DOCSLIB.ORG

WIDER Working Paper No. 2011/07 Are Electoral Coalitions

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
WIDER Working Paper No. 2011/07 Are Electoral Coalitions A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Resnick, Danielle Working Paper Are electoral coalitions harmful for democratic consolidation in Africa? WIDER Working Paper, No. 2011/07 Provided in Cooperation with: United Nations University (UNU), World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER) Suggested Citation: Resnick, Danielle (2011) : Are electoral coalitions harmful for democratic consolidation in Africa?, WIDER Working Paper, No. 2011/07, ISBN 978-92-9230-370-9, The United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER), Helsinki This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/54007 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Working Paper No. 2011/07 Are Electoral Coalitions Harmful for Democratic Consolidation in Africa? Danielle Resnick* February 2011 Abstract Electoral coalitions are becoming increasingly popular among opposition parties in Africa because they offer many advantages with respect to reducing party fragmentation and increasing incumbent turnovers. At the same time, however, they are often comprised of parties that are defined predominantly by their leaders’ personalities and exhibit little differentiation in terms of their policy orientation. Based on a dataset spanning all opposition coalitions since 2000 in Africa’s electoral democracies, this paper demonstrates not only that coalitions rarely defeat incumbents but also that they are only competitive when major opposition parties are involved. More significantly, the paper highlights that in many countries, a sizeable share of total electoral volatility is due to fluctuations in voting for opposition parties that have belonged to coalitions. The paper argues that such volatility reflects the inability of coalition members to build loyal constituency bases over time, which is critical for party development and broader consolidation. Keywords: Africa, campaign strategies, electoral volatility, opposition parties, party development JEL classification: D72, N30, N37, O10 Copyright © UNU-WIDER 2011 * UNU-WIDER, Helsinki. E-mail: [email protected] This study has been prepared within the UNU-WIDER project on New Directions in Development Economics. UNU-WIDER acknowledges the financial contributions to the research programme by the governments of Denmark (Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs), Finland (Ministry for Foreign Affairs), Sweden (Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency—Sida) and the United Kingdom (Department for International Development). ISSN 1798-7237 ISBN 978-92-9230-370-9 The World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER) was established by the United Nations University (UNU) as its first research and training centre and started work in Helsinki, Finland in 1985. The Institute undertakes applied research and policy analysis on structural changes affecting the developing and transitional economies, provides a forum for the advocacy of policies leading to robust, equitable and environmentally sustainable growth, and promotes capacity strengthening and training in the field of economic and social policy making. Work is carried out by staff researchers and visiting scholars in Helsinki and through networks of collaborating scholars and institutions around the world. www.wider.unu.edu [email protected] UNU World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) Katajanokanlaituri 6 B, 00160 Helsinki, Finland Typescript prepared by Janis Vehmaan-Kreula at UNU-WIDER The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s). Publication does not imply endorsement by the Institute or the United Nations University, nor by the programme/project sponsors, of any of the views expressed. Tables appear at the end of document. The World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER) was established by the United Nations University (UNU) as its first research and training centre and started work in Helsinki, Finland in 1985. The Institute undertakes applied research and policy analysis on structural changes affecting the developing and transitional economies, provides a forum for the advocacy of policies leading to robust, equitable and environmentally sustainable growth, and promotes capacity strengthening and training in the field of economic and social policy making. Work is carried out by staff researchers and visiting scholars in Helsinki and through networks of collaborating scholars and institutions around the world. www.wider.unu.edu [email protected] UNU World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) Katajanokanlaituri 6 B, 00160 Helsinki, Finland Typescript prepared by Janis Vehmaan-Kreula at UNU-WIDER The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s). Publication does not imply endorsement by the Institute or the United Nations University, nor by the programme/project sponsors, of any of the views expressed. 1 Introduction In July 2008, five Ugandan opposition parties announced the formation of the Inter- Party Cooperation coalition in order to compete against President Yoweri Museveni in the country’s 2011 elections. Similarly, in March 2009, opposition parties in Nigeria decided to form a coalition in an attempt to defeat the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in 2011. South Africa’s opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Independent Democrats (ID) likewise agreed in mid-2010 to an electoral alliance for forthcoming local and national elections in a bid to undermine the dominance of the ruling African National Congress (ANC). These cases represent only a few recent attempts by African opposition parties to form electoral coalitions as a means of challenging the entrenchment of ruling parties. Indeed, in a region where democratization has led to a proliferation in parties, electoral coalitions represent one means of reducing party fragmentation. As such, coalitions could enhance both the participation and contestation of opposition parties that Dahl (1971) deems critical for democracy. Moreover, opposition coalitions could facilitate the turnover of incumbent parties, which is Huntington’s (1991) minimum standard for achieving democratic consolidation. However, this paper not only illustrates that opposition coalitions rarely defeat incumbents but also argues that such coalitions further hinder democratic consolidation by preventing the development of competitive party systems. As Stepan (1990: 44) notes, opposition parties must represent ‘credible democratic alternatives’ which, among other things, involves retaining an independent ideological and institutional existence. Yet, opposition parties in Africa often lack any ideological differentiation on issues relevant to citizens. Coalitions only exacerbate this tendency by precluding parties from developing distinct platforms and thereby from garnering a loyal constituency base. Often, coalition members are only motivated by an office-seeking agenda and simply coalesce around a shared goal of ousting the ruling party. At best, this reinforces the existing tendency of voters to select parties according to the personalities of their leaders rather than their policies. At worst, it increases voter disillusionment over the lack of genuine party alternatives and may ultimately foment apathy. This paper focuses exclusively on pre-electoral coalitions rather than on governing coalitions.1 Moreover, I use the term pre-electoral coalitions to refer to two types of arrangements: (1) the coalescence of two or more political parties under one party banner for the purposes of elections or (2) negotiated pacts whereby they compete under their own individual party banners but agree to split amongst themselves the share of seats they collectively win in legislative elections.2 Explicit attention is devoted to pre- electoral coalitions by opposition parties rather than incumbents in light of the importance of opposition parties for democratic consolidation. 1 See Oyugi (2006) for an overview of post-electoral coalitions in Africa. 2 The terms coalition, electoral pacts, and alliances are used interchangeably in this paper but collectively refer to the same concept elaborated here. 1 As Powell (2000: 644) notes, theoretical and empirical work on pre-electoral coalitions remains relatively limited. Indeed, research on coalitions largely has focused on bargaining by parties within governing coalitions after elections have occurred (e.g.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • List of Participants Liste Des Participants
    LIST OF PARTICIPANTS LISTE DES PARTICIPANTS 142nd IPU Assembly and Related Meetings (virtual) 24 to 27 May 2021 - 2 - Mr./M. Duarte Pacheco President of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Président de l'Union interparlementaire Mr./M. Martin Chungong Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Secrétaire général de l'Union interparlementaire - 3 - I. MEMBERS - MEMBRES AFGHANISTAN RAHMANI, Mir Rahman (Mr.) Speaker of the House of the People Leader of the delegation EZEDYAR, Mohammad Alam (Mr.) Deputy Speaker of the House of Elders KAROKHAIL, Shinkai (Ms.) Member of the House of the People ATTIQ, Ramin (Mr.) Member of the House of the People REZAIE, Shahgul (Ms.) Member of the House of the People ISHCHY, Baktash (Mr.) Member of the House of the People BALOOCH, Mohammad Nadir (Mr.) Member of the House of Elders HASHIMI, S. Safiullah (Mr.) Member of the House of Elders ARYUBI, Abdul Qader (Mr.) Secretary General, House of the People Member of the ASGP NASARY, Abdul Muqtader (Mr.) Secretary General, House of Elders Member of the ASGP HASSAS, Pamir (Mr.) Acting Director of Relations to IPU Secretary to the delegation ALGERIA - ALGERIE GOUDJIL, Salah (M.) Président du Conseil de la Nation Président du Groupe, Chef de la délégation BOUZEKRI, Hamid (M.) Vice-Président du Conseil de la Nation (RND) BENBADIS, Fawzia (Mme) Membre du Conseil de la Nation Comité sur les questions relatives au Moyen-Orient KHARCHI, Ahmed (M.) Membre du Conseil de la Nation (FLN) DADA, Mohamed Drissi (M.) Secrétaire Général, Conseil de la Nation Secrétaire général
    [Show full text]
  • List of Participants Liste Des Participants
    LIST OF PARTICIPANTS LISTE DES PARTICIPANTS 139th IPU Assembly and Related Meetings Geneva (Switzerland) 14 to 18 October 2018 2 Ms./Mme Gabriela Cuevas Barron President of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Présidente de l'Union interparlementaire Mr./M. Martin Chungong Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Secrétaire général de l'Union interparlementaire 3 I. MEMBERS - MEMBRES AFGHANISTAN RAUOF, Ahmad Jawid (Mr.) Member of the House of Elders Leader of the Delegation Chairperson of the International Relations Committee KOOFI, Fawzi (Ms.) Member of the House of the People Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians Chair of the Women Affairs and Civil Society Committee AHMADI, Lailuma (Ms.) Member of the House of Elders Education and Higher Education Committee NASRAT, Khudai Nazar (Mr.) Secretary General, House of the People Member of the ASGP NASARY, Abdul Muqtader (Mr.) Secretary General, House of Elders Member of the ASGP RAHIMI, Wazir Mohammad (Mr.) Director of Relations with the IPU, House of Elders MUSLIMYAR, Shamsurrahman (Mr.) Senior Advisor to the Speaker, House of Elders ALBANIA - ALBANIE BELLO, Vilma (Ms.) Member of Parliament (PS) Leader of the Delegation KOSOVA, Halim (Mr.) Member of Parliament Committee on Work and Social Issues (PD) RAMA, Luan (Mr.) Member of Parliament Committee on European Integration (LSI) ULQINI, Musa (Mr.) Member of Parliament Committee on European Integration (PS) GJONCAJ, Genci (Mr.) Secretary General of the Parliament of Albania, Parliament OSTROSI-VELIAJ, Miranda (Ms.) Parliament
    [Show full text]
  • Social Democracy in Mauritius
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository Development with Social Justice? Social Democracy in Mauritius Letuku Elias Phaahla 15814432 Thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (International Studies) at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Professor Janis van der Westhuizen March 2010 ii Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the owner of the copyright thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Signature:……………………….. Date:…………………………….. iii To God be the glory My dearly beloved late sisters, Pabalelo and Kholofelo Phaahla The late Leah Maphankgane The late Letumile Saboshego I know you are looking down with utmost pride iv Abstract Since the advent of independence in 1968, Mauritius’ economic trajectory evolved from the one of a monocrop sugar economy, with the latter noticeably being the backbone of the country’s economy, to one that progressed into being the custodian of a dynamic and sophisticated garment-dominated manufacturing industry. Condemned with the misfortune of not being endowed with natural resources, relative to her mainland African counterparts, Mauritius, nonetheless, was able to break the shackles of limited economic options and one of being the ‘basket-case’ to gradually evolving into being the upper-middle-income country - thus depicting it to be one of the most encouraging economies within the developing world.
    [Show full text]
  • THE FORMATION, COLLAPSE and REVIVAL of POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS in MAURITIUS Ethnic Logic and Calculation at Play *
    VOLUME 4 NO 1 133 THE FORMATION, COLLAPSE AND REVIVAL OF POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS IN MAURITIUS Ethnic Logic and Calculation at Play * By Denis K Kadima and Roukaya Kasenally ** Denis K Kadima is the Executive Director of EISA. P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 Johannesburg Tel: +27 (0) 11 482.5495; Fax: +27 (0) 11 482.6163 e-mail: [email protected] Dr Roukaya Kasenally is a media and political communication specialist and teaches in the Faculty of Social Studies and Humanities at the University of Mauritius. Reduit, Mauritius Tel: +230 454 1041; Fax: +230 686 4000 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT Coalitions and alliances are a regular feature of the Mauritian political landscape. The eight post-independence general elections have all been marked by electoral accords where those expecting to retain power or those aspiring to be in power hedge their bets by forming alliances with partners that ensure that they will be elected. Another fascinating feature is that, apart from that in 1976, all these coalitions have been formed before the election, allowing each party leader to engage in a series of tactical and bargaining strategies to ensure that his party gets a fair deal and, more recently, an equal deal, where the alliance partners shared the post of Prime Minister. The purpose of this paper is to shed some light on this under- researched area and to offer some explanation of the different mechanisms that exist * The authors acknowledge with gratitude the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Johannesburg, and the Embassy of Finland, Pretoria, who funded the project.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and Politics in a Plural Society: the Case of Mauritius
    Town The copyright of this thesis rests with the University of Cape Town. No quotation from it or information derivedCape from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of theof source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non-commercial research purposes only. University WOMEN AND POLITICS IN A PLURAL SOCIETY: THE CASE OF MAURITIUS Town Ramola RAMTOHULCape of Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the UniversityAfrican Gender Institute University of Cape Town February 2009 Women and Politics in a Plural Society: The Case of Mauritius ABSTRACT This research is a socio-historical study of women and politics in the Indian Ocean Island of Mauritius. It traces the historical evolution of women‟s political engagement in social and women‟s movements as well as in the formal political institutions. The backdrop to this study was my interest in the field of women and politics and concern on women‟s marginal presence in the Mauritian parliament since women obtained the right to vote and stand for election in 1947, and until recently, the stark silences on this issue in the country. Mauritius experienced sustained democracy following independence and gained a solid reputation in terms of its stable democratic regime and economic success. Despite these achievements, the Mauritian democracy is deficient with regard to women‟s representation at the highest level of decision-making, in parliament. Moreover, the absence of documentation on this topic has rendered the scope of thisTown study broad. In this thesis I primarily draw on the postcolonial feminist writings to study women‟s political activism in social and women‟s movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Jugnauth V. Raj Direvium Nagaya Ringadoo (Mauritius) [2008] UKPC 50 (05 November 2008)
    Jugnauth v. Raj Direvium Nagaya Ringadoo (Mauritius) [2008] UKPC 50 (05 November 2008) Privy Council Appeal No 58 of 2007 Ashock Kumar Jugnauth Appellant v. Raj Direvium Nagaya Ringadoo Respondent and (1) The Electoral Commissioner (2) The Electoral Supervisory Commission (3) The Returning Officer of Constituency No. 8 (4) Mr Surendra Dayal (5) Mr Ramloll Parmessur Co-respondents FROM THE COURT OF APPEAL OF MAURITIUS ----------------- JUDGMENT OF THE LORDS OF THE JUDICIAL COMMITTEE OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL Delivered the 5th November 2008 ----------------- Present at the hearing:- Lord Scott of Foscote Lord Rodger of Earlsferry Lord Walker of Gestingthorpe Lord Brown of Eaton-under-Heywood Lord Mance ---------------- [Delivered by Lord Rodger of Earlsferry] 1. In the period before July 2005 the appellant, Ashock Kumar Jugnauth, was the Member of Parliament for constituency no 8 and held [2008] UKPC 50 2 office as Minister of Health and Quality of Life in the government formed by the MSM/MMM alliance. On 24 April 2005 the National Assembly was dissolved and on 9 May, acting in terms of section 41(1) of the Representation of the People Act 1958 (“the 1958 Act”), the President of the Republic issued a writ of election for a new Parliament. The date specified for the election was 3 July 2005. 2. At the election the government was defeated and a new government was formed by the Alliance Sociale. Mr Jugnauth was, however, elected as the first of three members for the no 8 constituency. The other two elected were members of the Alliance Sociale. The respondent, Mr Raj Direvium Nagaya Ringadoo, was a candidate of the Alliance Sociale in the same constituency, but he ranked fifth in the poll and so was not elected.
    [Show full text]
  • First Session Tuesday 15 June 2010 Contents Papers Laid
    No. 3 of 2010 FIFTH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) FIRST SESSION TUESDAY 15 JUNE 2010 CONTENTS PAPERS LAID QUESTIONS (ORAL) MOTIONS Suspension of S.O. 10 (2) Government Programme 2010-2015 ADJOURNMENT Members Members THE CABINET (Formed by Dr. the Hon. Navinchandra Ramgoolam) Dr. the Hon. Navinchandra Ramgoolam, GCSK, Prime Minister, Minister of Defence, Home Affairs FRCP and External Communications Dr. the Hon. Ahmed Rashid Beebeejaun, GCSK, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Energy and FRCP Public Utilities Hon. Charles Gaëtan Xavier-Luc Duval, GCSK Vice-Prime Minister, Minister of Social Integration and Economic Empowerment Hon. Pravind Kumar Jugnauth Vice-Prime Minister, Minister of Finance and Economic Development Hon. Anil Kumar Bachoo Minister of Public Infrastructure, National Development Unit, Land Transport and Shipping Dr. the Hon. Arvin Boolell Minister of Foreign Affairs, Regional Integration and International Trade Dr. the Hon. Abu Twalib Kasenally, FRCS Minister of Housing and Lands Hon. Mrs Sheilabai Bappoo, GOSK Minister of Gender Equality, Child Development and Family Welfare Hon. Nandcoomar Bodha Minister of Tourism and Leisure Dr. the Hon. Vasant Kumar Bunwaree Minister of Education and Human Resources Hon. Satya Veryash Faugoo Minister of Agro-Industry and Food Security Hon. Showkutally Soodhun Minister of Industry and Commerce Hon. Devanand Virahsawmy, GOSK Minister of Environment and Sustainable Development Dr. the Hon. Rajeshwar Jeetah Minister of Tertiary Education, Science, Research and Technology Hon. Satyaprakash Ritoo Minister of Youth and Sports Hon. Mrs Leela Devi Dookun-Luchoomun Minister of Social Security, National Solidarity and Reform Institutions Hon. Louis Hervé Aimée Minister of Local Government and Outer Islands Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • Debate No 06 of 2015 (REVISED)
    1 No. 06 of 2015 SIXTH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) FIRST SESSION TUESDAY 03 MARCH 2015 2 CONTENTS PAPERS LAID QUESTIONS (Oral) STATEMENT BY MINISTER BILL (Public) MOTIONS ADJOURNMENT QUESTIONS (Written) 3 Members Members THE CABINET (Formed by the Rt. Hon. Sir Anerood Jugnauth, GCSK, KCMG, QC)) Hon. Sir Anerood Jugnauth, GCSK, Prime Minister, Minister of Defence, Home Affairs, KCMG, QC Minister for Rodrigues and National Development Unit Hon. Charles Gaëtan Xavier-Luc Duval, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Tourism and External GCSK Communications Hon. Showkutally Soodhun Vice-Prime Minister, Minister of Housing and Lands Hon. Ivan Leslie Collendavelloo Vice-Prime Minister, Minister of Energy and Public Utilities Hon. Seetanah Lutchmeenaraidoo Minister of Finance and Economic Development Hon. Pravind Kumar Jugnauth Minister of Technology, Communication and Innovation Hon. Yogida Sawmynaden Minister of Youth and Sports Hon. Nandcoomar Bodha Minister of Public Infrastructure and Land Transport Hon. Mrs Leela Devi Dookun-Luchoomun Minister of Education and Human Resources, Tertiary Education and Scientific Research Hon. Anil Kumarsingh Gayan Minister of Health and Quality of Life Dr. the Hon. Mohammad Anwar Husnoo Minister of Local Government Hon. Prithvirajsing Roopun Minister of Social Integration and Economic Empowerment Hon. Marie Joseph Noël Etienne Ghislain Minister of Foreign Affairs, Regional Integration and Sinatambou International Trade Hon. Ravi Yerrigadoo Attorney General Hon. Mahen Kumar Seeruttun Minister of Agro-Industry and Food Security Hon. Santaram Baboo Minister of Arts and Culture Hon. Ashit Kumar Gungah Minister of Industry, Commerce and Consumer Protection Hon. Mrs Marie-Aurore Marie-Joyce Minister of Gender Equality, Child Development and Perraud Family Welfare Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • Dimpho Motsamai
    EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR ELECTORAL SUPPORT ESN - SA ELECTORAL SUPPORT NETWORK IN SOUTHERN AFRICA Democratic Republic of Congo United Republic PREVENTING AND of MITIGATINGTanzania ELECTORAL CONFLICTSeychelles Angola AND VIOLENCEMozambique Zambia Malawi Mauritius Madagascar ZimbabweFabio Bargiacchi, Victoria Florinder Editors Namibia Botswana Kondwani Chirambo, Thibaud Kurtz Co-editors Swaziland South Africa Lesotho Funded 75% by The European Union and 25% by The European Centre for Electoral Support Table of Content FOREWORD 2 PREFACE 7 INTRODUCTION 10 CHAPTER I - ELECTORAL CONFLICT PREVENTION FRAMEWORK 16 Handbook Purpose and Goal 17 Defining Election Related Conflict and Research Framework 19 A Regional Journey About Preventing Electoral Violence 19 Early Warning 28 CHAPTER II - CASE STUDIES 30 Regional SADC and Botswana / Kondwani Chirambo 31 Angola / Celestino Onesimo Setucula 61 Democratic Republic of the Congo / Robert Gerenge 76 Lesotho / Victor Shale 101 Madagascar / Juvence Ramasy 128 Malawi / Henry Chingaipe 148 Mauritius / Catherine Boudet 180 Mozambique / Johanna Nilsson 205 Namibia / Maximilian Weiland 230 South Africa / Dimpho Motsamai 255 Swaziland / Lungile Mnisi 278 United Republic of Tanzania and Zanzibar / Andrew Mushi and Alexander Makulilo 303 Zambia / Lee Habasonda 326 Zimbabwe / Jestina Mukoko 350 CHAPTER III - CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 378 Key Findings for the Region 379 Shared Regional Issues from the Case Studies 379 Regional Issues 382 Unique National Issues with Potential for Regional Focus 382 Conclusions 384
    [Show full text]
  • Read L'express Weekly 16 April 2010
    [ STRAIGHTTALK |General Elections Special > pp. 42-43 [ INTERVIEW> pp. 36-37 Insert N°3 • Friday 16 APRIL 2010 LAWYER VS Editorial ] LAWYER by Touria PRAYAG Fat Cats Many of us will remember last Monday as the deadline for settling our tax returns. And fearing a fi ne, we all did. We even felt thankful for the extra two days. Though most of us will have paid happily, feeling grateful that we belong to that category of people who earn enough to have to pay, we still had pangs at the idea that a good chunk of that hard-earned money will go to fatten up some already fat cats, just because they are lucky enough to be connected to those who are or will be in power. And, nothing is as emotive and morale- sapping as believing that one is being fl eeced of the fruit of one’s work, and for the money taken to go into the wrong pockets. Politics has become a pecuniary business and, so long as you are in the privileged circle, you will not go empty handed, whether you have been invested with candidature or not, whether you win or lose. The Opposition criticizes only for as long as it is in the Opposition. As soon as it is in power, those criticizing are the fi rst to go to town. Indeed, providing ‘jobs for the boys’ has been common practice in this country with each and every government. And there is nothing inherently wrong with appointing one’s advisers from one’s camp.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties in Conflict-Prone Societies
    United Nations University Press is the publishing arm of the United Nations University. UNU Press publishes scholarly and policy-oriented books and periodicals on the issues facing the United Nations and its peoples and member states, with particular emphasis upon international, regional and trans-boundary policies. The United Nations University was established as a subsidiary organ of the United Nations by General Assembly resolution 2951 (XXVII) of 11 December 1972. It functions as an international community of scholars engaged in research, postgraduate training and the dissemination of knowledge to address the pressing global problems of human survival, development and welfare that are the concern of the United Nations and its agencies. Its activities are devoted to advancing knowledge for human security and development and are focused on issues of peace and governance and environment and sustainable development. The Univer- sity operates through a worldwide network of research and training centres and programmes, and its planning and coordinating centre in Tokyo. Political Parties in Conflict-Prone Societies Political Parties in Conflict-Prone Societies: Regulation, Engineering and Democratic Development Edited by Benjamin Reilly and Per Nordlund United Nations a University Press TOKYO u NEW YORK u PARIS 6 Centre for Democratic Institutions (CDI), International Institute for Democ- racy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), and United Nations University (UNU), 2008 The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not
    [Show full text]
  • The Rule of Law and Free Elections in Africa: Going Beyond the Rhetoric
    The Rule of Law and free elections in Africa: going beyond the rhetoric A conference report 20-21 September 2012, Victoria Falls Conference Report “The Rule of Law and Free Elections in Africa: Going Beyond the Rhetoric” 20 September – 21 September 2012 Victoria Falls Contents Introduction The International Commission of Jurist • To provide African academics, Africa Programme convened a regional parliamentarians, political analysts, Introduction 3 meeting on the “The Rule of Law and election administrators, civil society Conference Objectives Free Elections in Africa: Going Beyond organisations, political parties Programme 4 the Rhetoric” on 20 September – 21 and government agencies with an September 2012 at the Elephant Hills opportunity to reflect upon the legal Day One 5 Hotel in Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe. The and regulatory framework affecting Keynote Address 6 meeting was attended by delegates from 7 elections, in Africa; Election Management Systems 13 countries, which included the Democratic • To provide the various stakeholders A review of Election Management Systems- South Africa 13 Republic of Congo, South Africa, Uganda, in Africa with the opportunity to A review of Election Management Systems- Zimbabwe 21 Zambia, Kenya, Tanzania and Zimbabwe. meaningfully engage with issues to do Legal and Regulatory Framework 27 Amongst the delegates included two with the rule of law and elections in a Analysis by Region of States compliance/adherence to constitutional cabinet ministers from Zimbabwe, heads context that is balanced and informed
    [Show full text]