in artistic traditions. A.D. 1400. The addition of the "suns" to the

185 iconography of Kiva D may indicate an Anthropomorphic figures are absent in increasing interest in representation of the all of the kivas at Picuris. Although heavenly bodies that is apparent in many mural art in the Pueblo IV period has historic kiva paintings, possibly often been associated with the purported reflecting new emphases in the introduction of Katsina ceremonialism underlying ideology. from Mexico into the ancestral Pueblo Unfortunately, little remains of world after A.D. 1300 (Crotty 1995:5– the paintings of Kiva A, which was 6), masked Katsina dancing, so far as is presumably occupied sometime before known, was never a part of ceremonial the mid-19th century. The last of the observances at Picuris (Parsons early historic murals for which we have 1939b:958). The Picuris paintings, then, visual evidence are Kuaua, dating to the would seem to be evidence that mural art early 1600s, Awatovi, with murals from developed independently of masked about 1630, Las Humanas murals dating Katsina ritual, at least at that pueblo. to 1672, and early 19th-century murals And though the mural art of Picuris has from Jemez. Kiva A is thus the only little in common with ancestral Pueblo kiva occupied during the eighteenth or mural art or with Mogollon examples of early nineteenth century for which we similar iconography, it does seem to have any drawings (Figure 9.7). All that express the summer rain prayers that are can be told from the remaining a major part of the Katsina rituals of fragments is that rainbows and terraced modern Pueblos. pyramids were definitely part of the Although its constituent motifs iconography, and probably lightning as can be found in other prehistoric murals, well. The fragment of vertical bars is the Picuris bird-on-terraced-pyramid apparently a new element for which icon is not seen elsewhere until historic there is no counterpart in prehistoric or times, where it is found in the western historic mural art. pueblos. Rainbows serving as the focus The 14th- and early 15th-century of the mural composition are also absent murals of Awatovi, Kawaika’a, and in ancestral Pueblo arts but are reported Pottery Mound contain a few simple in historic Rio Grande murals. Thus the monochrome terraced pyramids, but basic iconography of the Picuris murals, emphasize mountain lions, shields, and dating back to the 1400s, was eventually warriors, suggesting a strong adopted by modern Pueblos both in the preoccupation with warfare (Crotty west and in the east. We cannot be 1995:143–153). No such emphasis on certain whether this was the result of the warfare theme is visible in the relatively recent direct borrowing or was Picuris murals. Masked Katsina dancers the expression of similar religious are portrayed in the early 15th-century concepts. It is clear that the Picuris murals of Awatovi and Pottery Mound iconography reflects deeply held and in the 16th- and 17th-century religious concepts that were, and still paintings of Kuaua and Las Humanas. are, widespread in the Pueblo world.7

186 Endnotes 7 I am deeply grateful to Deborah Kelley for her cheerful, untiring, and undercompensated translation of field 1 The author worked from field notes drawings of the murals into color-coded and drawings in completing this chapter, illustrations for this chapter, a job that but did not personally observe the constantly expanded as the decision was murals prior to the backfilling of the made to include all the drawings. kivas. Thanks too go to Mike Adler for his 2 Although kiva mural art may have patience and for his diligence in declined in the postcontact period, searching for drawings, notes, and ambitious mural projects in other spaces photographs of the paintings. As ever, I have been successfully executed by 20th- am grateful for the assistance of Laura century Pueblo artists. Alex Seotewa’s Holt, librarian extraordinaire of the ongoing decoration of the restored Museum of New Mexico Laboratory of mission church of Our Lady of Anthropology, who is always ready to Guadalupe at Zuni is but one example. go the extra mile in supplying references 3 The decoration of the miniature and suggesting sources. My thanks also Biscuit-ware canteen with the terraced go to Louise Stiver of the Museum of pyramid design from Pecos also includes New Mexico Laboratory of horned serpents, a stylized butterfly, and Anthropology Collections staff, and to lizardlike figures (Kidder 1936: figures Marian Rodee, of the Maxwell Museum 242b, 246b). of Anthropology, University of New 4 Examination of a copy photo (Negative Mexico, for facilitating access to the #V-869, Seaver center for Western collections of ancestral Pueblo ceramics Research, Natural History Museum of in their respective institutions. I also Los Angeles County) shows details not appreciate the helpfulness of John M. entirely visible in the published Cahoon, Collections Manager, Seaver illustrations Center for Western Research, Natural 5 Bird identifications in this and other History Museum of Los Angeles sections are based on Peterson (1961). County, in answering my questions and 6 Tyler (1991) cites Dorsey and Voth providing a copy of the Vroman (1901), Stephen (1969 [orig. 1936]), photograph of the ceremonial room of Stevenson (1894, 1915), Voth (1901), the Macaw clan at Zuni. Finally, I want and White (1962), as his sources to acknowledge the steadfast support and encouragement of my husband, Jay Crotty.

187

Chapter Ten : Picuris’ Place in the Pueblo World

Michael A. Adler

A consistent theme throughout this volume has been the place of Picuris Pueblo in the Why Excavate Picuris? Herbert Dick's prehistoric and historic Pueblo world. Given Archaeological Research Justifications the diversity in the archaeology and and Goals ethnology of the Pueblo world, it is probably During the five years of excavation at Picuris more accurate to state that there have been, in the first half of the 1960s, the primary and still are, many Pueblo worlds. Similarly, aims of the research reflected the changing Picuris Pueblo has taken many forms times in the field of archaeology. The 1960s throughout it long occupation. At a basic were alive with vocal debate over the level, Picuris has always been a pueblo, a methods, aims, and theories that guided community defined by its massed archaeological research in the Americas. architecture, ceramic traditions, agricultural Members of the “old guard,” often subsistence base, and worldview. characterized as trait-list compilers and Simultaneously, Picuris and its sister cultural chronologists, were under fire from settlements in the Taos area have been younger scholars including Walter Taylor, geographically isolated and, in many Lewis Binford, and Stuart Struever, who, as respects, culturally unique compared with the the vanguard of the “New Archaeology,” saw rest of the Pueblo world(s). the traditional approaches to prehistory as This chapter reviews and discusses static and nonexplanatory. Their focus on the unique aspects of Picuris prehistory but deductive reasoning, hypothesis testing, and also highlights the significant similarities scientific explanation sought to make between Picuris and other southwestern archaeology into a discipline that could regional occupations. In the end, Picuris fits explain the processes of culture change and the mold of most archaeological sites in the diversity rather than simply describe the world in that it exhibits the simultaneous material signatures of that change. presence of both shared and unique Herbert Dick was familiar with both characteristics on the local and regional these worlds. Trained at Harvard by J. O. levels. In fact, the very definition of an Brew, Halam Movius, and Ernest Hooten, he archaeological “culture” depends on how completed a relatively “traditional” culture- archaeologists variously lump together the historical program of study. At the same similarities and how they pigeonhole the time, Dick was also acquainted with Walter differences exhibited by classes of material Taylor, a fellow Harvard student who culture. Over the past millennium, the completed his doctorate several years after people of Picuris have been part of, as well Dick received his doctorate. Taylor was an as apart from, the larger Pueblo world. outspoken critic of the culture-historical Archaeology provides unique windows approach to prehistory, and he summarized through which we can better appreciate this the shortcomings of the discipline in the lengthy occupation on the northeastern fringe published form of his doctoral dissertation of the Pueblo world. (1983 [original, 1948]). Dick’s own doctoral research had a significant impact on the ideas

189 regarding the antiquity of maize in North by associating various artifact types and America. His excavations at Bat Cave (Dick styles to known descendant populations (with 1965a) established very early dates for the distinctive languages) spread throughout the advent of agriculture in the Southwest, region. Like others who had worked on this allowing significant revisions to theories of problem (Mera 1935, Hawley 1937b, Reed agricultural origins (Haury 1962).1 Dick’s 1949, Hawley 1950, Wendorf 1953 and training included a mastery of material 1954, Wendorf and Reed 1955), Dick analysis and chronology building, both believed the key to this puzzle lay in our hallmarks of “traditional” archaeology, as ability to follow architectural and pottery well as an appreciation of explanatory styles from the historic Pueblos back to approaches using hypothesis-testing and ancestral Pueblo groups spread across the statistical quantification. northern Southwest. Each style cluster was In keeping with the hybrid nature of his thought to represent an archaeological Pueblo academic background, Dick brought a “culture” traceable through time and space. multidisciplinary approach to his study of Language was simply an additional but Picuris Pueblo. Just as Gordon Willey and archaeologically unrecoverable trait his colleagues had done in the famed Virú associated with these definable clusters of Valley project (Willey 1953, 1974), Dick material culture. In a related fashion, the assembled a group of scholars to tackle a religious beliefs, social structures, and wide range of research topics.2 These political organizations of these same groups included Donald Brown (Picuris ethnology), could also be traced back in time through the Lyndon Hargrave (avian remains), Thomas same archaeological linkages outlined above. Harlan (dendrochronology), Arthur Harris Second, Dick proposed to refine the (nonavian faunal remains), John Krenetsky culture-historical framework, both (ethnobotany and plant use), James chronologically and areally, for the late Schoenwetter (palynology), Albert Schroeder prehistoric and historic occupation of (history of Picuris), George Trager northern New Mexico. Culture history had (linguistics), and Richard and Nathalie been the primary focus of American Woodbury (prehistoric agriculture). Dick not archaeology for the first half of the 20th only directed excavations but also was in century. Despite the “new archaeologists” charge of the ceramic analysis. Daniel and their criticism that culture-historical Wolfman and Curtis Schaafsma worked as archaeology provided a static, stage-based field supervisors during excavations and as perspective on prehistoric cultural dynamics, lab supervisors during the winter, with Dick stressed the need for basic chronology Wolfman overseeing excavations between building in this part of the Southwest, 1962 and 1964, and Schaafsma supervising particularly in this portion of the northern in 1964. Marianne Wolfman directed the Southwest where so little excavation had artifact laboratory in 1962 and in 1964–5. been completed and published before 1960. In his initial National Science In the grant, Dick requested support to link Foundation grant proposal, Herbert Dick the chronological data recovered from tree outlined several major research questions that rings, archaeomagnetic dating, and C14 dating he hoped to answer through extensive to the large sample of ceramic types and excavation at Picuris. First, Dick proposed architectural features that Dick expected to tackling the perennial problem of tracing encounter at Picuris, given its long population migration and the divergence of occupation (Dick 1961). linguistic groups in the northern Rio Grande

190 Third, Dick outlined the need to Archaeology and the Languages of investigate the archaeological indicators of Prehistory cultural isolation during the prehistoric and The search for the origins of the major historic periods at Picuris. Following on the Puebloan language groups was a perennial heels of Wendorf (1954) and Reed (Wendorf research topic in the Southwest throughout and Reed 1955), Dick characterized the the first half of the 20th century. When Dick, prehistory of the Taos region as having Wolfman, Schaafsma, and Wolfman (n.d.) included little contact between the local completed their “Introduction to Picuris populations and other prehistoric Puebloan Prehistory,” parts of which are included in groups to the south and west. His culture this volume (see chapter 4), they proposed a history recognized a distinctive northern Rio revision of the then-current ideas about the Grande culture that he believed to have been languages of the ancestral Pueblo groups in architecturally and artifactually unique the northern Southwest. Their goal was to beginning as early as A.D. 900–1000. trace the origins of the Keresan and Tanoan Cultural isolation resulted in the languages in the eastern Pueblo region. development of unique traits such as center As mentioned above, their assignment of basin storage, subfloor channels in kiva language affiliation was based on the direct floors, and local variations of widespread, historical approach. Ethnicity and language well-known ceramic types through time. of ancestral peoples were assigned to Dick broke from the traditional perspectives prehistoric settlements and regions based on on the area, however, in arguing that prior the identification of material trait clusters in syntheses, particularly that of Wendorf and the archaeological record that could be traced Reed (1955), required revision due to the back in time from modern material culture. lack of attention paid to the extensive Valdez Though fraught with problems, the phase population in the area during the assumption was the modern cultural second half of the Developmental period. classifications given by ethnologists and A great deal was accomplished at linguists had “ancestries” that could be traced Picuris, so much so that Dick and others took back into the prehistoric record. years to synthesize the data and write Like Reed (1949), Dick and others preliminary drafts of many manuscripts. It is believed that “influences” from the western impossible to compile and present all the Pueblo region during the late 13th and early ideas, hunches, descriptions, and conclusions 14th centuries left archaeological signatures that can be found in the manuscripts and the in the central portion of the northern Rio field notes in the Picuris files. Eminently Grande Region, particularly north of clear from the chapters in this volume, Albuquerque. Indicators of western however, are the significant strides made in influence included stone masonry, both “traditional” and “new” archaeological rectangular kivas, glaze paint pottery, vertical perspectives at Picuris. Below I elaborate on occipital cranial deformation, extended various research questions Dick proposed inhumations, and spiral-grooved stone axes. nearly 40 years ago, as well as provide more The high quality of the earliest glaze paint recently developed perspectives on the pottery in the area was taken as an indication contributions to knowledge provided by the that migrants had brought the ceramic 3 work at Picuris. technology from east-central Arizona and west-central New Mexico. Dick and his colleagues argued, however, that these major

191 traits (and by association, the western language resulted from this Tiwa-Keresan migrants) never reached the Taos region. hybrid. The Tiwa branch, of which there are Dick et al. (n.d.) agreed with Wendorf northern and southern subgroups, remained and Reed (1955:163) that starting at about isolated to the north, a linguistic remnant of A.D. 800–900 or perhaps earlier, the the basal Tanoan language family believed to inhabitants of the Rio Grande valley north of have been in the northern Rio Grande before Albuquerque were speaking a basal ancestral the Keresan incursion during the 14th Tanoan language. Soon after, a group split century. Dick and his colleagues concluded off and went west up the Jemez River valley that excavations in the Taos region, and at where they lived in relative isolation and Picuris in particular, showed no early evolved the Towa language. Dick and others western influence, arguing for an indigenous thought it possible that ancestral Towa Tiwa occupation of the region from early on speakers split off somewhat earlier (Trager's in the archaeological sequence. hunch date: A.D. 500–750) and were isolated As with all archaeolinguistic in the Gallina area (perhaps the Largo and reconstructions, a linguistic “divergence” of Governador areas as well). The Towa groups two languages is assigned an estimated date later moved down to the Jemez River valley based on the number of shared cognates and to found the Jemez pueblos, with some the rate of linguistic change applied. Trager people eventually moving to Pecos. estimated that the beginning of the Linguistic theories proposing that an pidginization that led to the Tewa language undifferentiated ancestral Tiwa-Tewa occurred between A.D. 1050–1150, earlier language was spoken along the Northern Rio than the A.D. 1350 date that archaeologists Grande valley well into the 14th century were assigned to the Keresan influx from the west. consistent with the prevailing archaeological The temporal difference of 100–200 years interpretations of the Taos area as a cultural did not bother Dick et al. (n.d.), but they did isolate. Wendorf (1954) and Reed (Wendorf take issue with Davis' (1959:76) and Reed 1955) characterized the Taos area glottochronological estimates that placed the as isolated from the rest of the northern Rio Tewa divergence even earlier. Through all Grande cultures (and languages) well into the of these archaeolinguistic interpretations, the 14th century. This perspective colored much northern Tiwa language spoken at Taos and of the subsequent interpretations of Picuris Picuris is held to be long indigenous to the prehistory. As Dick et al. (n.d.) explained, Taos area with little influence from other Rio though the Taos populations got the idea for Grande Pueblo languages except its southern received carbon paint pottery from groups in Tiwa branch. the Mesa Verde region, and large coursed- More recent research on both adobe pueblos from groups to south, these archaeolinguistics and prehistoric migrations transfers occurred without any alterations in complicates the conclusions reached by the the ancestral Tiwa-Tewa language. It was researchers at Picuris. Of primary not until after A.D. 1300 that Keresan importance is the fact that after decades of speakers migrated into the northern Rio research into population movement and Grande region from the west, a move that abandonment, archaeologists are still not able Dick and others believe upset the prevailing to follow migrant populations across the linguistic patterns. According to Trager southwestern landscape. The search for site (1967), the Keresan incursion resulted in a unit intrusions has yielded precious few such mixture, or pidginization, of the ancestral examples. It is possible to identify large- Tiwa and Keresan languages. The Tewa scale regional abandonments (for example,

192 the abandonment of the northern San Juan easternmost of the Pueblo communities drainage in about A.D. 1300) and significant during this time period. Long-term contact population increases due to immigration (on between the plains groups, Taos and Picuris the Pajarito Plateau and in the Chama is apparent in that both pueblos fled to the drainage during the early 14th century). But Cuartelejo area to live with the Jicarilla as Cordell (1995) points out, immigrants Apache during periods of Pueblo-Spanish were much more likely to have blended into conflict. Taos Pueblo occupants trekked to indigenous communities during the Cuartelejo, located in present-day west- immigration process than to have retained central Kansas, in 1640, and their neighbors materials and behaviors that would have set at Picuris used this same haven between them apart from their host population in a 1696 and 1706 to escape Spanish retribution way that would be archaeologically after a postrevolt rebellion. As Brown recognizable. If we cannot chart the (chapter 3 of this volume) explains, these movements of cultural enclaves, we certainly contacts and exchange relationships lasted cannot map the movement of languages used well into the late 19th and early 20 centuries. by these groups. The long-term contact between Picuris, Taos, A second important consideration relates Pecos, and Plains groups would have to the dynamics of culture contact and provided a different context for linguistic linguistic change. Archaeolinguistic change than the contacts, for example, reconstructions require similarities in the experienced by other Pueblo groups to the way two or more language systems will alter south and west during this same time period. in a contact situation and also require relatively constant rates of change in terms of Refining Time and Space in the Taos the addition and loss of linguistic elements Region through time and space. Language systems Taken as a whole, the archaeological are necessarily very complex and flexible. excavations at Picuris have been effective in There are no compelling reasons to believe providing the means to refine the basic time- that the linguistic change, for example, space systematics for the region, a primary during the period of low population density focus of the “traditional archaeology” of the in the Taos area during the 12th century, preceding decades. This is not to de- would have been similar to that during the emphasize the contributions that the period of population movement, excavations and analyses have made, and immigration, and aggregation in the same will make, to our understanding of area during the 14th century. prehistoric social organization, community Finally, the dynamic situations within structure, or religious systems through time which cultural interaction between different at Picuris. However, the basic descriptions language-using groups occurred also changed of ceramic types from chronostratigraphic through time. Increasing interaction between contexts remain a primary legacy of the Rio Grande Pueblo people and groups from Picuris excavations. the southern plains began largely during the As described in chapter 4, tree-ring and 14th century, increasing in scope and stratigraphic data from Picuris, Pot Creek intensity throughout the protohistoric and Pueblo, and other local sites, tied into the historic periods. These contacts probably presence of well-dated extralocal ceramic had a marked effect on exchange types at these sites, have allowed Dick and relationships at Picuris and Taos, which, others to refine chronological positions of along with Pecos Pueblo, were the both new and established ceramic types in

193 the northern Southwest. Picuris plays the the major adobe surface architectural blocks central role, though, in that its very long on the site (Wetherington 1968). occupation span allowed literally dozens of The main room complexes at Pot Creek various ceramic types to be deposited in deep Pueblo were composed of single- and stratigraphic contexts. In addition to the multiple-story structures, with much identification of over 40 ceramic types at shallower central basins compared with those Picuris, Dick defined several new types of constructed at Picuris after the middle of the decorated and undecorated ceramic wares. 14th century (see chapter 4 of this volume). Of particular import for the Taos area are his Despite the extensive excavations at Pot descriptions of the late prehistoric white Creek Pueblo, however, a great deal of wares (Vadito and Trampas Black-on-white) ambiguity remains regarding the standard and the micaceous wares (Vadito and developmental scheme proposed for Taos- Peñasco Micaceous) that, by the historic area settlement layout during the 13th period, had become the primary ware type century. The current cultural chronologies made and utilized at both Taos and Picuris depict settlement change in three “stages.” Pueblos. The early reliance on pit structures ended in The absolute dating of the extensive about A.D. 1200 with the move to small unit excavated contexts at Picuris was less pueblos. The local system of small, successful largely due to the moderate-to- dispersed pueblos was replaced with the poor preservation of wood timbers at the site construction of a few, large aggregated (see the appendix A). In nearly all the cases, pueblos by the end of the 13th century however, the tree-ring dates substantiate the (Crown 1991; Herold 1968; Woosley 1986). ceramic phase-based dating of stratigraphic Recent and ongoing work by Boyer et al. and architectural contexts at Picuris. The (1994) indicates the simultaneous earliest Valdez phase occupation at Picuris construction of pit structures, small pueblos, remains somewhat ambiguous in terms of and even large aggregations of pit structures absolute dates, but the presence of a single during the 12th and 13th centuries. That a early pit structure and of large amounts of highly diverse mix of architectural features Taos Black-on-white ceramics testifies to the and settlement patterns existed in the Taos significant occupation of the site before the area before, and even during, large-scale 13th century. village aggregation should be of little The investigation of architectural surprise. The contemporaneous occupation contexts dating between the mid-13th to mid- of large and small settlements composed of a 14th centuries at Picuris has also proven to range of architectural styles has been substantiate contexts found so far at Pot reported in other parts of the Southwest Creek Pueblo, the only other large, roughly during this same time span (Adler 1996). contemporaneous village excavated to date in It is the late prehistoric and historic the Taos region. Extensive excavations at contexts (A.D. 1440–1850) that make the Pot Creek Pueblo have placed the occupation Picuris excavations truly exceptional. Nearly of the village between A.D. 1260 and 1320 thirty-five years after excavations ceased at (Crown 1991; Adler 1993b, 1995a; Picuris, this remains the only project in the Wetherington 1968). As at Picuris, Pot Taos region that intensively investigated Creek Pueblo has only limited evidence of a archaeological contexts dating between the Valdez phase occupation, with two excavated mid-14th and the mid-19th centuries. These examples of early pit structures underlying five centuries were a time of massive change at Picuris and in the rest of the Southwest

194 (see chapter 3 of this volume; Schroeder on the excavated architecture, these two sites 1974). Excavations at the East and West Big show increases in the size of residential Houses of Picuris document the period architectural clusters through time. This is during which the settlement reached its no surprise given that relatively permanent architectural and population maximum just architecture is accretional through time. before and immediately following European More significant, though, is that the scale of contact in the 16th century. Early Spanish architectural additions does increase through accounts mention as many as 2,000–3,000 time. people living at or near Picuris (Schroeder Kulisheck, Adler and Hufnagle 1974). Given the extent of the architecture, it (1994) documented changes in the size of is possible that as many as 600–1,000 rooms residential units in the Taos area occupied may have been constructed in the three major between A.D. 1250 and 1550. Based on room-blocks. This estimate includes Crown and Kohler’s (1994) use of approximately 350–400 ground-floor rooms, architectural details from Pot Creek Pueblo, 250–350 second-story rooms, and 50–250 Kulisheck and others argued that residential rooms of three or more stories. Reports from units can be discerned from patterns of wall Casteñeda mention as many as nine stories in bonds and abutments. The assumption is that the largest of the Picuris room-blocks, but it if a group of people built an architectural unit is more likely that the highest structures in a single construction event, that unit was reached only five or six stories. The lower probably utilized by that group as a number of stories is based largely on the functioning unit. Increases in both the maximal size of the adobe structure at number of rooms per suite and the average modern-day Taos Pueblo. size of individual rooms are documented at Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown and Kohler 1994; Village Formation and Aggregation in the Kulisheck, Adler, and Hufnagle 1994). One Taos Region explanation for these increases is that the Of all the changes experienced by the formation of more and larger extended northern Rio Grande ancestral Pueblo people, families at the settlement through time population aggregation had the largest impact required more rooms in each room suite. on today's archaeological record. The The issue of chronological control is transition from small, dispersed pithouses much more problematic at Picuris than at Pot and unit pueblos to large, aggregated villages Creek due to the fewer number of is visible at a number of sites in the Taos dendrochronological dates at Picuris, so area. Any attempt to explain the potential comparisons of residential unit size and range of reasons for population aggregation configuration can be only generally made. in the Taos area would necessarily fill several Dick and his colleagues were able to assign chapters; thus this is a task that must await a most of the construction at Picuris to the future volume. However, it is possible to various temporal phases they defined, but it take a portion of this inquiry and argue that is not possible to determine decadal from a pan-Pueblo perspective, the results of construction episodes. The majority of population aggregation in the Taos area were construction activity at Picuris appears to not unique. Three primary examples of post- have taken place in the Vadito phase, after 1250 aggregated villages exist: Pot Creek A.D. 1375, when the East and West Big Pueblo, Cornfield Taos, and Picuris Pueblo. Houses and the North House were Architectural data exist for only two of the constructed. As at Pot Creek, the size of three: Picuris and Pot Creek Pueblos. Based residential units at Picuris can be explored by

195 examining the bonding and abutting was noted at Picuris, but in many cases the relationships of walls within the room- excavations were not sufficiently fine- blocks. grained to record the presence of upper-story Like the construction at Pot Creek features in the fill of the ground-floor rooms. Pueblo during the Talpa phase, architectural The historic reports describing the pueblo as growth at Picuris during the Vadito phase having been built five or more stories high included large residential units with later means that many of the single-room suites rooms added on in an accretional fashion. reported here probably had two to three Long contiguous walls in both the East and rooms stacked on top. This being the case, the West Big Houses indicate the the number of multiroom room-suites would construction of blocks of ground-floor increase substantially were the evidence for rooms, often several at a time. Following the the number of stories available. initial construction of these core areas, The scale of the increase in the size of additional rooms were added at the margins. the largest residential units at Picuris is The North House, however, exhibits fewer important, though, suggesting that future areas of large-scale construction, with only research should assess just what sorts of one-, two-, and three-room units constructed group(s) were constructing these large, at any one time. Dick assigned most of this single-event architectural features. The structure to the Santa Fe and Talpa phases. comparison of Pot Creek Pueblo and Picuris Based on the total number of rooms Pueblo shows that large, aggregated at Picuris, room suites average 2.3 rooms per settlements remained in a single location for suite when all architectural features are longer periods of time after the mid-14th included. Even when each of the room- century. Though tucked away in the farthest blocks is considered as a separate sample, the reaches of the northeastern margin of the number of ground-floor rooms in each room ancestral Pueblo world, the Taos-region suite still averages about 2 rooms. populations were not isolated from the major Even though larger room-blocks were changes taking place across this realm in the constructed as single contiguous units during late prehistoric and historic periods. The the later prehistoric occupation at Picuris, the Taos-area populations were very much average room-suite size based on ground- involved in regional change, including the floor rooms at Picuris does not exceed the movement into large-population aggregates, sizes proposed by Crown and Kohler for the the creation of architectural spaces for the earlier occupation at Pot Creek Pueblo. In integration and differentiation of community fact, the Picuris average (2.3 rooms per suite) members, and the variation in the size and falls below Crown and Kohler’s (1994) composition of the residential units average for room-suite size for the latest composing these large communities. Next I occupation of Pot Creek Pueblo in the early will look at a variety of evidence to assess 1300s. Due to the large number of single the degree of isolation experienced by the rooms added on to the large room-blocks at local inhabitants through time. Picuris, the median residential unit size at Picuris is still 2 rooms, whereas at Pot Creek Picuris and Regional Interaction: Pueblo it is 3 rooms. Indicators of Isolation and Integration We must approach these results with The question of how local populations a measure of caution, however, since these became and remained isolated from outside figures come from ground-floor room plans. influences, trade, and interaction formed the The presence of multiple-story architecture focus for much of the research at Picuris.

196 The isolationist perspective had a long dearth of glaze wares requires explanation. history in the interpretations of Taos This is perhaps even more curious given the prehistory (Mera 1935; Jeançon 1929). At great extent of the Salado Polychrome Picuris, Dick relied primarily on architectural ceramic tradition during this same time and ceramic data to determine the period. As summarized by Crown (1994), settlement’s degree of interaction with the Salado ceramic style was the most groups outside the Taos area. widespread decorative tradition in the Dick and his colleagues concluded that Southwest. The lack of this ceramic tradition before about A.D. 1300, Taos-area at Picuris does tend to argue for an insular populations were full-fledged participants in ceramic tradition in the Taos area during the the culture pattern of the region. Picuris 14th and 15th centuries. ceramic assemblages dating to this time The evidence for regional isolation is period show both stylistic and compositional not consistent, however, with nonceramic links to nonlocal sources, including what artifactual evidence from dated contexts at Dick proposed were large numbers of tuff- Picuris. A substantial amount of flaked lithic tempered Kwahe’e and Santa Fe sherds from material was recovered and analyzed in vessels he believed to have been made in the association with the excavations at Picuris. Santa Fe area about A.D. 1150–1250. The Various local and nonlocal lithic debitage presence of pit-structure domestic and tools were assigned to the various architecture lends proof to the existence of temporal periods, based on the associated regional contacts, since similar (though ceramic assemblages and, in rare cases, on earlier) structures are found throughout the tree-ring dates. The two most easily northern Rio Grande region. identified nonlocal lithic types are chert and After A.D. 1300, however, the obsidian, the former attributed to the sources inhabitants of Picuris and other formative at Pedernal Mountain and the latter sourced villages in the Taos area ceased contact with to one of the major obsidian flows in the the rest of the region while the central and, to Jemez, Mount Taylor, or Pajarito area. some extent, the southern portions of the Wolfman4 tabulated large increases in the region accepted traits from the west and amounts of both Pedernal chert and nonlocal evolved a new culture pattern (Dick et al., obsidian for the same time period during n.d.). The primary basis for this perspective which Picuris was supposed to be the most was the perceived decrease in the amount of isolated from contact with the rest of the Rio nonlocal ceramics at Picuris between A.D. Grande region. Had the primary focus of 1300 and 1500. Dick expected the number analysis been on lithic sources and exchange, of Glaze A, B, and C sherds to increase it is likely that Picuris would have been throughout these two centuries due to the interpreted as an exchange center or hub of popularity of these styles to the south during regional interaction during the 14th and 15th this same time period. Few glaze-ware centuries rather than as a settlement isolated sherds were recovered and the Black-on- on the northeastern fringes of the Pueblo white wares (Vadito and Trampas Black-on- world. white) continued to be made through time, The lithic and ceramic data are not indicating a measure of regional isolation. necessarily contradictory. To argue this Given the ubiquity of the glaze-ware would require one to assume that all types in the Santa Fe area and south, as well materials, artifacts, and technologies were as in the regions between the Rio Grande and equally susceptible to being exchanged the Little Colorado area in Arizona, the through time and space. There is no reason

197 that the factors influencing the geographical phases. A decline in population was scope and intensity of ceramic exchange proposed during the Talpa and San Lazaro must be homologous to the means through phases. Though not substantiated through which lithic resources were exchanged. In artifactual changes, ethnohistoric accounts fact, we have good evidence that regional (Schroeder 1966) recorded the abandonment systems of interaction, migration, and of the pueblo for a short period in the exchange changed dramatically across the Cuartelejo phase and a subsequent Southwest during this same time period. One reoccupation during the Tewa phase. A need only look at the increased evidence for relatively small population continued to exchange between the southern plains and occupy the pueblo from the Tewa phase until the Rio Grande Pueblo groups during this the present. time, or the spread of Salado Polychrome The Santa Fe phase (A.D. 1225–1300) styles, to appreciate these changes. was characterized by rapid growth in pueblo At the most basic level, it is difficult to size, with occupation in Areas IX and VI. argue for the isolation of the Taos-area According to Dick, this was the greatest populations through time. The area does population percentage increase in the history have physiographic barriers, including the of the pueblo. The lower-level room-block Rio Grande gorge and the mountain ranges in Area IX and five feet of trash covering the surrounding the area. But at the same time, south slope of Area VI date to this phase. there has never been any question as to The high density of artifacts per cubic foot of whether the Taos settlements were anything trash indicates a fairly intensive occupation other than ancestral Pueblo. This being the as well. case, the question is not whether a certain set The relative amounts of ground-stone of communities became more “culturally and chipped-stone artifacts vary through isolated,” but why certain material classes time, leading Dick et al. (n.d.) to argue that experienced shifts in the geographic scale the relative amounts of each indicated over which they were exchanged. Though changes in the reliance on farming versus this is too broad a question to tackle here, the hunting, respectively. For example, the artifact analysis from Picuris holds promise higher number of ground-stone artifacts in answering this and related questions, relative to bone and chipped-stone artifacts including the population size of the during the Santa Fe phase was taken as an settlement through time. indication of greater reliance on plant processing. Their reasoning was that a The Artifactual Evidence for Regional greater reliance on agricultural products Interaction and Subsistence Change at translates into more ground stone, whereas Picuris more chipped stone and bone would be the In their original presentation of artifactual archaeological fallout from a more intensive data from the salvage excavations at Picuris, hunting economy. Dick et al. (n.d.) proposed that changes in Dick and his colleagues interpret the settlement population were a primary relative changes in the amounts of ground- determinant of the changes in artifact classes stone and chipped-stone artifacts during the through time. Based on a sample of 8,500 Vadito phase as the result of a shift away nonceramic artifacts and an equal number of from plant processing (i.e., agriculture) and fragments of unutilized lithic flakes, Dick et an emphasis on foraging wild plants and al. retrodicted population increases at Picuris animal products. If such a shift to a greater during the Santa Fe, Vadito, and Trampas reliance on foraging took place during the

198 Vadito phase it would run counter to the artiodactyl species (goats and sheep in increasing emphasis on agriculture particular) and the increased utilization of documented elsewhere in the Pueblo world antelope (probably as people used the horse during the late prehistoric period (Adler to hunt on the plains to the east) augmented 1996). There are potential problems with the reliance on meat as a primary part of the their argument since a number of diet. The constancy of large mammals in the assumptions must be accepted in order to Picuris diet runs counter to many other cases support this assertion, and the lack of any in the Southwest in which the availability of single assumption invalidates the argument. large game dwindled as people moved into First, similar depositional contexts larger, aggregated villages (Spielmann 1991). (middens) from each of the time periods It is also important to realize that the must be sampled in a statistically artifact comparisons and interpretations are representative fashion to allow such a based on artifact counts. Validation of these comparison. Given that much of the data trends necessitates the documentation of come from trenches running between room- changes in artifact class weight through time, blocks, all of which have different since changes in artifact count could be due occupational histories, the potential for to changes in artifact fragmentation and artifact mixture and resorting through time is lithic-reduction strategies through time. It is high. Relatedly, there has to be a constant entirely possible that a large number of small rate of artifact deposition across space at the flaked-stone artifacts, representing a site, requiring that the inhabitants disposed of relatively small volume of stone, could have flaked stone and ground stone in the same been deposited during later periods. A areas throughout the entire occupation of the count-based analysis would show an increase site. Excavations document significant in lithic-procurement strategies, whereas a changes in room-block size, configuration, weight-based analysis would indicate a and use through time, casting doubt on the decrease in this same class of behavior. assumption of long-term consistency in Third, the increase in lithic materials artifact deposition behavior at the site. during the Vadito and San Lazaro phases is Second, a large number of linking due in large part to the increased amounts of arguments must be mustered in order to nonlocal lithics, primarily obsidian and equate lithic debitage amounts with hunting Pedernal chert, between the 14th and 16th and to link ground-stone use solely with centuries. Rather than being the result of a farming. To turn this argument on its head, change in subsistence practices, alterations in the fact that ground stone was also used to lithic-procurement and regional exchange process wild-plant products (Indian ricegrass, behaviors may well have created the piñon nuts, etc.) at the site could be used to increased number of flaked-stone artifacts at argue that decreasing ground-stone amounts Picuris. The simultaneous decrease in were the result of less extensive use of wild- ground stone may simply be fortuitous or plant products. The analysis of the faunal may due to a number of other factors not remains from Picuris (see chapter 7 of this enumerated here. volume), though tentative given the sampling Finally, the comparison of artifact techniques employed, indicates that Picuris densities through time as charted originally inhabitants relied on a relatively constant by Dan Wolfman lacked any consideration of supply of deer, with a slight decrease in the phase duration. Though Wolfman was dependence upon small game through time. careful to standardize the artifact densities to After contact, the later addition of other reflect the actual volume of soil excavated

199 and assigned to each of the various time The question of adobe origins is periods, the artifact counts must also be linked to the wider archaeological inquiry standardized to reflect the temporal span of into the “cultural lineage” of the Taos-area each phase. Failure to do so would assume Pueblo people. Like language, architectural that a similar number of lithic flakes could style and construction techniques are cultural have been deposited during a 50-year phase characteristics that can indicate ethnic or as during a 115-year phase. Standardizing social identity on a regional scale. As with the amounts to reflect phase length decreases their interest in archeolinguistics at Picuris, the differences between the classes through Dick and others assumed that architectural time but still indicates the trends originally styles and technologies traced through time described by Dick and others. These trends and space would document the movement of remain intriguing, though probably not for archaeological cultures. the explanatory reasons originally proposed. Though the notion of archaeological All of the artifacts used in the original cultures has been supplanted by concepts tabulation are still available for study and can such as “adaptive systems” and “ethnic still provide important insights into boundaries,” it is clear that architecture technological and systemic changes during informs on a number of cultural and the prehistoric occupation at Picuris. The environmental factors. In addition to best indicators of diet change include providing simple shelter from the elements, paleoethnobotanical and bone chemistry architecture is a built environment that analyses, but given the unavailability of compartmentalizes human interaction, both human remains at the site and given the enabling and constraining social relations. unanalyzed macrobotanical samples, The technologies utilized to create these artifactual indicators of food processing still human built spaces are constrained not only hold promise for understanding past by thermal efficiency and support strength subsistence strategies at Picuris. but also by tradition and cultural identity (Rapoport 1969, 1990). Big Houses of Adobe: Surface Wall-construction techniques form a Architecture at Picuris basic component of architectural technology. The material class most evident, and still Archaeologists have delineated two traditions present in large quantities at Picuris, is the of wall construction in the Southwest: adobe architecture. The excavations at masonry and adobe. Masonry architecture Picuris brought to light a range of was very rarely used in the Taos area, setting architectural features rare, and at times the area apart from well-known masonry unique, in the northern Rio Grande and the traditions of the Mesa Verde, Chaco, and greater Southwest. As summarized above, Kayenta regions. The continued reliance on room sizes at Picuris do not vary adobe in the Taos region, despite the significantly from those at Pot Creek Pueblo hypothesized immigration of groups from the but are much larger on average than those western masonry-using areas after constructed at contemporaneous adobe and A.D. 1300, continues to interest masonry pueblos farther south. During the archaeologists, particularly since the Taos excavation and the early write-up years, area contains relatively early examples of however, room characteristics were less of a coursed adobe architecture. research interest than was the question of The question of the origins of coursed where adobe architecture originated in the adobe in the Taos region is complicated by greater Southwest. the relatively poor chronological control

200 associated with the early pit structures revisions in the chronology of Casas Grandes occupied in the Taos area. Based on Boyer’s and its magnificent coursed-adobe structures (1994) recent review, coursed adobe walls now places the primary occupation between are present in Taos-area subterranean pit the late 13th and early 15th centuries (Dean structures by about A.D. 1100. Though the and Ravesloot 1993). When Dick and his walls are built up against the earthen walls of colleagues were excavating Picuris, Charles excavated pits, the same stacked-course DiPeso had not yet summarized his findings technology used in the later surface-room but had told Dick, through personal wall construction was also used to build communication, that the occupation at Casas these subterranean walls. Grandes started at about A.D. 1000. Earlier examples of coursed-adobe In her recent treatment of the architecture are reported in the northern questions surrounding the origins and use of Southwest, but they are few in number. Just adobe architecture, Cathy Cameron (1998) north of Santa Fe, Stubbs (1954) found makes the point that adobe use corresponds scattered groups of houses, consisting of well with the geographic extent of both the from 10 to 20 rooms each, around their Sonoran and the Chihuahuan Desert biomes. associated kivas. Coursed-adobe surface These two biomes cover much of the rooms dating to the White Mound phase are Hohokam and Mogollon culture areas that also reported from the Red Mesa Valley contain coursed-adobe architecture. The (Gladwin 1945). This building style was also northernmost extent of the Chihuahua Desert used during the Rosa phase in the Largo- follows the Rio Grande valley to just above Gallina-Governador area (Hall 1944:19; see Albuquerque, though this extension of the Dittert, Hester, and Eddy 1961 for the dating Chihuahuan Desert ends well south of Taos, of this phase). the northernmost location of adobe pueblos Dick proposed a southern, rather than in the Southwest. a northern, origin for the coursed adobe Cameron notes that coursed-adobe building technology, and others (Cameron architecture occurs across the Southwest 1998) tend to agree. Either before, or primarily after A.D. 1150, and that in many contemporaneous with the appearance of places it rapidly replaced or was added to coursed adobe in the northern Rio Grande extant construction technologies. Although region, the trait was common to the south the distribution of adobe is roughly and west. The southern Rio Grande area, coterminous with the distribution of low- most specifically the Jornada Mogollon rainfall biomes, which are appropriate region and the Mimbres area both have contexts for the long-term use of adobe evidence that coursed adobe appeared construction, Cameron also raises the relatively early. Although the Jornada possibility that coursed-adobe architecture examples of adobe architecture come from served as an “emblemic style” indicative of small unit pueblos occupied during the first regional religious system(s), specifically the half of the 12th century (Lehmer 1948:89), Katsina religious system, spreading across the Mimbres adobe sites tend to be large the Southwest between the 12th and 14th aggregations occupied between about A.D. centuries,. 1150–1200 (LeBlanc 1983). Dick targeted The possible link between adobe northern Mexico, specifically the area around construction and southern origins of the Casas Grandes (Paquimé), as the ultimate Katsina religious system (see Schaafsma source of this trait. This no longer makes 1992 and Adams 1991 for differing chronological sense, however, since recent interpretations on Katsina origins) has

201 significant implications for the interpretation Before discussing kiva abandonment, of Taos-area prehistory. There is only very I must note a few observations about kivas in limited evidence for Katsina ceremonialism the northern Rio Grande region. I have in the Taos area during the prehistoric period. argued elsewhere (Adler 1993a) that the Except for the well-publicized masked figure ceremonial and economic organization of on a Talpa Black-on-white sherd recovered Valdez phase populations was based on from Pot Creek Pueblo (Wetherington 1968), dispersed communities of multiple mask symbolism is rare in local ceramic households. I infer the existence of dispersed decoration and rock art. Dick does not communities both from the settlement data mention any mask motifs on ceramics from collected to date (Herold 1968; Woosley Picuris. In contrast to kiva paintings 1986) and from the economics of risk and elsewhere (Hibben 1975; Smith 1952b), the sharing observed and described among many kiva mural motifs at Picuris reveal an modern and historic food-producing absence of masked figures (see chapter 9 of societies. Food-producing societies regularly this volume). If there is indeed a link create and recognize the multihousehold between the spread of adobe architecture and organizational entities that we call the movement of religious ideas, people, “communities” across the world. I have emblemic styles, or a mix of these across the proposed that in the Taos area a select few pit Southwest, the Taos area once again plays structures within each dispersed community the role as an exception to the proposed probably served as both an integrative pattern. facility (for ritual and group ceremony) and a domestic space. As yet, there is no evidence The Lessons of the Picuris Kivas for specialized, community-wide ritual Turning to the topic of kivas at Picuris brings integrative facilities (i.e., great kivas) during us once again to the question of just what to the Valdez phase. This argument contrasts make of the regional congruities and with interpretations that Valdez phase dissimilarities in the construction and use of occupants of the region lacked a “common ritual space across the Pueblo Southwest. In ceremonial complex or a common economic this section I will first summarize the range organization” (Wetherington 1968:80), based of variability observed in kiva construction at on the lack of obvious architectural features Picuris and will then turn my focus to the that would seem to have been built abandonment of kivas at Picuris and at other specifically for ritual use. settlements in the region. Mounting The degree of functional evidence from the Southwest and from other specialization associated with subterranean parts of the world indicates that modes of structures changed during the later time structure abandonment inform not only on periods as Pueblo populations in the Taos structure use but also on the nature and area utilized more surface architecture for temporal extent of settlement abandonment. habitation and storage. This increasing Rather than rehashing the questions of how specialization is reflected in the greater people used kivas and when kivas became standardization of architectural form (and, kivas (see Adler 1993a; Lekson 1988; Smith presumably, function) in that class of features 1952b; Cater and Chenault 1988), I argue we call “kivas.” Both large and small kivas that evidence of kiva abandonment can serve are all the more recognizable during and after to support the current argument about the the 13th century due to the increasing use of long duration of occupation at Picuris. surface rooms and the likelihood of the

202 increasingly specialized use of the kivas for Burned pit structures are an ritual purposes. archaeological treasure trove because of the As discussed (see chapter 4), kiva potential for the preservation of organic construction at Picuris dates between the late remains and datable materials. The 13th century and the present, with the archaeological interpretations often given for possibility that some of these subterranean the burning are that the fire was an accidental spaces have been in use for several centuries. catastrophe or the result of conflict and Smith (1952b) and others (e.g., Adler 1993a) warfare. Wilshusen (1986) has argued that have shown that there are no universal the conflagrations that consumed pit characteristics of kiva through time or space structures in the Dolores area of in the Southwest, except perhaps their southwestern Colorado during the 8th and 9th proposed function as a ritual integrative centuries were often set purposefully to space at least part of the time they are in use. destroy or decommission ritually significant Given the lack of “universals,” there are spaces. More recently, Schlanger and undeniable similarities between the Picuris Wilshusen (1993) have generalized these kivas and those found elsewhere in the earlier observations into a "time-space" Southwest. These similarities include model for explaining modes of structure subterranean construction, consistent abandonment. Based on correlations directional orientation of the ventilator between increases in the burning of system (generally east in this region), the structures and short-term periods of drought presence of sipapu and floor vaults in some in the Dolores area, Schlanger and Wilshusen of the structures, and centrally located hearth proposed that the burning abandonment features. mode is conditioned in large part by two The unique features of Picuris kivas, variables: (1) the expected duration of human including floor channels and subsidiary absence from the settlement; and (2) the ventilator systems that are rare outside the distance between the abandoned site and the Taos and Pecos areas, are discussed in new residence. chapter 4. The ubiquity of ashpits in Taos- This model builds on Stevenson’s area kivas is not consistent in the sample of (1982) earlier work that predicts assemblage- kivas from Picuris. The paintings on the abandonment modes given the variability in walls of several kivas at Picuris (see chapter these same two factors. Schlanger and 9 of this volume) also set these kivas apart Wilshusen extend Stevenson’s perspective to from most of the kivas investigated include prehistoric structures, arguing that pit elsewhere in the Southwest. structures were burned when inhabitants, faced with local drought conditions, Kivas and Structure Abandonment at Picuris anticipated moves of significant distances Just as important as what the Picuries did to and/or lengthy duration. People burned their construct their kivas is what they didn’t do to pit structures in association with site most of the kivas after the structures were no abandonment because they knew they would longer in use. It is significant that nearly all not be using them in the near future and they the kivas excavated at Picuris show evidence wanted the structures "deliberately closed" of having been allowed to decompose in (Schlanger and Wilshusen 1993). place after the use life of the structures had One of the weaknesses of the model lapsed. This differs from the abandonment is that it does not address, as Wilshusen did mode of many other southwestern kivas, earlier, the fact that functionally different which were burned or dismantled at the classes of architecture may also be expiration of structural use life. 203 abandoned in different ways. Our challenge, excavations in 13 small sites, each of which then, is to assess whether different was occupied just before or during the abandonment modes, and what sorts of occupation of Sand Canyon, provide data on modes, should be associated with 21 kivas with intact stratigraphic contexts. functionally different architectural spaces. Of these, 15 kivas had been dismantled at This requires the addition of a third site abandonment, with kiva roof beams dimension—structure function—to Schlanger removed as part of the salvage process. Of and Wilshusen's "space-time” model. Based the remaining 6 kivas, 4 had been burned and on data from Picuris and other settlements had the larger beams salvaged, and only 2 across the Southwest, kiva-abandonment had been burned with roofs intact. The two modes inform on the nature of occupation intact burned roofs probably date to the and abandonment at the site and regional terminal abandonment of the region, whereas levels. nearly all of the salvaged kivas antedate population aggregation at Sand Canyon Kiva Abandonment in the Mesa Verde Pueblo. Varien believes that many of these Region kiva roofs were salvaged to be incorporated Ten years of excavations at Sand Canyon into the kivas at Sand Canyon Pueblo, an Pueblo have yielded a large data set for interpretation supported by anomalous assessing the abandonment behavior clusters of cutting dates in kiva roof timbers associated with the long-term abandonment recovered at Sand Canyon Pueblo. Kivas th of late-13 -century Mesa Verde ancestral were dismantled and moved, consistent with Pueblo settlements (Bradley 1992). Sand the expectations of the space-time model. Canyon Pueblo was occupied primarily Varien believes that most surface structures between A.D. 1250–1290, and the site's final were abandoned without burning. Most of abandonment coincides with the widespread the kivas also were unburned possibly due to and final abandonment of the Four Corners the fact that the immediate locality was not region. To date, nearly 40 rooms and 19 truly "abandoned," since the inhabitants of kivas have been excavated or tested at Sand the former hamlet could monitor access to Canyon. None of the surface rooms were the "old homestead" through their continued burned. In contrast, 15 of the 19 kivas were use of the site, the agricultural fields, and the burned, and of the 4 unburned kivas, 1 had a surrounding landscape. fire that did not spread completely through the roofing timber (Bradley 1992). Kiva Abandonment in the Northern Rio Schlanger and Wilshusen expect the burning Grande Region of structures to accompany such an The patterns of structure abandonment in the abandonment, an expectation borne out by Mesa Verde region do not appear to be the kivas but not by the more numerous regionally unique. Information on structure surface structures on the site. abandonment comes from both Pot Creek Insights are gained when we look at Pueblo and Picuris (Adler 1993a). Tree-ring additional instances of abandonment cutting dates from across Pot Creek Pueblo associated with temporal spans and indicate two periods of intense construction, relocation distances different from those at one in the 1270s and another in the first Sand Canyon Pueblo. Recent work by decade of the 1300s. The latest cutting date Varien, Kuckelman, and Kleidon (1993) in of A.D. 1319 from the great kiva indicates small sites around Sand Canyon Pueblo site abandonment some time during the investigates long-term site abandonment 1320s. associated with short-distance moves. Test 204 Small kivas are associated with the structure was meant to ensure that no excavated Room-blocks 2, 3, 5, and 6. Good access was allowed in or out of the structure. evidence for burning is found in three of the Before the burning, all of the wall niches kivas (Room-blocks 2, 5, and 6). Excavation were filled with adobe, and the subsidiary notes on the Room-block 3 kiva from are not ventilators were closed off with stone slabs. sufficiently detailed to assess abandonment After the niches and subsidiary ventilators mode. The kiva in Room-block 2 was were sealed off, the entire kiva wall was burned, filled in, and subsequently covered given an extra coat of plaster, covering the over by later architecture. I have proposed kiva paintings, the plugged niches, and the elsewhere (Adler 1993a) that the site may subsidiary vents. Wolfman and Dick also have experienced a short-term abandonment note that the Kiva D floor contexts were during the latter 1290s and a subsequent nearly devoid of artifacts except for a pile of reoccupation in A.D. 1300. The artifacts located under what had been the east decommissioning of the Room-block 2 kiva shelf of the kiva (see chapter 4). As may be associated with this short-term proposed above, this structure was destroyed abandonment. The kivas in Room-blocks 5 to ensure that no one would be allowed and 6 appear to be associated with the final access. It is not clear whether the destruction abandonment of the settlement. was initiated by someone from outside In contrast to the abandoned sites of Picuris or whether the Picuries destroyed the Pot Creek Pueblo and Sand Canyon Pueblo, kiva due to its association with witchcraft Picuris Pueblo contains a nearly complete and antisocial behavior. The kiva’s sample of unburned, abandoned kivas. significance rests in its differential treatment Eleven kivas were unburned, and several of compared with the other kivas, which were them appear to have had roofing timbers and not burned, but were either dismantled or left support posts salvaged before abandonment. to fill in with natural sedimentation. This pattern probably relates to the continued Given this admittedly small but presence of the original inhabitants at carefully excavated sample, it is likely that Picuris, obviating the need to permanently different abandonment modes evident in destroy these integrative structures and seal functionally different classes of Pueblo them off from future access. structures may relate to the differences in the The single exception to the rule at types of groups associated with the structure Picuris is Kiva D. As described earlier use. Whereas room-suite use in surface (chapter 4), the people of Picuris referred to structures was likely organized around this burned kiva as the "Cochiti Witch Kiva." separate households, kivas served as the According to Picuris elders, the kiva had integrative focus of multiple households and, been constructed by a person or persons from as such, were vested with group identity. Cochiti Pueblo (Wolfman 1962). Trouble Simple abandonment would leave the within the community at Picuris led to the integrative spaces accessible to nonmembers, departure of the Cochiti person(s). Though it compromising the group's meaning and is not clear what conditions surrounded the integrity. It is also possible that parting of ways, the association of the abandonment modes signal whether group structure with a “witch” suggests that that the integrity was intact at the time of the visitor or visitors were forced out of the abandonment of the structure. Whatever the community due to witchcraft accusations. specific conditions, my point is that group- The archaeological manifestations of focused architecture and household-level this episode show that the abandonment of

205 architecture may well have been treated into this very deep past, but it can provide differently at abandonment. only part of the story that is Picuris Pueblo. Thus, though Picuris kivas may have One of the stories that archaeology contained unique architectural features that tells is a familiar one to any individual who set them apart from other functionally is part of a human community. Throughout equivalent structures across the Southwest, the written and oral histories that recount the the abandonment modes associated with the long occupation of Picuris Pueblo, the people kivas are consistent with these admittedly of Picuris have been different from, as well limited regional data. If the patterns and as similar to, the people of other Pueblo rationales for the modes are generally communities. Picuris’ place in the ancestral, accurate, kiva abandonment at Picuris also historic, and modern Pueblo worlds depends serves as additional evidence that settlement on one’s evidence and vantage point. When abandonment was rare or nonexistent over Herbert Dick began his work with the people the past several centuries. Had abandonment of Picuris, he did so to provide as many been the rule, as it appears to have been vantage points as possible. Through years of across much of the Pueblo world during this excavation and analysis, he and his same time span, we would expect more colleagues compiled one of the most burned kivas among those excavated at comprehensive human-occupation records to Picuris. Additional unexcavated kivas exist ever be recovered in North America. By at Picuris, leaving open the possibility that taking a multidisciplinary perspective, Dick the excavated sample is not truly ensured that we would broaden our representative of the variability in understanding of Picuris beyond the adobe abandonment mode at the site. It is likely walls and broken pots. that the unexcavated kivas will remain that The perspectives in this volume were way. Given that the relationship posited here compiled here to provide some of the story between structure use and abandonment that can be told. Historical perspectives should hold true both in the Taos area and synthesized by Donald Nelson Brown well outside its boundaries, significant data (chapter 3) highlight the many changes the can still be brought to bear on this topic community has experienced over the past through future work outside of Picuris century, as well as the social structures on Pueblo. which the community still depends for its organizational coherence and cultural Conclusions identity. Richard Mermejo’s personal Picuris Pueblo has been a unique part of the perspective reflects on what archaeology can Pueblo world for nearly a millennium of teach an indigenous community about its human occupation, social changes, regional past, as well as what archaeology must learn migrations, and environmental perturbations. from indigenous communities to provide a Throughout generation after generation of truly human perspective on the past. occupation, the settlement has endured Clearly the archaeological data hold varying amounts of both cultural interaction center stage in this volume, just as Herbert and isolation. Today archaeologists measure Dick intended. A great deal of these very real human conditions through, archaeological information has been included among other things, the identification of in the volume, some of it from earlier, pottery sherds, interpretation of subfloor unpublished manuscripts and some of it channels, and measurement of room sizes. recently compiled and synthesized. The Archaeology provides select perspectives information will, we hope, provide resources

206 for those interested in fathoming the human history of the Taos area and the place of Picuris in the larger Pueblo world. The Picuris story also contains important lessons. Perhaps the most important lesson is that archaeological work becomes information only if all the stories are told in a readily accessible form. Herbert Dick was in the process of fulfilling this basic responsibility before his untimely death in 1992. It is hoped that the publication of these chapters will do justice to the monumental efforts that Herbert Dick, Dan Wolfman, Curtis Schaafsma, and the people of Picuris contributed to enhance the stories (histories, prehistories, and oral histories) of Picuris Pueblo.

Endnotes

1 Dick’s dates for early maize have been revised more recently by Wills (1988, 1990), who argues for a more recent introduction of maize into the Southwest. 2 Willey’s career on the Harvard faculty began after Dick had received his doctorate there. 3 The structure of this chapter follows in large part the topics discussed by Dick, Wolfman, Schaafsma, and Wolfman in the concluding section of their unpublished manuscript “Introduction to Picuris Prehistory.” Ideas proposed by Dick and others are addressed in the present chapter and are cited where appropriate. Significant portions of “Introduction to Picuris Prehistory” have been included in chapter 4 of this volume. 4 Dan Wolfman analyzed the sample of nonceramic materials recovered from the salvage excavations in 1964, and tabulated frequency data for artifacts based on Dick’s assignment of temporal phase to the various areas and levels. Many of these findings were included in the text of the “Introduction to Picuris Prehistory” manuscript.

207 References

Abel, Annie H. Meeting of the American 1916 The journal of John Grenier. Old Anthropological Association, Santa Fe 3(11):189–243. Washington, D.C. Aberle, S. D. 1993b Excavations at Pot Creek Pueblo, 1948 The Pueblo Indians of New 1993 field season. Ms. on file, Mexico: Their Land, Economy, Fort Burgwin Research Center, and Civil Organization, American Ranchos de Taos, N.M. Anthropological Association, 1993c Why is a Kiva? Recent research Memoir Number 70. Washington, into pit structure use and function D.C. in the northern Rio Grande, New Adams, E. Charles Mexico. Journal of 1979 Cold air drainage and length of Anthropological Research 49:18– growing season on the Hopi 27. Mesas area. Kiva 44:285–296. 1995a The abandoned pueblo: Report of 1991 The Origin and Development of archaeological excavations at Pot the Pueblo Katsina Cult. Creek Pueblo, 1995 field season. University of Arizona Press, Ms. on file, Fort Burgwin Tucson. Research Center, Ranchos de Adams, E. Charles, Miriam T. Stark, and Taos, N.M. Deborah S. Dosh 1995b Excavations at Pot Creek Pueblo, 1993 Ceramic distribution and 1994 field season. Ms. on file, exchange: Jeddito Yellow Ware Fort Burgwin Research Center, and implications for social Ranchos de Taos, N.M. complexity. Journal of Field in prep Final Report on Excavations at Archaeology 20:3–21. Pot Creek Pueblo. Ms. in Adams, Eleanor B., and Fray Angelico possession of the author. Chavez Adler, Michael A. (editor) 1956 The Missions of New Mexico, 1996 The Prehistoric Pueblo World, 1776. University of New Mexico A.D. 1150–1350. University of Press, Albuquerque. Arizona Press, Tucson. Adler, Michael A. Adler, Michael A. and Richard 1990 Communities of soil and stone: Wilshusen An archaeological investigation of 1990 Large scale integrative facilities in population aggregation among the tribal societies: Cross-cultural and Mesa Verde region Anasazi, A.D. southwestern U.S. examples. 900–1300. Unpublished Ph.D. World Archaeology 22(2):133– dissertation, Department of 146 Anthropology, University of Ahlstrom, Richard V. N., Carla R. Van Michigan. West, and Jeffrey S. Dean 1993a Collapsed kivas and resilient 1995 Environmental and chronological systems: Kiva abandonment in factors in the Mesa Verde- the Pueblo world. Paper Northern Rio Grande migration. presented at the 20th Annual Journal of Anthropological

208 Archaeology 14:125–142. 52nd Annual Meeting of the Allen, J. W., and C. H. McNutt Society for American 1955 A pithouse site near Santa Ana Archaeology, Toronto. Pueblo, New Mexico. American Ascher, M., and R. Ascher Antiquity, 20(3):241–255. 1963 Chronological ordering by Amsden, Charles A. computer. American 1931 The Black-on-white ware. In The Anthropologist 65(5):1045–1052. Pottery of Pecos, Vol. I, by A.V. Bailey, V. Kidder. Papers of the Phillips 1931 Mammals of New Mexico. North Academy Southwestern American Fauna 53:1–412. Expedition, No. 5. New Haven, Bandelier, A. F. Conn. 1890–92 Final Report of Investigations Annual Report of the Commissioner of among the Indians of the Indian Affairs Southwestern United States. Pts. 1899 Report for the year 1899. 1 & 2. Papers of the Washington, D.C. Archaeological Institute of 1900 Report for the year 1900. America, American Series. Washington, D.C. Cambridge, Mass. Anscheutz, Kurt Banks, R. C., R. W. McDiarmid, and A. 1993 Saving a rainy day: The L. Gardner integration of diverse agricultural 1987 Checklist of vertebrates of the technologies to harvest and United States, the U.S. territories, conserve water in the lower Rio and Canada. U.S. Department of Chama valley, New Mexico. In the Interior, Fish and Wildlife Proceedings of the New Mexico Service, Resource Publication Archaeological Council 166:1–79. Symposium: Recent Work, New Blinman, Eric Findings, and Traditional 1993 Anasazi pottery: Evolution of a Practices in the Agriculture of the technology. Expedition 35(1):14– Northern Southwest, edited by H. 22. Wolcott Toll. New Mexico Bloom, Lansing B. Archaeological Council, 1936 Bourke on the Southwest. New Albuquerque. Mexico Historical Review 1994 Floods, frosts, hot rocks, and 11(3):245–282. systems of water management: 1938 Bourke on the Southwest. New Reconsidering Classic Period Mexico Historical Review Anasazi agricultural practices in 13:192–238. the northern Rio Grande. Paper Blumenschein, Helen presented at the 59th Annual 1956 Excavations in the Taos area, Meeting of the Society for 1953–1955. El Palacio 63(2):53– American Archaeology, Anaheim, 56. Calif. 1958 Further excavations and surveys Anscheutz, Kurt, and Timothy Maxwell in the Taos area. El Palacio 1987 Agricultural intensification and 65(3):107–111. diversification in the northern Rio Bourke, John G. Grande. Paper presented at the 1884 The Snake Dance of the Moquis

209 of Arizona: Being a Narrative of 54(2):153–161. a Journey from Santa Fe, New 1992 Excavations at Sand Canyon Mexico, to the Villages of the Pueblo. In The Sand Canyon Moqui Indians in Arizona. Archaeological Project: A Scribner, New York. (Reprinted Progress Report, edited by 1984, University of Arizona William D. Lipe, pp. 79–98. Crow Press, Tucson.) Canyon Archaeological Center Boyer, Jeffrey L. Occasional Papers No. 2, Cortez, 1994 Occupying the Taos Frontier: The Colo. Valdez Phase and Valdez-phase Brew, John O. Sites. In Studying the Taos 1946 Archaeology of Alkali Ridge, Frontier: The Pot Creek Data Southeastern Utah. Papers of the Recovery Project, 2 vol., edited Peabody Museum of American by Jeffrey L. Boyer, James L. Archaeology and Ethnology, Moore, Daisy F. Levine, Linda Harvard University, Vol. 21. Mick-O’Hara, and Mollie S. Toll. Cambridge, Mass. Archaeology Notes 68, Museum Brody, J. J. of New Mexico, pp. 379–424. 1965 University of New Mexico Office of Archaeological Studies, summer field school excavations Santa Fe. in Taos County. Paper presented Boyer, Jeffrey L., James L. Moore, Daisy at the 1965 Pecos Conference, F. Levine, Linda Mick-O’Hara, Trinidad, Colo. and Mollie S. Toll 1991 Anasazi and Pueblo Painting. 1994 Studying the Taos Frontier: The University of New Mexico Press, Pot Creek Data Recovery Project. Albuquerque. 2 vols. Archaeology Notes 68, Brown, Donald Nelson Museum of New Mexico, Office 1967 The distribution of sound of Archaeological Studies, Santa instruments in the prehistoric Fe. southwestern United States. Bradford, James E. Ethnomusicology 11(1):71–90. 1992 Archeological Survey: Gila Cliff 1974 Social structure as reflected in Dwellings National Monument. architectural units at Picuris U. S. National Park Service Pueblo. In The Human Mirror: Southwest Cultural Resources Material and Spatial Images of Center Professional Papers, No. Man, edited by Miles Richardson, 47. Santa Fe. pp. 317-338. Louisiana State Bradley, Bruce A. University Press, Baton Rouge. 1987 Annual Report of Excavation at 1979 Picuris Pueblo. In Handbook of Sand Canyon Pueblo 5MT765, North American Indians, Vol. 9, Montezuma County, Colorado, edited by Alfonso Ortiz, pp. 268– 1986 Field Season. Crow Canyon 277. Smithsonian Institution Archaeological Center, Cortez, Press, Washington, D.C. Colo. Bugé, D. E. 1989 Architectural petroglyphs at Sand 1984 Prehistoric subsistence strategies Canyon Pueblo (5MT765), in the Ojo Caliente Valley, New southwestern Colorado. Kiva Mexico. In Prehistoric

210 Agricultural Strategies in the 1892, Appalachian Mountain Southwest, edited by S. K. Fish Club, Boston.) and P. R. Fish, pp. 37–44. Cole, Sally J. Anthropological Research Papers, 1990 Legacy on Stone. Johnson Books, 33. Arizona State University, Boulder, Colo. Tempe. 1994 Roots of Anasazi and Pueblo Bunzel, Ruth L. Imagery in Basketmaker II Rock 1932 Introduction to Zuñi Art and Material Culture. Kiva Ceremonialism. 47th Annual 60(2):289–311. Report of the Bureau of American Colton, H. C. Ethnology for the Years 1929– 1956 Pottery Types of the Southwest. 1930, pp. 467–544. Smithsonian Museum of Northern Arizona Institution, Washington, D.C. Ceramic Series, No. 3C. Cameron, Catherine Flagstaff. 1998 Coursed adobe architecture, style, Colton, H. C., and L. L. Hargrave and social boundaries in the 1937 Handbook of Northern Arizona American Southwest. In The Pottery Wares. Museum of Archaeology of Social Northern Arizona, Bulletin 11. Boundaries, edited by Miriam T. Flagstaff. Stark, pp. 183–207. Smithsonian Colton, Mary F. Institution Press, Washington, 1959 Hopi Kachina Dolls, with a Key D.C. to Their Identification. University Carlson, R. of New Mexico Press, 1961 White Mountain Redware: A Albuquerque. stylistic tradition in the prehistoric Cordell, Linda pottery of east-central Arizona. 1995 Tracing migration pathways from Ph.D. dissertation, Department of the receiving end. Journal of Anthropology, University of Anthropological Archaeology Arizona, Tucson. 14(2):203–211. 1964 Mimeographed notes distributed Cordell, Linda, Amy Earls, and Martha at the 1964 ceramic conference of Binford the Museum of Northern Arizona, 1984 Subsistence systems in the Flagstaff. mountainous settings of the Rio 1970 White Mountain Redware: A Grande Valley. In Prehistoric Stylistic Tradition of East-Central Agricultural Strategies in the Arizona and Western New Southwest, edited by Suzanne Mexico. Anthropological Papers Fish and Paul Fish, pp. 233–243. of the University of Arizona, 19. Arizona State University Research Tucson. Papers, no. 33. Tempe. Cater, John, and Mark Chenault Cosgrove, C. B. 1988 Kiva use reinterpreted. 1947 Caves of the Upper Gila and Southwestern Lore 54(3):19–32. Hueco Areas in New Mexico and Chapin, Frederick H. Texas. Peabody Museum, 1988 Land of the Cliff Dwellers. Harvard University, Cambridge, University of Arizona Press, Mass. Tucson. (Originally published

211 Crawford, O. G. S. Polychrome Pottery. University 1953 Archaeology in the Field. of New Mexico Press, Phoenix House, London. Albuquerque. Creamer, Winifred Crown, Patricia, and Timothy Kohler 1993 The Architecture of Arroyo 1994 Community dynamics, site Hondo. Arroyo Hondo Research structure, and aggregation in the Series, no. 7. School of American northern Rio Grande. In The Press, Santa Fe. Ancient Southwestern Crotty, Helen K. Community: Models and 1990 Formal qualities of the Jornada Methods for the Study of style and Pueblo IV Anasazi rock Prehistoric Social Organization, art: A comparison with edited by W. Wills and R. implications for the origins of Leonard, pp. 103–118. University Pueblo ceremonialism. In of New Mexico Press, American Indian Rock Art, Vol. Albuquerque. 16, edited by Solveig Turpin, pp. Cushing, Frank H. 147–166. National Park Service, 1901 Zuñi Folk Tales. G.P. Putnam’s American Rock Art Research Sons, New York. Association, and Texas 1979 My Adventures in Zuni. In Zuñi: Archaeological Research Selected Writings of Frank Laboratory, University of Texas, Hamilton Cushing, pp. 46–134. Austin. University of Nebraska Press, 1995 Anasazi mural art of the Pueblo Lincoln. (Originally published IV Period, A.D. 1300–1600: 1882–83, Century Illustrated Influences, selective adaptation, Magazine 25:191–207, 500–511, and cultural diversity in the and 26:28–47.) prehistoric Southwest. Ph.D. Davenport, William dissertation, University of 1959 Nonunilineal descent and descent California, Los Angeles. groups. American Anthropologist, (University Microfilms 61(4):557–572. International, Ann Arbor, Mich.) Davis, I. Crown, Patricia 1959 Linguistic clues to northern Rio 1990 The chronology of the Taos area Grande prehistory. El Palacio Anasazi. In Clues to the Past: 66(3):73–85. Papers in Honor of William M. Dean, Jeffrey S., and John Ravesloot Sundt, edited by Meliha S. Duran 1993 The chronology of cultural and David T. Kirkpatrick. Papers interaction in the Gran of the Archaeological Society of Chichimeca. In Culture and New Mexico, No. 16. Contact: Charles C. Di Peso's Albuquerque. Gran Chichimeca, edited by Anne 1991 Evaluating the construction I. Woosley and John C. sequence and population of Pot Ravesloot, pp. 83–103. Amerind Creek Pueblo, northern New Foundation, Dragoon, N.M. Mexico. American Antiquity Densmore, Frances 56(2):291–314 1932 Yuman and Yaqui Music. Bureau 1994 Ceramics and Ideology: Salado of American Ethnology, Bulletin

212 110. Smithsonian Institution, Papers of the Archaeological Washington, D.C. Society of New Mexico, 1. 1938 Music of Santo Domingo Pueblo, Museum of New Mexico Press, New Mexico. Southwest Museum Santa Fe. Papers, no. 12. Southwest 1990 Background information for the Museum, Los Angeles. study of micaceous pottery. 1957 Music of Acoma, Isleta, Cochiti Handout at the Euro-American and Zuñi Pueblos. Bureau of Ceramics Workshop, New American Ethnology, Bulletin Mexico Archaeological Council, 165. Smithsonian Institution, Santa Fe. Washington, D.C. Dick, Herbert W., Daniel Wolfman, Dick, Herbert W. Curtis Schaafsma, and Marianne n.d. Preliminary report of excavations L. Wolfman at Picuris Pueblo, summer 1961. n.d. Introduction to Picuris prehistory. Ms. on file, Fort Burgwin Ms. on file, Fort Burgwin Research Center, Ranchos de Research Center, Ranchos de Taos, N.M. Taos, N.M. 1958 A site survey analysis tabulation Dittert, A. E., Jr. method (Using the Unisort 1959 Culture change in the Cebolleta Analysis Card Y9). Museum Mesa Region, Central Western Bulletin 1, Trinidad State Junior New Mexico. Ph.D. dissertation, College, Trinidad, Colo. University of Arizona, Tucson. 1961 Grant submitted to the National Dittert, A. E., Jr., J. J. Hester, and F. W. Science Foundation for Eddy excavation at Picuris. Ms. on file, 1961 An Archaeological Survey of the Fort Burgwin Research Center, Navajo Reservoir District, Ranchos de Taos, N.M. Northwestern New Mexico. 1965a Bat Cave. Monographs of the Monograph of the School of School of American Research, 27. American Research and the Santa Fe. Museum of New Mexico, No. 23. 1965b Picuris Pueblo Excavations, Santa Fe. November 1965, Submitted to Donaldson, Thomas USDI National Park Service, 1893 Moqui Pueblo Indians of Arizona Contract No. DI 14-10-0333- and Pueblo Indians of New 1348. Fort Burgwin Research Mexico. Extra Census Bulletin, Center, Rancho de Taos, and 11th Census of the United States, Department of the Interior, U.S. Census Printing Office, National Park Service, Santa Fe. Washington, D.C. (Document No. PB177047, Dorsey, George A., and Henry R. Voth National Technical Information 1901 The Oraibi Soyal Ceremony. Service, Springfield, Va.) Field Museum of Natural History, 1968 Six historic pottery types from Publication 55, Chicago. Spanish sites in New Mexico. In Dozier, Edward P. Collected Papers in Honor of 1960 The Pueblos of the South-Western Lyndon Lane Hargrave, edited by United States. Journal of the Albert H. Schroeder, pp. 77–94. Royal Anthropological Institute,

213 90(1):146–160. Published jointly by the 1961 Rio Grande Pueblos. In Laboratory of Anthropology, Perspectives in American Indian Santa Fe, and the Museum of Culture Change, edited by Edward Northern Arizona, Flagstaff. H. Spicer. University of Chicago Fenton, William N. Press, Chicago. 1957 Factionalism at Taos Pueblo, New Durkheim, Emile Mexico. Bureau of American 1965 The Elementary Forms of the Ethnology, Bulletin 164, Religious Life. Free Press, New Anthropological Paper No. 56. York. (Originally published Washington, D.C. 1915). Ferdon, E. N. and E. K. Reed Dutton, B. P. 1950 A pit-house near Belen, New 1963 Sun Fathers Way; the Kiva Mexico. El Palacio 55(2):40–41. Murals of Kuaua. University of Fewkes, Jesse W. New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. 1897 Tusayan Snake Ceremonies. 1964 Las Madres in the light of Anasazi Bureau of American Ethnology, migrations. American Antiquity 16th Annual Report, pp. 267–312. 29(4):449–454. Washington, D.C. (Reprinted Eggan, Fred 1986, Awanyu Publishing, 1950 Social Organization of the Albuquerque, N.M.) Western Pueblos. University of 1898 Archaeological Expedition to Chicago Press, Chicago. Arizona in 1895. Bureau of Ellis, Florence H. American Ethnology, 17th Annual 1952 Jemez kiva magic and its relation Report for the Years 1895–1896. to features of prehistoric kivas. Washington, D.C. Southwestern Journal of 1902 Hopi festivals. American Anthropology 8:147–163. Anthropologist, n.s., 4:482–511 1964 Archaeological history of Nambe 1924 The Use of Idols in Hopi Pueblo, 14th century to the Worship. Smithsonian Institution, present. American Antiquity Annual Report for 1922, pp. 469– 30(1):34–42. 486. Washington, D.C. Ellis, FlorenceH., and J.J. Brody 1985 Hopi Kachinas. Dover 1964 Ceramic stratigraphy and tribal Publications, New York. history at Taos Pueblo. American (Originally published 1903, Antiquity 29(3):316–327. Twenty-First Annual Report of Emslie, Steven D. the Bureau of American 1981 Birds and prehistoric agriculture: Ethnology to the Secretary of the The New Mexican Pueblos. Smithsonian Institution, 1899- Human Ecology 9(3):305–329. 1900, Washington, D.C.) Fenenga, F., and T.S. Cummings Fiero, K. 1956 LA 2569: Cerros Mojinos, a Late 1978 Draft Final Report: Prehistoric Pueblo II–Early Pueblo III village Garden Plots Along the Lower on the Rio Puerco near Los Lunas, Rio Chama Valley, New Mexico. In Pipeline Archaeological Investigations at Archaeology, edited by F. Sites LA 11830, LA 11831, and Wendorf, N. Fox, and O.L. Lewis. LA 11832, Rio Arriba County,

214 New Mexico. Museum of New specialized Largo-Gallina surface Mexico, Laboratory of structure. El Palacio 65(2):41–60. Anthropology, Note 111e. Santa Greiser, Sally T., Weber T. Greiser, and Fe. D. Putnam Frigout, Arlette 1992 Aboriginal Irrigation in the Taos 1979 Hopi ceremonial organization. In Valley. Historical Research Handbook of North American Associates. Missoula, Mont., Indians, Vol. 9, edited by Alfonso prepared for U.S. Attorney’s Ortiz, pp. 564–576. Smithsonian Office, Albuquerque. Institution, Washington, D.C. Gunnerson, James H. Gauthier, Rory, P. Prince, and F. Mathien 1969 Apache archaeology in 1978 An Archaeological Sample northeastern New Mexico. Survey of Proposed Timber Sale American Antiquity 34(1):23–39. Areas on the Picuris Pueblo Habichte-Mauche, Judith Reservation. Office of Contract 1989 Notes on ceramic types in the Archaeology, University of New northern Rio Grande and southern Mexico, Albuquerque. Plains regions. Ms. on file, Fort Gilman, Patricia A. Burgwin Research Center, 1987 Architecture as artifact: Pit Ranchos de Taos, N.M. structures and pueblos in the Hack, John H. American Southwest. American 1942 The Changing Physical Antiquity 52(3):538–564. Environment of the Hopi Indians Gladwin, H. S. of Arizona. Papers of the 1945 The Chaco Branch: Excavations Peabody Museum of American at White Mound and in the Red Archaeology, Harvard University, Mesa Valley. Medallion Papers, Vol. 35. Cambridge, Mass. No. 33. Gila Pueblo, Globe, Ariz. Hall, E. T., Jr. Glassow, Michael 1944 Early Stockaded Settlements in 1980 Prehistoric Agricultural the Governador, New Mexico. Development in the Northern Columbia Studies in Archaeology Southwest: A Study in Changing and Ethnology, Vol. 2, Part 1. Patterns of Land Use. New York. Anthropological Papers, No. 16. Hammond, G. P., and Agapito Rey Ballena Press, Soccorro, N.M. 1929 The Espejo Expedition into New Goldfrank, Esther S. (editor) Mexico Made by Antonio de 1962 Isleta Paintings. Bureau of Espejo, 1582–1583. Quivira American Ethnology Bulletin 181. Society, Vol. 1. Los Angeles. Washington, D.C. 1953 Don Juan de Oñate: Colonizer of Green, Ernestene New Mexico, 1598–1628. 1976 Valdez Phase Occupation near University of New Mexico Press, Taos, New Mexico. Fort Burgwin Albuquerque. Research Center, Report 10. Harlan, Thomas Ranchos de Taos, N.M. 1966 Dendrochronology of Picuris Green, R. C., M. A. Danfelser, and G. Pueblo. Ms. on file, Fort Burgwin Vivian Research Center, Ranchos de 1958 Interpretations of Bg 91: A Taos, N.M.

215 Harrington, John Peabody Bulletin Anthropological Series, 1909 Notes on the Piro language. 1(4). Albuquerque American Anthropologist 1937b Pueblo social organization as a 11(4):563–594. lead to Pueblo history. American 1916 The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Anthropologist 39(3):504–522. Indians. Bureau of American 1950 Big kivas, little kivas, and moiety Ethnology, 29th Annual Report. houses in historical Washington, D.C. reconstruction. Southwestern Harris, Arthur H. Journal of Anthropology 1963 Ecological Distribution of Some 6(3):286–302. Vertebrates in the San Juan Basin, 1964 A Reconstruction of the Basic New Mexico. Museum of New Jemez Pattern of Social Mexico, Papers in Anthropology, Organization, with Comparisons No. 8. Santa Fe. to Other Tanoan Social Structures. 1970 Past climate of the Navajo University of New Mexico Reservoir District. American Publications in Anthropology, No. Antiquity 35:374–377. 11. Albuquerque. 1993 Wisconsinan pre-pleniglacial Hayes, Kelley Ann biotic change in southeastern New 1991 Ceramics. In Homol’ovi II: Mexico. Quaternary Research Archaeology of an Ancestral Hopi 40:127–133. Village, Arizona, edited by E. Haury, Emil W. Charles Adams and Kelley Ann 1934 The Canyon Creek Ruin and the Hayes, pp. 23–47. Cliff Dwellings of the Sierra Anthropological Papers of the Ancha. Medallion Papers, No. 14. University of Arizona, 55. Gila Pueblo, Globe, Ariz. Tucson. 1940 Excavations in the Forestdale Hedrick, Basil, J. Charles Kelley, and Valley, East Central Arizona. Carroll Riley (editors) Social Science Bulletin, No. 12. 1974 The Mesoamerican Southwest. University of Arizona Press, Southern Illinois University Press, Tucson. Carbondale. 1962 The Greater American Southwest. Hegmon, Michelle In Courses Toward Urban Life: 1989 Social integration and Archeological Considerations of architecture. In The Architecture Some Cultural Alternatives, of Social Integration in Prehistoric edited by Robert J. Braidwood Pueblos, edited by W. D. Lipe and and Gordon R. Willey. Viking Michele Hegmon, pp. 5–14. Fund Publications in Crow Canyon Archaeological Anthropology, 32. New York. Center, Cortez, Colo. 1976 The Hohokam: Desert Farmers Hendron, J. W. and Craftsmen. University of 1940 Prehistory of El Rito de Los Arizona Press, Tucson. Frijoles, Bandelier National Hawley (Ellis), Florence Monument. Southwestern 1937a Field Manual of Prehistoric Monuments Association, Southwestern Pottery Types. Technical Series, No. 1. University of New Mexico Coolidge, Ariz.

216 Herold, Laurence Publishing, Santa Fe. 1968 An archaeological-geographical Hodge, F.W. survey of the Rio Grande de 1920 Hawikuh Bonework. Indian Ranchos. In Papers on Taos Notes and Monographs, Vol. 3. Archaeology, edited by L. Herold Museum of the American Indian, and R. Luebben, pp. 9–44. Fort Heye Foundation, New York. Burgwin Research Center, Hodge, F. W., G. P. Hammond, and A. Publication 7. Ranchos de Taos, Rey N.M. 1945 Fray Alonso de Benavides’ Herold, Laurence, and Ralph Luebben Revised Memorial of 1634. (editors) Coronado Cuarto Centennial 1968 Papers on Taos Archaeology. Publications, Vol. 4. Fort Burgwin Research Center, Albuquerque. Publication 7. Ranchos de Taos, Hunter-Anderson, Rosalind N.M. 1979 Explaining residential aggregation Herzog, George in the northern Rio Grande: A 1928 The Yuman musical style. competition reduction model. In Journal of American Folklore Adaptive Change in the Northern 41:183–231. Rio Grande: Archaeological Hibben, Frank C. Investigations in Cochiti 1937 Excavation of the Riana Ruin and Reservoir, edited by Jan V. Biella the Chama Valley Survey. and Richard C. Chapman, Vol. 4, University of New Mexico pp. 169–175. Office of Contract Bulletin, Anthropological Series, Archaeology, Albuquerque, N.M. Vol. 2, No. 1. Albuquerque. Hurt, Wesley R., and Herbert W. Dick 1966 A possible pyramidal structure 1946 Spanish-American Pottery from and other Mexican influences at New Mexico. El Palacio Pottery Mound, New Mexico. 53(10):280–288. American Antiquity 31(4):522– Indian Populations in the United States 529. and Alaska, 1910 1975 Kiva Art of the Anasazi at Pottery 1915 Department of Commerce, Bureau Mound. KC Publications, Las of the Census, Washington, D.C. Vegas, Nev. (Reprinted 1984). Jeançon, J. A. Hill, David V. 1923 Excavations in the Chama Valley, 1994 Appendix 3: Petrographic New Mexico. Bureau of analysis of ceramics from near American Ethnology, Bulletin 81. Fort Burgwin, New Mexico. In Washington, D.C. Studying the Taos Frontier: The 1929 Archaeological investigations in Pot Creek Data Recovery Project, the Taos Valley, New Mexico, 2 vols., edited by Jeffrey Boyer et during 1920. Smithsonian Misc. al., pp. 545–549. Archaeology Collections 81(19):1–21. Notes 68, Museum of New Johnson, A. E. Mexico, Office of Archaeological 1965 Current research: southwest. Studies. Santa Fe. American Antiquity 30(3):371– Hill, Stephen W. 374. 1995 Kokopelli Ceremonies. Kiva

217 Judd, Neil M. American Ethnology, Bulletin No. 1954 The material culture of Pueblo 65. Washington, D.C. Bonito. Smithsonian Misc. 1921 Basketmaker Caves of Collections 124:304–305. Northeastern Arizona. Papers of Kelso, J., and G. Ewing the Peabody Museum of 1962 Introduction to Physical American Archaeology and Anthropology Laboratory Manual. Ethnology, Harvard University, University of Colorado, Boulder, Vol. 8. Cambridge, Mass. Colo. Kidder, Alfred V., and Anna O. Shepard Kidder, Alfred V. 1936 The Pottery of Pecos, Vol. 2: The 1915 Pottery of the Pajarito Plateau and Glaze-Paint, Culinary, and Other of some adjacent regions in New Wares. Papers of the Mexico. Memoirs of the Southwestern Expedition, No. 7. American Anthropological Yale University Press for the Association 2:407–462. Phillips Academy. New Haven, 1924 An Introduction to the Study of Conn. Southwestern Archeology, with a Kidder, M. A. and A.V. Kidder Preliminary Account of the 1917 Notes on the Pottery of Pecos. Excavations at Pecos. Papers of American Anthropologist the Phillips Academy 19(3):325–360. Southwestern Expedition, No. 1. Kintigh, Keith W. New Haven, Conn. 1985 Settlement, Subsistence, and 1931 The Pottery of Pecos, Vol. I. Society in Late Zuni Prehistory. Papers of the Phillips Academy Anthropological Papers, No. 44. Southwestern Expedition, No. 5. University of Arizona Press, New Haven, Conn. Tucson. 1932 The Artifacts of Pecos. Papers of Kluckhohn, Clyde the Phillips Academy 1939 The Excavations of Bc-51, Rooms Southwestern Expedition, No. 6. and Kivas. Anthropological New Haven, Conn. Series, Vol. 3. University of New 1958 Pecos, New Mexico: Mexico, Albuquerque. Archaeological Notes. Papers of Krenetsky, J.C. the Robert S. Peabody Foundation 1966 Phytosociological study of the for Archaeology, No. 5. Andover, Picuris grant and ethnobotanical Mass. study of the Picuris Indians. Ms. Kidder, Alfred V. and Charles A. on file, Fort Burgwin Research Amsden Center, Ranchos de Taos, N.M. 1931 Dull paint wares. In The Pottery Kulisheck, Jeremy of Pecos, Vol. 1, edited by Alfred n.d. A study of Jeddito Yellow Wares Vincent Kidder. Papers of the from Picuris Pueblo. Ms. in Phillips Academy Southwestern possession of the author, Santa Fe. Expedition, No. 5. New Haven, Kulisheck, Jeremy, Michael Adler, and Conn. John Hufnagle Kidder, Alfred V., and S. Guernsey 1994 Diversity and continuity in 1919 Archaeological Explorations in Classic and Protohistoric villages Northeastern Arizona. Bureau of of the Taos district. Paper

218 presented at the 59th annual Zeitschrift fur Sozialforschung, meetings of the Society for Jahrgany IV, Heft 2, pp. 232–247. American Archaeology, Anaheim, LeBlanc, Steven A. Calif. 1989 Cultural dynamics in the southern Lambert, Marjorie F. Mogollon area. In Dynamics of 1954 Paa-ko: Archaeological Chronicle Southwest Prehistory, edited by of an Indian Village in North- Linda Cordell and George Central New Mexico, Parts I–V. Gumerman, pp. 179–208. Monograph of the School of Smithsonian Institution Press, American Research, No. 19. Washington, D.C. Santa Fe. Lehmer, Donald J. 1957 A rare stone humpbacked figurine 1948 The Jornada Branch of the from Pecos Pueblo, New Mexico. Mogollon. University of Arizona El Palacio 64(3–4):93–108. Bulletin, Vol. 19, No. 2, Social 1967 A Kokopelli effigy pitcher from Science Bulletin No. 17. Tucson. North Western New Mexico. Lekson, Stephen American Antiquity 32:398–401. 1988 The idea of the kiva in Anasazi Lange, Charles H. archaeology. Kiva 53(3):213– 1959 Cochiti: A New Mexico Pueblo, 234. Past and Present. University of 1996 Southwestern New Mexico and Texas Press, Austin. (Reprinted southeastern Arizona, A.D. 900 to 1968, Southern Illinois University 1300. In The Prehistoric Pueblo Press, Carbondale.) World, A.D. 1150–1350, edited 1979 Santo Domingo Pueblo. In by Michael Adler, pp. 170–176. Handbook of North American University of Arizona Press, Indians, Vol. 9, edited by Alfonso Tucson. Ortiz, pp. 379–389. Smithsonian Lent, Stephen C. Institution, Washington, D.C. 1991 Kwahe’e Black-on-white and Lange, Frederick, Nancy Mahaney, Joe Taos Black-on-white: The H.P. Ben Wheat and Mark L. Chenault Mera type sites. Pottery 1986 Yellow Jacket: A Four Corners Southwest 18(3):7–9. Anasazi Ceremonial Center. Levine, Daisy Johnson Books, Boulder, Colo. 1994 Ceramics. In Studying the Taos Lange, Richard W. Frontier: The Pot Creek Data 1981 A Prehistoric Garden Plot on the Recovery Project, 2 vols., edited Rio Ojo Caliente, Rio Arriba by Jeffrey Boyer et al., pp. 339– County, New Mexico: Ojo 378. Archaeology Notes 68, Caliente Site 7, Features 1–2. Museum of New Mexico, Office School of American Research, of Archaeological Studies. Santa Contract Archaeology Division, Fe. Report 065. Santa Fe. Lightfoot, D. R. Lasswell, Harold D. 1993 The landscape context of Anasazi 1935 Collective Autism as a pebble-mulch fields in the Consequence of Culture Contact: Galisteo Basin, northern New Notes on Religious Training and Mexico. Geoarchaeology 8:349– the Peyote Cult at Taos. 370.

219 Lister, Robert H., and Florence C. Lister Mera, Harry P. 1978 Anasazi Pottery. University of 1932 Wares Ancestral to Tewa New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Polychrome. Laboratory of Locke, Raymond Friday Anthropology, Technical Series 1976 The Book of the Navajo. Bulletin, No. 4. Santa Fe. Mankind Publishing, Los 1933 A Proposed Revision of the Rio Angeles. Grande Glaze Paint Sequence. Loose, Ann A. Laboratory of Anthropology, 1974 Archaeological Excavation near Technical Series Bulletin, No. 5. Arroyo Hondo, Carson National Santa Fe. Forest, New Mexico. 1934 A Survey of the Biscuit Ware Archaeological Report No. 4, Area in Northern New Mexico. USDA Forest Service, Laboratory of Anthropology, Southwestern Region. Technical Series Bulletin, No. 6. Albuquerque. Santa Fe. Mallery, Garrick 1935 Ceramic Clues to the Prehistory of 1881 Sign language among North North-Central New Mexico. American Indians compared with Laboratory of Anthropology, that among other peoples and deaf Technical Series Bulletin, No. 8. mutes. In Bureau of American Santa Fe. Ethnology, First Annual Report, 1939 Style Trends of Pueblo Pottery in pp. 263–552. Washington, D.C. the Rio Grande and Little Martin, Paul S., John B. Rinaldo, Elaine Colorado Cultural Areas from the Bluhm, Hugh C. Cutler, and Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Roger Grange, Jr. Century. Laboratory of 1952 Mogollon Cultural Continuity and Anthropology, Memoir, No. 3. Change: The Stratigraphic Santa Fe. Analysis of Tularosa and Cordova 1940 Population Changes in the Rio Caves. Fieldiana, Vol. 40. Grande Glaze Paint Area. Chicago Natural History Museum, Laboratory of Anthropology, Chicago. Technical Series Bulletin, No. 9. Martineau, La Van Santa Fe. 1973 The Rocks Begin to Speak. KC Merriam, Alan P. Publications, Las Vegas, Nev. 1964 The Anthropology of Music. McNutt, C. H. Northwestern University Press, 1959 Excavations and interpretations of Evanston, Ill. early puebloan occupations at the Mindeleff, Victor Tesuque By-Pass Site and in the 1891 A Study of Pueblo Architecture in upper Rio Grande valley. Ph.D. Tusayan and Cibola. In Eighth dissertation, University of Annual Report of the Bureau of Michigan, Ann Arbor. American Ethnology for the Years Meares, Richard 1886–1887, pp. 3–228. U.S. 1954 The Bird Fancyer's Delight. Government Printing Office, Schott and Co., London. Washington, D.C. Originally published 1717, Richard Meares.)

220 Montgomery, A. Nelson, Nels C. 1953 Pre-Cambrian Geology of the 1914 Pueblo Ruins of the Galisteo Picuris Range, North-Central New Basin, New Mexico. Mexico. Bulletin 30, State Anthropological Papers of the Bureau of Mines and Mineral American Museum of Natural Resources, New Mexico Institute History, Vol. 15, Part 1. New of Mining and Technology. York. Socorro. Olson, A. P. 1963 The Source of fibrolite axes. El 1962 A history of the phase concept in Palacio 70(1–2):34–48. the Southwest. American Moore, James Antiquity 27(4):457–472. 1981 Prehistoric soil and water Ortiz, Alfonso conservation in the Middle Rio 1965 Dual organization as an Puerco Valley. Master’s thesis, operational concept in the Pueblo University of New Mexico, Southwest. Ethnology 4(4):389– Albuquerque. 396. Morenon, Pierre Pancoast, Chalmers Lowell n.d. Excavations at Sagebrush Pueblo. 1918 Last dance of Picuris. The Ms. on file, Fort Burgwin American Museum Journal Research Center, Ranchos de 18(4):308–311. Taos, N.M. Parmentier, Richard J. Morris, Earl H. 1979 The mythological triangle: 1925 Exploring the canyon of death. Poseyemu, Montezuma, and Jesus National Geographic 49(30):263– in the Pueblos. In Handbook of 300. North American Indians, Vol. 9, Morris, Earl H., and Robert F. Burgh edited by Alfonso Ortiz, pp. 609– 1954 Basketmaker II Sites near 622. Smithsonian Institution, Durango, Colorado. Publication Washington, D.C. 604, Carnegie Institution of Parsons, Elsie Clews Washington, Washington, D.C. 1925 The Pueblo of Jemez. Papers of Morris, Elizabeth Ann the Phillips Academy 1959 Basketmaker flutes from the Southwestern Expedition, No. 3. Prayer Rock District, Arizona. New Haven, Conn. American Antiquity 24(4):406– 1929 The Social Organization of the 411. Tewa of New Mexico. American 1980 Basketmaker Caves in the Prayer Anthropological Association, Rock District, Northeastern Memoir No. 36. Menasha, Wisc. Arizona. Anthropological Papers 1932 Isleta, New Mexico. Bureau of of the University of Arizona, No. American Ethnology, Forty- 35. University of Arizona Press, Seventh Annual Report, pp. 193– Tucson. 466. Washington, D.C. Munsell Corporation 1936 Taos Pueblo. General Series in 1945 Soil Color Chart. Baltimore. Anthropology, No. 2. George Murdock, George Peter Banta Publishing Company, 1949 Social Structure. The Macmillan Menasha, Wisc. Company, New York. 1938 The hunchbacked flute player of

221 the Southwest. American 1963 Three sites near Ranchos de Taos, Anthropologist 40:337–338. New Mexico. Highway Salvage 1939a Picuris, New Mexico. American Archaeology 4:1–29. Anthropologist 41:206–222. Pepper, George H. 1939b Pueblo Indian Religion, 2 vols. 1920 Pueblo Bonito. Anthropological University of Chicago Press, Papers of the American Museum Chicago. of Natural History, Vol. 27. New 1994 Tewa Tales. University of York. Arizona Press, Tucson. Peterson, Roger Tory (Originally published 1926, 1961 A Field Guide to Western Birds. Memoirs of the American Folk- Houghton Mifflin, Boston. Lore Society, Vol. 19, New Post, Stephen York.) 1995 Santa Fe Black-on-white: The Patterson, Alex Pottery of choice in the Santa Fe 1992 A Field Guide to Rock Art area during the Coalition and Symbols. Johnson Books, early Classic periods. Paper read Boulder, Colo. at the City of Santa Fe Patterson-Rudolph, Carol Archaeological Symposium, 1990 Petroglyphs and Pueblo Myths of October 1995. the Rio Grande. Awanyu Proctor, Rebecca Publishing, Albuquerque. 1993 Stylistic variation and change in Payne, Richard W. prehistoric ceramics in the 1989 Indian flutes of the Southwest. northern Rio Grande region of Journal of the American Musical New Mexico. Ph.D. dissertation, Instrument Society 15:5–31. Washington University, St. Louis. 1991 Bone flutes of the Anasazi. Kiva Proctor-Weiss, Rebecca 56(2):165–177. 1983 Northern Rio Grande painted Peabody, Charles pottery types: A reevaluation. 1917 A prehistoric wind-instrument Paper presented at the 48th Annual From Pecos, New Mexico. Meeting of the Society for American Anthropologist 19:30– American Archaeology, 33. Pittsburgh. Peckham, Barbara A. Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. 1981 Pueblo IV murals at Mound 7. In 1965 Structure and Function in Contributions to Gran Quivira Primitive Society. Free Press, Archaeology, Gran Quivira New York. National Monument, New Randel, Don (editor) Mexico, edited by Alden C. 1986 The Harvard Dictionary of Music. Hayes, pp. 15–38. Publications in Harvard University Press, Archaeology, No. 17, National Cambridge, Mass. Park Service. Washington, D.C. Rapoport, Amos Peckham, Stewart 1969 House Form and Culture. 1991 From This Earth: The Ancient Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs. Art of Pueblo Pottery. Museum 1988 Levels of meaning in the built of New Mexico Press, Santa Fe. environment. In Cross-Cultural Peckham, Stewart, and Erik K. Reed Perspectives in Nonverbal

222 Communication, edited by F. Mexico C-D: Northern Rio Poyatos, pp. 317–336. C. J. Grande Area. Laboratory of Tree Hogrefe, Toronto. Ring Research, Tucson. 1990 History and Precedence in Rohn, Arthur H. Environmental Design. Plenum 1989 Rock Art of Bandelier National Press, New York. Monument. University of New Rappaport, Roy A. Mexico Press, Albuquerque. 1971 Ritual, sanctity and cybernetics. Schaafsma, Curtis American Anthropologist 73:59– n.d.a. The Hatch Site. Ms. on file in the 76. Museum of New Mexico, Santa Reagan, Albert B. Fe. 1914 Don Diego; or The Pueblo n.d.b. Field notes of 1965 field season at Uprising in 1680. A. Harrington Picuris Pueblo. Ms. on file, Fort Co., New York. Burgwin Research Center, 1922 Symbolical drawings by Jemez Ranchos de Taos, N.M Pueblos. El Palacio 12(2):17–24 Schaafsma, Curtis, Daniel Wolfman, and Reed, Erik K. Marianne L. Wolfman 1948 The Western Pueblo 1966 Handbook of Codes and archaeological complex. El Statistical Methods for Use in Palacio 55:9–15. Analyzing Archeological Sites 1949 Sources of the upper Rio Grande with the Aid of a Computer. Pueblo culture and population. El Adams State Series in Palacio 56:163–184. Anthropology, No. 2. Alamosa, 1955 Painted pottery and Zuni history. Colo. Southwestern Journal of Schaafsma, Polly Anthropology 11(2):178–193. 1965 Kiva murals from Pueblo del Riley, Carroll, and Basil C. Hedrick Encierro (LA 70). El Palacio (editors) 72(3):7–16. 1978 Across the Chichimec Sea: 1975 Rock Art in New Mexico. Papers in Honor of J. Charles University of New Mexico Press, Kelley. Southern Illinois Albuquerque. University Press, Carbondale. 1980 Indian Rock Art of the Southwest. Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr. School of American Research, 1932 The Village of the Great Kivas on Santa Fe, and University of New the Zuni Reservation. U.S. Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Bureau of American Ethnology, Schaafsma, Polly (editor) Bulletin 111. Smithsonian 1992 Kachinas in the Pueblo World. Institution, Washington, D.C. University of New Mexico Press, Robinson, W. Albuquerque. 1951 A Method for Chronological Schlanger, Sarah, and Richard Wilshusen Ordering Archaeological 1993 Local abandonments and regional Deposits. American Antiquity conditions in the North American 16(4):293–300. Southwest. In Abandonment of Robinson, William, and Richard L. Settlements and Regions: Warren Ethnoarchaeological and 1971 Tree Ring Dates from New Archaeological Approaches,

223 edited by Catherine Cameron and Annual Spring Meeting of the Steve Tomka, pp. 85–98. American Ethnological Society. Cambridge University Press, University of Washington, Seattle. Cambridge, England. Simpson, James H. Schoenwetter, James 1850 Journal of a Military 1966 Pollen studies at Picuris Pueblo. Reconnaissance from Santa Fe, Ms. on file, Fort Burgwin New Mexico, to the Navajo Research Center, Ranchos de Country in 1849, by James H. Taos, N.M. Simpson, A.M., First Lieutenant Schroeder, Albert H. Corps of Topographical 1962 A re-analysis of the routes of Engineers. Senate Executive Coronado and Oñate into the Document 64, 31st Cong., 1st plains in 1541. Plains sess., pp. 56–168. U.S. Anthropologist 7(15):2–23. Government Printing Office, 1963 The documents of the de Sosa Washington, D.C. (Reprinted expedition. Paper presented at the 1852, Lippincot, Grambo, and 1963 Pecos Conference. Co., Philadelphia.) 1974 A Brief History of Picuris Pueblo: Skinner, S. Alan A Tiwa Indian Group in North 1968 Two historic period sites in the El Central New Mexico. Adams Rito valley, New Mexico. Plains State College Series in Anthropologist 13:63–70. Anthropology, No. 2. Alamosa, Slifer, Dennis Colo. 1998 Signs of Life: Rock Art of the Shapiro, Jason Upper Rio Grande. Ancient City 1996 Fingerprints on the landscape: Press, Santa Fe. Space syntax analysis of Arroyo Slifer, Dennis, and James Duffield Hondo Pueblo. Ph.D. 1994 Kokopelli: Flute Player Images in Dissertation, Pennsylvania State Rock Art. Ancient City Press, University, University Park. Santa Fe. Shepard, A.O. Smiley, T. L. 1942 Rio Grande Glaze Paint Ware: A 1952 Four Late Prehistoric Kivas at Study Illustrating the Place of Point of Pines, Arizona. Ceramic Technological Analysis University of Arizona Bulletin, in Archaeological Research. 23(2), Social Science Bulletin No. Contributions to American 21. Tucson. Anthropology and History, No. Smiley, T. L., S. A. Stubbs, and B. 39, Carnegie Institution of Bannister Washington, Publication 528, 1953 A Foundation for the Dating of pp.129–262. Washington, D.C. Some Late Archaeological Sites Siegel, Bernard J. in the Rio Grande Area, New 1959 Some structure implications for Mexico, Based on Studies in change in Pueblo and Spanish Tree-ring Methods and Pottery New Mexico. In Intermediate Analyses. University of Arizona Societies, Social Mobility, and Bulletin, 24(3), Laboratory of Communication, edited by Verne Tree-Ring Research, Bulletin No. F. Ray, Proceedings of the 1959 6. Tucson.

224 Smith, Watson University Press, New York.) 1952a Excavations in the Big Hawk Stevenson, Marc G. Valley. Museum of Northern 1982 Toward an understanding of site Arizona Bulletin, No. 24. abandonment behavior: Evidence Flagstaff. from historic mining camps in the 1952b Kiva Mural Decorations at southwest Yukon. Journal of Awatovi and Kawaika-a, with a Anthropological Archaeology Survey of Other Wall Paintings in 1:237–265. the Pueblo Southwest. Papers of Stevenson, Matilda C. the Peabody Museum of 1894 The Sia. In Bureau of American American Archaeology and Ethnology Eleventh Annual Ethnology, Harvard University, Report, pp. 3–157. Washington, Vol. 37. Cambridge, Mass. D.C. 1971 Painted Ceramics of the Western 1904 The Zuni Indians, Their Mound at Awatovi. Papers of the Mythology, Esoteric Fraternities, Peabody Museum of American and Ceremonies. Bureau of Archaeology and Ethnology, American Ethnology, Twenty- Harvard University, Vol. 38. Third Annual Report, 1901–1902. Cambridge, Mass. Washington, D.C. Snead, James 1910 Reference in Administrative 1993 Of pumice and people: Anasazi Report. Bureau of American agriculture and Jemez volcanism Ethnology, Annual Report, No. on the Caja del Rio, northwestern 31. Washington, D.C. New Mexico. Paper presented at 1915 Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians. the Fifth Occasional Anasazi In Bureau of American Symposium, San Juan College, Ethnology, Thirtieth Annual Farmington, N.M. Report, pp. 31–102. Washington, Spielmann, Katherine D.C. 1991 Coercion or cooperation? Plains- Stirling, Matthew W. Pueblo interaction in the 1942 Origin Myth of Acoma and Other Protohistoric period. In Farmers, Records. Bureau of American Hunters, and Colonists: Ethnology, Bulletin 135. Interaction Between the Washington, D.C. Southwest and the Southern Stubbs, Stanley A. Plains, edited by K. Spielmann, 1954 Summary report on an early pp. 36–50. University of Arizona pueblo site in the Tesuque valley, Press, Tucson. New Mexico. El Palacio 6(2):43– Spinden, Herbert Joseph 45. 1933 Songs of the Tewa. Exposition of Stubbs, Stanley A., and W. S. Stallings, Indian Tribal Arts, New York. Jr. Stephen, Alexander M. 1953 The Excavation of Pindi Pueblo. 1969 Hopi Journal of Alexander M. Monograph of the Laboratory of Stephen, Vol. 23, two parts, edited Anthropology and the School of by Elsie Clews Parsons. AMS American Research, No. 18. Press, New York. (Originally Santa Fe. published 1936, Columbia

225 Tanner, Clara Lee Project: A Progress Report, 1976 Prehistoric Southwestern Craft edited by William D. Lipe, pp. Arts. University of Arizona Press, 45–67. Occasional Papers 2, Tucson. Crow Canyon Archaeological Taylor, Walter W. Center. Cortez, Colo. 1948 A Study of Archaeology. Vickery, Lucretia D. Memoirs of the American 1969 Excavations at TA-26, a small Anthropological Association, Vol. pueblo near Taos, New Mexico. 69. Menasha, Wisc.* Master’s thesis, Wichita State Trager, George L. University, Wichita, Kans. 1943 The kinship and status terms of Vivian, Gordon the Tiwa languages. American 1934 The excavation of Bandelier's Anthropologist 45:557–571. Puaray. El Palacio 37:153–159. 1967 The Tanoan settlement of the Rio Vivian, Gordon, and N. W. Clendenen Grande area: A possible 1965 The Denison site: Four pithouses chronology. In Studies in near Isleta, New Mexico. El Southwestern Ethnolinguistics: Palacio 72(2):5–26. Meaning and History in the Vivian, Gordon, and Paul Reiter Languages of the Southwest, 1960 The Great Kivas of Chaco Canyon edited by Dell Hymes and W. and Their Relationships. Bittle. Mouton and Co., The Monographs of the School of Hague. American Research and the Tyler, Hamilton A. Museum of New Mexico, No. 22. 1991 Pueblo Birds and Myths. Santa Fe. Northland Publishing, Flagstaff, Voth, H. R. Ariz. (Originally published 1979, 1901 The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony. University of Oklahoma Press, Field Columbian Museum Norman.) Publication 61. Chicago. Underhill, Ruth M. Warren, A. Helene 1956 The Navajos. University of 1977 Appendix I: New dimensions in Oklahoma Press, Norman. the study of prehistoric pottery. Upham, Steadman In Archaeological Investigations 1982 Polities and Power: An Economic in Cochiti Reservoir, New and Political History of the Mexico, Volume 2: Excavation Western Pueblos. Academic and Analysis, 1975 Season, edited Press, New York. by R. C. Chapman and J. V. Upham, Steadman, Kent G. Lightfoot, Biella, pp. 362–374. Office of and Gary M. Feinman Contract Archaeology, University 1981 Explaining socially determined of New Mexico, Albuquerque. ceramic distributions in the Waters, Frank prehistoric Plateau Southwest. 1950 Masked Gods. Swallow American Antiquity 46:822–833 Press/Ohio University Press, Varien, Mark, Kristin Kuckelman, and Athens. James Kleidon 1972 The Book of the Hopi. Penguin 1993 The Site Testing Program. In The Books, New York. Sand Canyon Archaeological Weaver, Donald E., Jr.

226 1984 Images on stone: The prehistoric N.M. rock art of the Colorado Plateau. White, Leslie Plateau 55(2). 1962 The Pueblo of Sia, New Mexico. Webb, William, and Robert A. Weinstein Bureau of American Ethnology, 1987 Dwellers at the Source: Bulletin No. 184. Washington, D. Southwestern Indian Photographs C. of A. C. Vroman 1895–1904. Willey, Gordon R. University of New Mexico Press, 1953 Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in Albuquerque. (Originally the Virú Valley, Peru. Bureau of published 1973, Grossman, New American Ethnology, Bulletin York.) 155, Washington, D.C. Wellmann, K. F. 1974 The Virú Valley Settlement 1970 Kokopelli of Indian paleology: Pattern Study. In Archaeological Hunchbacked rain priest, Researches in Retrospect, edited magician, and Don Juan of the by Gordon R. Willey. Winthrop Old Southwest. Journal of the Publishers, Cambridge, Mass. American Medical Association Wills, Wirt H. 212:1678–82. 1988 Early Prehistoric Agriculture in Wendorf, Fred the American Southwest. School 1953 Salvage Archaeology in the of American Research Press, Chama Valley, New Mexico. Santa Fe. Monograph of the School of 1990 Cultivating Ideas: The Changing American Research, No. 17. Intellectual History of the Santa Fe. Introduction of Agriculture in the 1954 A reconstruction of northern Rio American Southwest. In Grande prehistory. American Perspectives on Southwestern Anthropologist 56(2):200–227. Prehistory, edited by Paul Minnis 1956 A fragmentary pueblo near and Charles Redman, pp. 319– Corona, New Mexico. In 332. Westview Press, Boulder. Highway Salvage Archaeology, Wills, Wirt H., T. Baker, and L. Baker Vol. II, edited by Fred Wendorf. 1990 Aerial perspectives on prehistoric State Highway Department, Santa agricultural fields of the middle Fe. Rio Grande Valley, New Mexico. Wendorf, Fred, and Eirk K. Reed In Clues to the Past: Papers in 1955 An alternative reconstruction of Honor of William M. Sundt, northern Rio Grande prehistory. edited by Meliha S. Duran and El Palacio 62(5–6):131–173. David T. Kirkpatrick, pp. 315– Wetherington, Ronald K. 332. Papers of the Archaeological 1964 Early occupations in the Taos Society of New Mexico, No. 16. District in the context of northern Albuquerque. Rio Grande culture history. Ph.D. Wilshusen, Richard R. dissertation, University of 1986 The relationship between Michigan, Ann Arbor. abandonment mode and ritual use 1968 Excavations at Pot Creek Pueblo. in Pueblo I Anasazi protokivas. Fort Burgwin Research Center, Journal of Field Archaeology Publication 6. Ranchos de Taos, 13:245–54.

227 Wiseman, Regge N., and Bart Olinger 51:143–164. 1991 Initial production of painted Woosley, Anne I., and Bart Olinger pottery in the Rio Grande: The 1990 Ethnicity and production of perspective from LA 835, micaceous ware in the Taos Pojoaque Grant site. In Puebloan valley. In Clues to the Past: Past and Present: Papers in Honor Papers in Honor of William M. of Stewart Peckham, edited by Sundt, edited by Meliha S. Duran Meliha Duran and David T. and David T. Kirkpatrick. Papers Kirkpatrick. Papers of the of the Archaeological Society of Archaeological Society of New New Mexico, No. 16. Mexico, No. 17. Albuquerque. Albuquerque. Wolfman, Daniel Wozniak, Frank 1962 Field notes of 1962 field season at 1992 Myth and propaganda: The story Picuris Pueblo. Ms. on file, Fort of irrigation in the middle Rio Burgwin Research Center, Grande Valley of New Mexico. Ranchos de Taos, N.M. Paper presented at the New Wolfman, Daniel, Marianne L. Wolfman, Mexico Archaeological Council and Herbert W. Dick Symposium, Santa Fe. 1965 Taos Phase Pithouse on Arroyo Young, M. Jane Seco, New Mexico. Adams State 1988 Signs from the Ancestors: Zuni Series in Anthropology, No. 1. Cultural Symbolism and Alamosa, Colo. Perceptions of Rock Art. Woodbury, Richard B. University of New Mexico Press, 1954 Prehistoric Stone Implements of Albuquerque. Northeastern Arizona. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 34. Cambridge, Mass. 1961a Climatic changes and prehistoric agriculture in the Southwestern United States. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 95:705–709. 1961b Prehistoric Agriculture at Point of Pines, Arizona. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, No. 17. Salt Lake City. Woosley, Anne I. 1980 Agricultural diversity in the prehistoric Southwest. Kiva 45:317–335. 1986 Puebloan prehistory of the northern Rio Grande: Settlement, population, subsistence. Kiva

228 Appendix 1: Picuris Tree Ring Dates (from Harlan 1966)

123|6 124| 124| 126| 127| 128| 129|7 130|1 131| 132| 133|0 134| 135|33 136| 137|04 138| 139|3 140|56 141|012 142|7 143|3 144|60 145|01 146|001489 147|4444446 148|1 149|36 150|2568 151|35 152|469 153|001568 154|00 155|29 156| 157| 158|8 159| 160|

Other dates: 1768, 1788, 1887, 1920

Note: tree ring dates are listed by decade. Each numeral to the right indicates one tree ring date during that same year. Both cutting and non-cutting dates are included, with cutting dates underlined. The dates indicate the majority of preserved timbers at Picuris were cut during the 15th and 16th centuries.

229

This book has been produced in a limited edition, on 70-lb cotton bond, an acid-free paper

231