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Diplomacy and Us-Muslim World Relations: the Possiblity of the Post-Secular and Interfaith Dialogue

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Diplomacy and Us-Muslim World Relations: the Possiblity of the Post-Secular and Interfaith Dialogue DIPLOMACY AND US-MUSLIM WORLD RELATIONS: THE POSSIBLITY OF THE POST-SECULAR AND INTERFAITH DIALOGUE By DARRELL EZELL A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENTS OF AMERICAN AND CANADIAN STUDIES/THEOLOGY AND RELIGION COLLEGE OF ARTS AND LAW THE UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM FEBRUARY 2010 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ii ABSTRACT Prior to September 11, 2001, a calculated image problem related to America’s defence strategy in the Near East and its foreign policy of exceptionalism culminated in its unfavourable perception in the Muslim world. To counter this setback, leading think-tanks recommended that US public diplomacy must lead the way in order for America to reclaim its positive image. During the Bush administration, this guidance was applied through the expansion of public diplomacy measures such as the State Department’s “Brand America” campaign and the “Shared Values Initiative”. Whilst they were successful at applying secular approaches to engaging international Muslim audiences, both campaigns failed to reach the core of Islamic society. This study contends that to reach this core, the crucial requirement must be to apply direct communicative engagement with local networks in order to restore trusted relations. In defining a new way forward, this study breaks new ground by examining the origin of this problem for America from the angle of communication. By acknowledging the many setbacks caused by various public diplomacy measures, we examine the prospects for the State Department in applying the post-secular communication strategy, Interfaith Diplomacy, to enrich political communication between US diplomats and key religious players in the Muslim world. Findings reveal that communication training under an Obama administration is essential for improving US-Muslim world relations, and this requires the recruitment of a Religion Attaché Officer Corps within the United States Foreign Service. A new Religion Attaché, equipped with a background in broad religious affairs and communication training in Interfaith Diplomacy, is likely to make significant headway in counteracting the tension caused by the US-Muslim world communication problem. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First of all, I would like to express my deepest acknowledgement and heartfelt thanks to Dr. Scott Lucas and Dr. David Cheetham, who jointly supervised this study. Their fair and unbiased supervision, deep engagement and critical analysis with regards to my work are greatly appreciated and will always be remembered. I would like to thank both the Department of American and Canadian Studies and the Department of Theology and Religion for granting me an opportunity to study and make a contribution to the fields of Politics and Religion. In addition, I wish to thank the Nali Dinshaw Foundation for granting me a scholarship, and the University of Birmingham’s Roberts Funding Scheme for aiding my research in EU studies in 2006 and providing further assistance to conduct two field research projects in 2007. I am grateful to the US Department of State (Office of Peacekeeping, Sanctions and Counter-terrorism) for providing a placement opportunity for me, that I might advance my research. Thanks are owed to Ambassador Harry K. Thomas for his mentorship while in Washington, D.C., and to Dennis Hankins and Col. Lawrence G. Mrozinski for their steadfast advisement. I also offer my thanks to the University of Arkansas Clinton School of Public Service and the Clinton Foundation, for allowing me to conduct my doctoral practicum. The design of Interfaith Diplomacy would not have been possible without the support of Dr. Michael R. Hemphill and his cutting-edge views on social constructionism. Finally, I wish to express my deepest thanks and gratitude to my loving mother Mattie Ezell in Alabama. Without her support and prayers my small dreams would never reach fruition. Many thanks are owed to Harvey L. Robinson whose wisdom, since childhood, has shaped my life. My very special thanks are dedicated to Rev. James R. Johnson, Dr. Lee Williams II, and Col. James O. Heyward who, in 2004, encouraged me to consider doctoral studies in England. My appreciation is also extended to my closest friends and family for their unfailing support. Darrell Ezell Birmingham, England iv TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION…………………………..…………………………………….1 Part 1 – POSSIBILITIES OF A COEXISTENT FUTURE CHAPTER 1: ASSESSING THE TENSION AFTER 9/11 1.1. Introduction: “Why do they hate us?”………………………………….….…25 1.2. Complicating US foreign relations with Muslims ..…..………...………..…..29 1.2.1. Muslim world perceptions ………………….……………….….….37 1.2.2. Revisiting the US-Muslim world communicative problem………...40 1.3. Playing identity politics: Lewis to Islamic fundamentalism ………………....46 1.3.1. Confrontationalism………………………………………………....49 1.3.2. Islamic fundamentalism……………………………………….……53 1.4. Conclusion……………………………………………………………….…...60 CHAPTER 2: TRANSCENDING THE POST-SECULAR 2.1. Introduction: Confronting post-secularism………………………………..…62 2.2. The reverberation of the public and private sphere ……………………….....68 2.3. The Western secular vision and American political apprehensiveness…...….73 2.4. Shifting the domestic dynamic………………………………………….…….84 2.5. Discounting religious forces in international relations………………….….....91 2.6. Considering a more engaged response……………………………………......99 2.7. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………...105 v CHAPTER 3: INTERFAITH DIALOGUE AS A POST-SECULAR TREATMENT 3.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………….107 3.2. The contemporary interfaith movement: Making a tradition…………….…109 3.3. The manifestation of interfaith dialogue………………………………….…121 3.4. On a “non-conventional way”…………………………………………….…132 3.5. Part one conclusion………………………………………………………….135 Part 2-PRACTISES IN US-MUSLIM WORLD ENGAGEMENT (2001-2008) CHAPTER 4: CRUSADING US NATIONAL SECURITY 4.1. Introduction………………………………………………………….….…..139 4.2. Selling an American war rhetoric………………………………………......144 4.3. Shaping the Bush Doctrine…………………………………………………150 4.4. The limitations of the Bush Doctrine ………………………………………158 4.5. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………..164 CHAPTER 5: STATE DEPARTMENT OUTREACH TO THE MUSLIM WORLD 5.1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………166 5.2. Limited appeal: The Office of International Religious Freedom…………...167 5.3. Reintroducing a pre-existing plan: The “Brand America” campaign….......172 5.3.1. Programming attempts: Charlotte Beers……………………....….176 5.3.2. Programming attempts: Karen P. Hughes………………..…….....179 a. Academic and professional programmes…………...….….......181 b. Mass communication…………………………….…………....183 c. Reform through foreign aid………………………….……......185 d. Approaching the religious dimension……………….………...187 e. The State Department on interfaith relations (2005-2007)..…..189 vi 5.4. Conclusion: Assessing State’s outreach in the Muslim world ……….....194 CHAPTER 6: SUPPORTING A MORE DIRECT APPROACH 6.1. Introduction: Premature efforts ………………………………………….…200 6.2. Rubin: Utilising religious analysis ………………………………………....204 6.3. McDonald: Integrating peacemaking tools ………………………….……..208 6.4. Albright: Improving religious relations ……………………………....……213 6.5. Luttwak: An underdeveloped alternative …………………………….…….220 6.6. Section conclusion………………………………………………………….223 Part 3-WHEN POSSIBILITY MEETS PRACTISE CHAPTER 7: STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION UNDER A NEW PRESIDENCY 7.1. Introduction: A transition of power………………………………………....227 7.2. Treating communication differently under an Obama administration……...231 7.3. The limitations of the “Brand America” campaign in the Muslim world.….240 7.4. Comprehending social construction to employ direct engagement………....245 7.5. Conclusion: Assuring a more specific administrative measure…….……….250 CHAPTER 8: REVISITING THE RELIGION ATTACHÉ 8.1. Introduction……………………………………………………….………...253 8.2. Johnston’s religion attaché model…………………………….…………….258 8.2.1. Financing the attaché ………………………………….……….....260 8.2.2. Attaché deployment ……………………………….……………...262 8.3. Conclusion: Reshaping the communicative context …………..……………265 vii CHAPTER 9: TOWARD A POST-SECULAR COMMUNICATION STRATEGY OF 2 INTERFAITH DIPLOMACY (IFD ) 9.1. The concept of interfaith diplomacy ……………………………………….268 9.2. Step one: Making a post-secular recognition ……………………………....273 9.3. Step two: Entering an arena of socio-political IFD ………………………....276 9.4. Step three: Practising post-secular communication……………………..….278 9.4.1. Component One: Theory of Communicative Action……………...281 9.4.2. Component Two: Coordinated Management of Meaning……......290 2 9.5. The value of IFD ……………………………………………………...…….298 CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………....303 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………....319 APPENDIX viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Limitations of US Public Diplomacy after 9/11…………………………………...4 Modes of US-Muslim World Communicative Engagement……………………....9 “Views of the US and American Foreign Policy”…………………………….….39 Common Assumptions Shared by
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