Acta Poloniae Historica 105, 2012 PL ISSN 0001–6892 Michał Tymowski THE SHORE AND THE MARKETPLACE: MICROSPACE IN THE EUROPEAN-AFRICAN TRADE ON THE WEST AFRICAN COAST IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES (Descriptions and Iconographic Sources)* I During the second half of the fi fteenth century, the rudiments of all the future organisational forms that were to constitute trade between Europeans and Africans were to be laid out in West Africa. These included trade on the caravels; trade on the shore, in places where Europeans came on land; trade at local markets; and trade at trading posts guarded by forts (Arguim, São Jorge da Mina). The economic aspects of the beginnings of trade between the Por- tuguese and the Africans have been well researched and described. In addition, Philip Curtin and George E. Brooks examine the macrospace of trade at the level of the entire West Coast region and its hinterland as well as on an inter-regional scale.1 The present article, however, will focus on the microspace of trade – its scenery – an aspect which * This research, realised in 2009–12, was fi nanced from a grant given by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. 1 Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, L’économie de l’empire portugais aux XVe et XVIe siècles (Paris, 1969); Marian Małowist, Europa a Afryka Zachodnia w dobie wczesnej ekspansji kolonialnej (Warsaw, 1969); Wilfrid Brulez, ‘Les voyages de Cadamosto et le commerce guinéen au XVe siècle’, Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome, xxxix (1968), 311–26; Jean Boulègue, ‘L’impact économique et politique des navigations portugaises sur les peuples côtiers. Les cas de la Guinée du Cap-Vert (XVe-XVIe siècles)’, Revista da Universidade de Coimbra, xxxiv (1988), 431–8; Philip D. Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison, 1975), 59–100, 271ff.; George E. Brooks, Landlords and Strangers: Ecology, Society, and Trade in Western Africa 1000–1630 (Boulder, San Francisco and Oxford, 1993), 49–57. http://rcin.org.pl 18 Michał Tymowski has drawn less interest to date. As far as the microspace is concerned, we know most about the forts and trade posts. Both of the above mentioned trading posts have been the subject of monographs.2 I wish to analyse the spatial organisation of two types of trade: the one on the shore, in locations where the Portuguese landed, and the second at local markets. My intention is to complement the descriptive data with iconographic material. The fi rst form (trade on the shore) was when a European ship sailed along the coast in stages and dropped anchor at convenient locations; the merchants came ashore by boat and established contact with the coastal population. In 1480 the Flemish merchant Eustache Delafosse wrote that ‘sailing up and down this Pepper Coast, which extends for thirty miles, we spent our time on procuring pepper grains and slaves’.3 The effectiveness of this type of trade depended on the choice of stop. Various factors affected such a choice: geographical conditions and information obtained earlier about potential African trade partners and about their desire to trade or refusal to establish contacts, as well as information about the goods they had. The Venetian merchant Alvise Cadamosto established in 1455 contacts with the ruler of Kaior, Budomel (da Mosto met him on the shore and even travelled inland to his seat). Cadamosto wrote about Budomel that a ‘certain Portuguese who had had dealings with him had informed me that he was a notable and an upright ruler in whom one could trust and who paid royally for what was brought to him’.4 2 Théodore Monod, L’Ile d’Arguin (Mauritanie), essai historique (Lisbon, 1983); Paul E.H. Hair, The Founding of the Castelo de São Jorge da Mina: An Analysis of the Sources (Madison, 1994); Joseph Bato’ora Ballong-Wen-Mewuda, São Jorge da Mina, 1482–1637. La vie d’un comptoir portugais en Afrique occidentale (Lisbon, 1993); see also Arnold Walter Lawrence, Trade Castles and Forts of West Africa (London, 1963); Albert van Dantzig, Forts and Castles of Ghana (Accra, 1980). 3 Voyage d’Eustache Delafosse sur la côte de Guinée, au Portugal et en Espagne (1479–1481), ed. and trans. Denis Escudier (Paris, 1992) (hereafter: Delafosse/ Escudier), 34: ‘en allant et venant parmy celle coste de la Graine, quy dure 30 lieues, nous passames le tempz en recoeillant de ladite graine et des esclaves’. About the author and his work, see ibidem, 83–147 and Paul E.H. Hair, ‘The Early Sources on Guinea’, History in Africa, 21 (1994), 101. On places on the shore referred to by the Portuguese as resgates, see Małowist, Europa, and Brooks, Landlords, 197ff. 4 Le navigazioni atlantiche del Veneziano Alvise Da Mosto, ed. Tullia Gasparrini Leporace (Il Nuovo Ramusio, v, Rome, 1966), 49 (hereafter: Cadamosto/Leporace): ‘io havea habuto information da altri Portogalesi, che con lui havea habuto a far, che liera persona da bene e signor de chi se podea fi dar, apagava realmente quello http://rcin.org.pl Shore and marketplace on the West African coast 19 Experiences concerning appropriate locations and partners were gathered and written down. The work of Duarte Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis (written in ca. 1506–8) is a sort of set of instructions – equally of a geographical and sailing nature – for persons travelling to West Africa.5 As he sailed for the Gold Coast, Delafosse knew one could acquire gold there and that it was not only worthwhile to take European goods, but also slaves bought on other parts of the African coast.6 His account makes use of well-established names for parts of this coast: the Pepper and Gold coasts. The latter appeared in the form of Minne d’Or.7 In this second location, Delafosse exchanged a part of his merchandise with the inhabitants of Aldeia das Duas Partes. But he did the larger part of his trade with African merchants coming from the hinterland. He had to wait until news of his arrival had reached them and until they arrived on the relevant shores. This lasted several days.8 The expedition of a European merchant inland was out of the question considering the resistance of the locals and the costs of such an undertaking. Waiting on the shore was cheaper and safer. Exceptions included an invitation from a local ruler, as happened in the case of Cadamosto, or the possibility of sailing inland along the navigable sections of rivers. In the latter case, the situation was similar to a caravel dropping anchor at shore. The second microspace of trade was the marketplace. The majority of the markets which the Europeans reached had existed before their arrival in West Africa.9 The activities of the Portuguese consisted in che l’tolea’. For an English translation, see The Voyages of Cadamosto and Other Documents on Western Africa in the Second Half of the Fifteenth Century, ed. and trans. Gerald R. Crone (London, 1937), 35 (hereafter: Cadamosto/Crone). See also Humberto Leitão, ‘As duas viagens de Cadamosto à Africa Ocidental 1455–1456’, in O Centro de Estudos Historicos Ultramarinos e as Comemorações Henriquinas (Lisbon, 1961), 1–20; Hair, ‘The Early Sources’, 98–100. 5 Duarte Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis. Côte occidentale d’Afrique du Sud Marocain au Gabon, ed. Raymond Mauny (Bissau, 1956) (hereafter: Pacheco/ Mauny). English trans.: Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis by Duarte Pacheco Pereira, trans. and ed. George H.T. Kimble (London, 1937). 6 Delafosse/Escudier, 32. 7 Ibidem, 22, 32, 34 (Pepper Coast), 22, 26 (Mine and Minne d’Or). 8 Ibidem, 26. 9 Rafał Karpiński, ‘Considérations sur les échanges de caractère locale et extérieur de la Sénégambie dans la deuxième moitié du XVe et au début du XVIe http://rcin.org.pl 20 Michał Tymowski joining the local trade and in adapting themselves to the local condi- tions. The fi rst European description of a West African marketplace that we know of comes from the account of Cadamosto. Having completed his trade with Budomel, he set off out of curiosity to the local market which was held relatively often, on Mondays and Fridays, and attracted people from the entire area: Men and women came to it from the neighbouring countryside within a distance of four or fi ve miles, for those who dwelt farther off attended other markets. … In this market I perceived quite clearly that these people are exceedingly poor, judging from the wares they brought for sale. …10 Cadamosto went on to enumerate the goods on sale: cotton (cloth and yarns), vegetables, oil, millet, wooden vessels, palm mats, other objects of daily use, as well as weapons and small quantities of gold. The trade was based on barter as money was unknown. Of all those goods, the Venetian was only interested in gold (he must have had victuals in abundance as Budomel’s guest). It turned out that Budomel, who offered slaves and was most certainly able to obtain greater quantities of gold than the traders at the marketplace, was a better trade partner for the Venetian merchant. For the same reason, trade with local rulers and merchants coming from inland prevailed over trade at local markets during the fi rst period of contacts. But the market could not be omitted when the goods to be bought were food. It was also possible to change meeting places with merchants living further inland from incidental locations on the coast to local markets. siècle’, Africana Bulletin, 8 (1968), 65–83; Małowist, Europa, 272f., 350f.; Claude Meillassoux (ed.), The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa: Studies Presented and Discussed at the Tenth International African Seminar at Fourah Bay College, Freetown, December 1969 (Oxford, 1971); Anthony G.