DOCSLIB.ORG

THE REDEMPTION Everything Went Wrong for George W

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
THE REDEMPTION Everything Went Wrong for George W The New Yorker THE REDEMPTION Everything went wrong for George W. Bush, until he made it all go right. By Nicholas Lemann January 2000 “It’s quite fascinating,” said Joe. “This big honor, the biggest in the world, can happen to a man almost overnight. What was Coolidge when he was nominated for the vice-presidency? He’d been governor of Massachusetts and settled the police strike. What was Harding? Well, Harding isn’t a good example, because he’d not only been governor of his state but United States senator as well. But look at the other side, the Democrats. Wilson, a governor and a college president. Cox? Nobody. Franklin Roosevelt, the fellow that ran for vice-president, I used to know him slightly. At least I met him at dances when I was in college. A typical New York snob, I always thought.” --John O’Hara, “Ten North Frederick.” I met George W. Bush once by accident back in the early seventies, at Harvard. I must have been a freshman or a sophomore. Some home-town friends of mine from New Orleans, Grant and Margot Thomas, were in Cambridge for a few years because Grant was getting a master’s degree, and I used to drop by their apartment all the time. To me, it was a warm island of Southern gaiety in a sour sea of ambition and after-the-revolution ill will. Life had a light and charming cast there. The Thomases had a dog named Layla, and their neighbors, who were the authors of the Curious George books, would appear occasionally to deliver fond mock-chastisings in a Mittel-europa accent. One afternoon when I was there, the doorbell rang and a guy came up the stairs: George Bush. I remember having two thoughts. One was that he looked like a standard-issue boarding- school boy turned business-school student. He was wearing wide-wale corduroy trousers, an Izod polo shirt with the collar turned up, a crew-neck sweater, and Sperry Topsiders-- the uniform of the day for his group. He had curly brown hair worn just a little longer, but not much, than you could wear it at your first job. The second thought was that he must be the son of the head of the Republican National Committee. This was, on the one hand, just about the worst credential you could present in Cambridge at that moment, but, on the other hand, being the son of a definite somebody always registered as a plus at Harvard. One of the things you were socialized to do there was to notice that kind of signifier of position, and affect not to notice. So we greeted each other with meaningful blankness. I, in my Army fatigues, T-shirt, long hair, and big round glasses, would have come across to him as being as deeply not his type as he did to me. The famous Bush charm was not on display. After a few minutes, I said I had to go. I mention all this because it was very much at the top of the agenda the next time I came face to face with George Bush, which was a few days before Christmas, in the hamlet of Derry, New Hampshire. At one end of town, outside the office of the local newspaper, sat a big bus, which had been got up in the manner of the conveyance of a travelling musical act, with a painting of an eagle on one side and a landscape on the other. A small clutch of people, some of them members of a Texas Rangers security detail, stood outside. Soon Bush emerged from the newspaper office, and I introduced myself. He gave me an appraising look. “You’re Henry Thomas’s friend,” he said. “I saw him last night, at the Christmas party at the Page 1 Mansion”--the Governor’s Mansion, in Austin. “Didn’t you teach with him at the Chinquapin School?” What Bush does with people is establish a direct, personal connection--a vector of just-you- and-me. One aspect of it is that everybody gets a nickname, which thenceforth becomes the fixative in the relationship, the instant way of establishing that there’s this special thing going on between Bush and the other person. My friend Grant Thomas was born Henry Grant Thomas, Jr., so, somewhere back in the mists of time in the private-school and country- club world of Houston, where they first met, he became, to Bush, and to Bush only, Henry. Chinquapin was a school in Texas for poor kids where Grant taught for a year, during the period when Bush was in the Air National Guard. I had registered, therefore, as an old friend of Grant’s, probably from the South, probably a liberal, but possibly at least the kind who goes beyond hypocritical preachiness. Not exactly right, but in the ballpark. He motioned for me to get on the bus. Inside, the long channel of space had been divided into two parts, a dressing room in back and a living room in front, where eight or ten people could sit on upholstered couches. A few aides were inside, and a few local Republican politicians, and another reporter, from the newspaper in Nashua. I was going to interview Bush as the bus travelled from Derry to Manchester, a few miles away, where he would give a speech at a high school. Bush looked great. He was wearing a wool jacket that perfectly hugged his back and shoulders, a white shirt with some kind of crosshatched texture in the fabric, black ostrich- skin cowboy boots emblazoned with his initials, and a belt with a nicely worked silver buckle. The curly dark hair of long ago had matured into a close-cropped gray pelt like a Roman emperor’s. He was trim and golden. His face had that middle-aged patrician’s quality of being creased in a way that somehow connotes success. He began the interview by questioning me. Hadn’t I recently published a book on education and testing? It was obvious that in his mind this book had been filed under “Respectable but Too Liberal.” Didn’t I want people’s S.A.T. scores to be readjusted to account for their backgrounds? I said I didn’t. Well, then, what did I want? He was looking to identify the thing that he knew he disagreed with. I said I was for a national achievement test, based on national curriculum standards. That was it. “You’ve got your opinion, I’ve got mine,” he said, and then he went on to explain that a national test was unnecessary because of a long-running government-financed program called the National Assessment of Educational Progress--a program that everybody inside the education world and almost nobody outside of it knows about. He grinned. “And now that I’ve won that argument...” He and the appreciative audience in the bus broke out laughing. He stretched out and put his boots up on the couch. The interview, in other words, began with the quality of an amiably competitive game. Bush wasn’t just going to sit back and let me ask him questions; he was going to take the initiative, establish a teasing, givin’-you-shit vibe, and score a quick point off me, as if to show that he wasn’t an easy mark for the kind of tricky public-policy questions that I had probably come to ask. Now that all that had been established, we could begin. But, even then, that competitive feeling hung heavy in the air. Sometimes Bush would answer a question by going into what I knew to be a well-used string of sentences from one of his speeches--the unspoken part of the answer being “See, I stayed on message and didn’t let you trip me up.” Or he’d jump in, mid-question, with a quick, triumphant answer, as Page 2 if to say that he’d been ready for that one. When a question began with a premise, he’d often challenge the premise. When he detected an allusion to a public criticism of him, he’d declare his critics to be wrong. While he was answering, he was also ascending a rising curve of nomenclatural informality which began with “Nicholas” and quickly made its way to “Nick.” He seemed happiest when he could come in with a quick, sure answer. Once, I asked what he’d want written on his Presidential tombstone. Instantly: “He came, he said, he accomplished.” There was something jarring between the tone of Bush’s prospective Presidency, as he sketched it out--in which he would lead by the example of his personal probity, heal the partisan sickness that grips Washington, and solve problems in a practical, positive way-- and his aggressive, ironic manner. Or, when there wasn’t this curious dissonance, there was instead a nearly instantaneous switching back and forth between serious and comic modes. The feeling was: We don’t really have to be all official and sombre with each other, do we? Can’t we be real--which inevitably means a high quotient of kidding--instead? Here’s an example: Me: What do you do about the pure, horrible human-rights-abuse case happening in some corner of the world with no real strategic import to the United States? Bush: And Rwanda’s a great example of what you’re referring to. There will be times when the United States can lend its prestige and help and wealth to help ameliorate a situation.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • AN ANALYSIS of POST-COLD WAR CONCEPTS in AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY: CONTINUITY OR CHANGE? by Ana Maria Venegas a Thesis Submitted
    AN ANALYSIS OF POST-COLD WAR CONCEPTS IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY: CONTINUITY OR CHANGE? by Ana Maria Venegas A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Global Security Studies Baltimore, Maryland December 2014 © 2014 Ana Maria Venegas All Rights Reserved Abstract This thesis investigates post-Cold War concepts in US foreign policy. At the end of the Cold War, prominent political scientists and commentators argued, for various reasons, that the strategic environment was so dramatically different that the United States would no longer be able to engage the world as it had in the past. In an attempt to understand the ramifications of the evolution of the strategic environment, this thesis asked the question: Have the three post-Cold War presidents, William J. Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack H. Obama, continued to engage the world in ways consistent with previous administrations or have the broken from traditional concepts in American foreign policy? To answer this question, declaratory foreign policy as articulated in national security strategy documents and key foreign policy engagements were analyzed and compared to nine traditional concepts in American foreign policy identified by prominent historians and political scientists. The post-Cold War administrations continued to develop foreign policy consistent with the concepts identified by historians and political scientists suggesting a measure of consistency in the way the United States engages the world. Additionally, each president developed foreign policy that exhibited unique characteristics inconsistent with the traditional concepts. These policies were characterized by the importance placed on multilateral consensus; an emphasis on multilateral agreements and alliances to foster a stable international order; and the reliance on international organizations to address regional and global issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Frederick Thomas Bush
    order, WHS collections; (14) WHS collections; (15) The Civil War by Ken Burns (website); (16)(17) WHS collections; (18) Report of Recruiting Committee, 1865 Town Report, 18; (19) 1889 Baptist church history, 14; (20) (21) WHS collec- tions; (22) WHS military enlistment lists; (23) Sears, 14; (24) Lamson, 140; (25) WHS collections, Alonzo Fiske to William Schouler, Adj. General of the Com- monwealth of Massachusetts, August 30, 1862; (26) WHS collections; Drake was one of Weston’s nine-months men; (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) WHS collections; (32) Sears, 7; (33) Hastings, “Re....Toplift” (sic), 1; (34) Sears, 11; (35) Faust, 85; (36) Encyclopedia of Death and Dying, Civil War, U.S (website); (37) Hastings, “Re....Rev. Toplift” (sic), 2; (38) Town Report Year ending March 31, 1864, 10; (39) Lamson, 143; (40) Letter courtesy Eloise Kenney, descendent of Stimpson; (41) Information provided by Eloise Kenney; (42) Faust, 236; (43) WHS collec- tions; (44) Report of the Selectmen, Town Report fort Year ending March 1863, 4 (45) Lamson, 140, and WHS collection handwritten “List of men drafted from the Town of Weston at Concord, July 18, 1863” containing 33 names; (46) Report of the Recruiting Committee, 19; (47) (48) WHS collections; (49 Lamson, 143; (50) (51) Report of the Recruiting Committee, 19-20. Weston’s China Trader: Frederick Thomas Bush By Isabella Jancourtz China trader and diplomat Frederick Thomas Bush (1815 – 1887) arrived in Weston in 1856 with his wife Elizabeth DeBlois and their five young children: Charles, Frederick, Amelia, Fannie, and Sophia. The young family had lived in China for nine years, and the three girls were born there.
    [Show full text]
  • George W Bush Childhood Home Reconnaissance Survey.Pdf
    Intermountain Region National Park Service U.S. Department of the Interior August 2015 GEORGE W. BUSH CHILDHOOD HOME Reconnaissance Survey Midland, Texas Front cover: President George W. Bush and First Lady Laura Bush speak to the media after touring the President’s childhood home at 1421 West Ohio Avenue, Midland, Texas, on October 4, 2008. President Bush traveled to attend a Republican fundraiser in the town where he grew up. Photo: SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images CONTENTS BACKGROUND AND PURPOSE — i SUMMARY OF FINDINGS — iii RECONNAISSANCE SURVEY PROCESS — v NPS CRITERIA FOR EVALUATION OF NATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE — vii National Historic Landmark Criterion 2 – viii NPS Theme Studies on Presidential Sites – ix GEORGE W. BUSH: A CHILDHOOD IN MIDLAND — 1 SUITABILITY — 17 Childhood Homes of George W. Bush – 18 Adult Homes of George W. Bush – 24 Preliminary Determination of Suitability – 27 HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE GEORGE W. BUSH CHILDHOOD HOME, MIDLAND TEXAS — 29 Architectural Description – 29 Building History – 33 FEASABILITY AND NEED FOR NPS MANAGEMENT — 35 Preliminary Determination of Feasability – 37 Preliminary Determination of Need for NPS Management – 37 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS — 39 APPENDIX: THE 41ST AND 43RD PRESIDENTS AND FIRST LADIES OF THE UNITED STATES — 43 George H.W. Bush – 43 Barbara Pierce Bush – 44 George W. Bush – 45 Laura Welch Bush – 47 BIBLIOGRAPHY — 49 SURVEY TEAM MEMBERS — 51 George W. Bush Childhood Home Reconnaissance Survey George W. Bush’s childhood bedroom at the George W. Bush Childhood Home museum at 1421 West Ohio Avenue, Midland, Texas, 2012. The knotty-pine-paneled bedroom has been restored to appear as it did during the time that the Bush family lived in the home, from 1951 to 1955.
    [Show full text]
  • Petersburgh Tax Roll
    Town of Petersburgh Tax Roll STATE OF NEW YORK 2017 COUNTY TAX ROLL COUNTY - RENSSELAER Town PETERSBURGH SWIS 3834 TAX MAP PARCEL NUMBER PROPERTY LOCATION CLASS CURRENT OWNER NAME SCHOOL DISTRICT CURRENT OWNER ADDRESS PARCEL SIZE 68.-2-5 68.-2-5 528 NY 346 620 620 Bill 0 HOOSICK FALLS CENTRAL SCHOOL DISTRICT 382801 NORTH PETERSBURG TOTAL TAX $0.00 PETERSBURG NY 12138 FRNT 70 DUE DATE 01/31/2017 ACRES1.81 DPTH 0 PAYMENT DATE TOTAL PAID $0.00 109.-1-12.11 109.-1-12.11 EAST HOLLOW RD 695 695 Bill 0 673 TACONIC TRL BERLIN CENTRAL SCHOOL DISTRICT 382001 ALDERMAN DOROTHY TOTAL TAX $0.00 PETERSBURGH NY 12138 FRNT 0 DUE DATE 01/31/2017 ACRES0.65 DPTH 0 PAYMENT DATE TOTAL PAID $0.00 97.4-1-5 97.4-1-5 NY 22 620 620 Bill 0 BERLIN CENTRAL SCHOOL DISTRICT 382001 BAPTIST CHURCH TOTAL TAX $0.00 PETERSBURG NY 12138 FRNT 0 DUE DATE 01/31/2017 ACRES3.79 DPTH 0 PAYMENT DATE TOTAL PAID $0.00 97.4-1-1 97.4-1-1 NY 2 311 311 Bill 0 1600 7TH AVE BERLIN CENTRAL SCHOOL DISTRICT 382001 COUNTY OF RENSSELAER TOTAL TAX $0.00 TROY NY 12180 FRNT 0 DUE DATE 01/31/2017 ACRES1.63 DPTH 0 PAYMENT DATE TOTAL PAID $0.00 Page 1 of 260 STATE OF NEW YORK 2017 COUNTY TAX ROLL COUNTY - RENSSELAER Town PETERSBURGH SWIS 3834 TAX MAP PARCEL NUMBER PROPERTY LOCATION CLASS CURRENT OWNER NAME SCHOOL DISTRICT CURRENT OWNER ADDRESS PARCEL SIZE 97.2-2-3.1 97.2-2-3.1 12 HEAD OF THE LN 620 620 Bill 0 BERLIN CENTRAL SCHOOL DISTRICT 382001 METHODIST CHURCH TOTAL TAX $0.00 PETERSBURG NY 12138 FRNT 110 DUE DATE 01/31/2017 ACRES0.52 DPTH 100 PAYMENT DATE TOTAL PAID $0.00 97.2-3-2 97.2-3-2 90 MAIN
    [Show full text]
  • Coastal Bend Bays Plan August 1998
    Coastal Bend Bays Plan August 1998 CBBEP-1 Bee McMullen Live Oak Refugio Aransas San Patricio Jim Wells Nueces Duval Kleberg Brooks Kenedy N This project has been funded in part by the United States Environmental Protection Agency under assistance agreement #CE-996363-01-2 to the Texas Natural Resource Conservation Commission. The contents of this document do not necessarily represent the views of the United States Environmental Protection Agency or the Texas Natural Resource Conservation Commission. The mention of trade names or commercial products does not in any way constitute an endorsement or recommendation for use. Coastal Bend Bays and Estuaries Program Staff Mr. Richard Volk, Director Ms. Sandra Alvarado, Research Specialist Mr. Doug Baker, Information Specialist Mr. Jeff Foster, Program Administrator Ms. Alice Laningham, Administrative Coordinator Ms. Laura Radde, USEPA Region 6, USEPA Project Manager ç Printed on recycled paper with soybased inks. Coastal Bend Bays Plan To Conserve and Manage the Coastal Bend Bays of South Texas A product of the Coastal Bend Bays and Estuaries Program, publication #CBBEP-1 August 1998 Suggested citation: Coastal Bend Bays Plan. 1998. Published by Texas Natural Resource Conservation Commission, Austin, TX. CBBEP-1. Policy Committee Commissioner John Baker Mr. Gregg Cooke Policy Committee Chair Policy Committee Vice-Chair Texas Natural Resource Regional Administrator, USEPA Region 6 Conservation Commission Commissioner Ray Clymer The Honorable Vilma Luna Texas Parks and Wildlife Department State Representative Commissioner Garry Mauro The Honorable Carlos Truan Texas General Land Office Texas Senator Commissioner Noe Fernandez The Honorable Josephine Miller Texas Water Development Board County Judge, San Patricio County Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
    The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda.
    [Show full text]
  • Michael Ledeen, the Neoconservatives, and The
    Hugh B. Urban such conservative think-tanks as the American Enterprise Institute and 321.64:321.7 the Project for the New American Century, counting among their ranks politicians and militarists including Paul Wolfowitz, Donald Rums- feld, and Dick Cheney, as well as such intellectuals as Irving Kristol, HUGH B. URBAN William Kristol, and (until recently) Francis Fukuyama. Despite their many ideological, cultural, and socioeconomic differences, these two factions have come together in the current White House and have found common ground in the policies of George W. Bush. Indeed, Bush represents a kind of structural link or ligament that helps tie these two, otherwise very different factions together: He embodies the MACHIAVELLI MEETS THE RELIGIOUS ideals of piety, morality, and family values that appeal to his strongest RIGHT: MICHAEL LEDEEN, THE base of popular support among evangelical Christians, while at the same time embracing the aggressive militarism and nation-building NEOCONSERVATIVES, AND THE POLITICAL agenda promoted by the Neoconservatives. The result is what David USES OF FUNDAMENTALISM Domke has called a kind of „political fundamentalism,” that is, „an in- tertwining of conservative religious faith, politics, and strategic com- munication.”5 In this essay, I will expand Domke’s notion of political funda- Americans are a free people, who know that freedom is the right of mentalism by examining what I will call the political uses of funda- every person and the future of every nation. The liberty we prize is not mentalism6—that is, the strategic manipulation of religious beliefs, America’s gift to the world, it is God’s gift to humanity ..
    [Show full text]
  • Hurricane Katrina and the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement
    Hurricane Katrina and the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement A GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS PERSPECTIVE ON A NATIONAL DISASTER By Chris Kromm and Sue Sturgis Institute for Southern Studies January 2008 SPECIAL REPORT volume xxxvi, no. 1 & 2, 2008 Hurricane Katrina and the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement is a special report by the Institute for Southern Studies and Southern Exposure, produced in collaboration with the Brookings-Bern Project on Internally Displaced Persons at the Brookings Institution. Special thanks to the following for their assistance in the creation of this report: Elizabeth Ferris and Khalid Koser with the Brookings-Bern Project; Monique Harden and Nathalie Walker of Advocates for Environmental Human Rights in New Orleans; Ajamu Baraka and Tonya Williams of the U.S. Human Rights Network; Malcolm Suber of the People’s Hurricane Relief Fund and Oversight Coalition; and Walter Kälin, Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General on Internally Displaced Persons. The views expressed in this report are those of the report’s co-authors. Thank you to the following foundations for their support of the Institute’s Gulf Watch project: the Gulf Coast Fund of Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, Jewish Funds for Justice, Oxfam America, and Skyline Public Works, as well as individual supporters of the Institute’s Bob Hall Investigative Fund. Southern Exposure is published twice a year by the Institute for Southern Studies, a non-profit research and education center founded in 1970 to advance democracy and justice in the South. For ongoing coverage of the Gulf Coast and other issues of Southern interest, please visit the Institute website: www.southernstudies.org Report design by Jan Martell © 2008 Institute for Southern Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD .
    [Show full text]
  • An Examination of the Way That George W Bush's Evangelical
    Thesis Title: The Bible as a ‘pretty good political handbook’: an examination of the way that George W Bush’s evangelical faith has shaped his political agenda. Author: Christine Winter Supervisor: Professor Gary Trompf Year: Honours Department of Studies in Religion School of English, Art History, Film and Media Faculty of Arts 2004 1 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION 3 CHAPTER 1 6 CHAPTER 2 26 CHAPTER 3 42 CONCLUSION 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY 63 2 Introduction The purpose of this thesis is to examine the very public religiosity of the current President of the United States of America, George W Bush, and to determine if his personal religious views have shaped his political choices.1 In order to achieve this, it is first necessary to define the methodology that will be used to determine if religious influence is present and this will be defined with reference to the religious character, political aims and public faces of the American evangelical movement. To this end, the first chapter will give a brief history of evangelical Christianity, focusing on its defining characteristics, political efforts and the major players in the movement and thus will identify the main political concerns of this group since the 1970s. Chapter Two will present a brief biography of Bush, concentrating on his religious background, public demonstrations of his religious beliefs, encounters with the political muscle of the Religious Right and his stances on the issues identified as concerns of evangelical Christians. This will be performed in order to demonstrate Bush’s identification with evangelical Christianity, the importance of religion to him and his experience dealing with the Religious Right in the field of politics up until the end of his second term as Governor of Texas.
    [Show full text]
  • How Sports Help to Elect Presidents, Run Campaigns and Promote Wars."
    Abstract: Daniel Matamala In this thesis for his Master of Arts in Journalism from Columbia University, Chilean journalist Daniel Matamala explores the relationship between sports and politics, looking at what voters' favorite sports can tell us about their political leanings and how "POWER GAMES: How this can be and is used to great eect in election campaigns. He nds that -unlike soccer in Europe or Latin America which cuts across all social barriers- sports in the sports help to elect United States can be divided into "red" and "blue". During wartime or when a nation is under attack, sports can also be a powerful weapon Presidents, run campaigns for fuelling the patriotism that binds a nation together. And it can change the course of history. and promote wars." In a key part of his thesis, Matamala describes how a small investment in a struggling baseball team helped propel George W. Bush -then also with a struggling career- to the presidency of the United States. Politics and sports are, in other words, closely entwined, and often very powerfully so. Submitted in partial fulllment of the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism Copyright Daniel Matamala, 2012 DANIEL MATAMALA "POWER GAMES: How sports help to elect Presidents, run campaigns and promote wars." Submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism Copyright Daniel Matamala, 2012 Published by Columbia Global Centers | Latin America (Santiago) Santiago de Chile, August 2014 POWER GAMES: HOW SPORTS HELP TO ELECT PRESIDENTS, RUN CAMPAIGNS AND PROMOTE WARS INDEX INTRODUCTION. PLAYING POLITICS 3 CHAPTER 1.
    [Show full text]
  • President George W Bush Collection
    Do Not Cite President George W Bush Collection An institutional collection of photographs, news clippings, magazine articles and misc. items covering the life of George W Bush and his wife Laura Bush from the 1950‟s through 2002 with some undated material. ______________________________________________________________________________ Descriptive Summary Creator: The Petroleum Museum Title: President George W Bush Collection Dates: 1950-2002 and undated Abstract: The collection consists of photographs, news clippings, magazine articles and other materials that cover President Bush‟s political career, especially the 2000 presidential election as well as information on his homes in Midland and his wife Laura Bush. Quantity: ½ Box Identification : President George W Bush Collection (non-accessioned) Repository: The Permian Basin Petroleum Museum ______________________________________________________________________________ Biographical Sketch (Note: information from this section is copied directly from www.whitehouse.gov/president/gwbbio/html) George W. Bush is the 43rd President of the United States. He was sworn into office on January 20, 2001, re-elected on November 2, 2004, and sworn in for a second term on January 20, 2005. Prior to his Presidency, President Bush served for 6 years as the 46th Governor of the State of Texas, where he earned a reputation for bipartisanship and as a compassionate conservative who shaped public policy based on the principles of limited government, personal responsibility, strong families, and local control. President Bush was born on July 6, 1946, in New Haven, Connecticut, and grew up in Midland and Houston, Texas. He received a bachelor‟s degree in history from Yale University in 1968, and then served as an F-102 fighter pilot in the Texas Air National Guard.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Documents
    Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Monday, December 22, 2008 Volume 44—Number 50 Pages 1519–1576 VerDate Aug 31 2005 13:40 Dec 23, 2008 Jkt 217250 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 1249 Sfmt 1249 E:\PRESDOCS\P50DEF4.019 P50DEF4 dwashington3 on PROD1PC60 with PRESDOCSF Contents Addresses and Remarks Executive Orders See also Meetings With Foreign Leaders Adjustments of Certain Rates of Pay—1567 Afghanistan, military personnel at Bagram Air Base—1531 Interviews With the News Media American auto industry—1568 Exchange with reporters in Baghdad, Iraq— American Enterprise Institute and a question- 1520 and-answer session—1547 Interviews Hanukkah menorah, lighting—1537 Steve Scully of C–SPAN—1560 Iraq Military personnel at Camp Victory in White House press pool—1525 Baghdad—1523 News conference with President Karzai of Strategic framework agreement and status Afghanistan in Kabul, Afghanistan, of forces agreement, signing ceremony in December 15—1534 Baghdad—1520 Meetings With Foreign Leaders Pennsylvania, U.S. Army War College in Carlisle—1542 Afghanistan, President Karzai—1534 President George W. Bush and First Lady El Salvador, President Saca—1538 Laura Bush, unveiling official portraits— Iraq 1570 Prime Minister Maliki—1520 Radio address—1519 President Talabani—1520 U.S.-Afghan Women’s Council, reception Palestinian Authority, President Abbas—1571 honoring—1546 Proclamations Communications to Congress To Take Certain Actions Under the African Kosovo and Azerbaijan, letter extending Growth and Opportunity Act and the Generalized System of
    [Show full text]