CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 121, May 2021 2
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Armenophobia in Azerbaijan
Հարգելի՛ ընթերցող, Արցախի Երիտասարդ Գիտնականների և Մասնագետների Միավորման (ԱԵԳՄՄ) նախագիծ հանդիսացող Արցախի Էլեկտրոնային Գրադարանի կայքում տեղադրվում են Արցախի վերաբերյալ գիտավերլուծական, ճանաչողական և գեղարվեստական նյութեր` հայերեն, ռուսերեն և անգլերեն լեզուներով: Նյութերը կարող եք ներբեռնել ԱՆՎՃԱՐ: Էլեկտրոնային գրադարանի նյութերն այլ կայքերում տեղադրելու համար պետք է ստանալ ԱԵԳՄՄ-ի թույլտվությունը և նշել անհրաժեշտ տվյալները: Շնորհակալություն ենք հայտնում բոլոր հեղինակներին և հրատարակիչներին` աշխատանքների էլեկտրոնային տարբերակները կայքում տեղադրելու թույլտվության համար: Уважаемый читатель! На сайте Электронной библиотеки Арцаха, являющейся проектом Объединения Молодых Учёных и Специалистов Арцаха (ОМУСA), размещаются научно-аналитические, познавательные и художественные материалы об Арцахе на армянском, русском и английском языках. Материалы можете скачать БЕСПЛАТНО. Для того, чтобы размещать любой материал Электронной библиотеки на другом сайте, вы должны сначала получить разрешение ОМУСА и указать необходимые данные. Мы благодарим всех авторов и издателей за разрешение размещать электронные версии своих работ на этом сайте. Dear reader, The Union of Young Scientists and Specialists of Artsakh (UYSSA) presents its project - Artsakh E-Library website, where you can find and download for FREE scientific and research, cognitive and literary materials on Artsakh in Armenian, Russian and English languages. If re-using any material from our site you have first to get the UYSSA approval and specify the required data. We thank all the authors -
Appeasement and Autonomy | Armenian
APPEASEMENT AND AUTONOMY BRIEF / 2 Jan 2021 Armenian-Russian relations from revolution to war by GEOPOLITICALSERIES Narek Sukiasyan PhD candidate and teaching associate at Yerevan State University, Armenia Summary › Armenia’s 2018 Velvet Revolution did not INTRODUCTION change the country’s foreign and secu- rity policy priorities: a close security al- Armenia’s foreign policy and its role in the post-Soviet liance with Russia has been used to bal- space are often characterised as ‘pro-Russian’. While ance its regional adversaries Turkey and such a description is partially true, it is overly sim- Azerbaijan; however, the revolutionary plistic. This Brief analyses the main trends and evolu- prime minister Nikol Pashinyan has also at- tions in Armenia’s Russia policy after the 2018 Velvet tempted to increase Armenia’s autonomy Revolution: how the changes have influenced Russia’s vis-à-vis Russia. approach towards Armenia, how these dynamics af- › Pashinyan’s attempts to address the for- fect Armenia’s autonomy and what the consequences mer presidents’ abuses of power and cur- of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war are for Armenia’s tail Russian influence in Armenia, coupled regional security and alliances. with moves that could have been interpret- ed as anti-Russian, have created tensions After the revolution and up until the 2020 with Moscow. Nagorno-Karabakh war, no substantial strategic changes were made to Armenian foreign policy. The › The need to sustain the strategic alliance leadership has avoided framing its external affairs in circumstances in which the Kremlin has in geopolitical ‘pro or against’ terms, promoting a been deeply mistrustful of Armenia’s new ‘pro-Armenian’ policy that aims to maintain good re- leadership has forced Pashinyan’s govern- lations in all directions and prioritises sovereignty as ment to appease Russia. -
Exploring the Link Between Power Concentration and Ethnic Minorities’ Mobilization in Post Soviet Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine
Exploring the Link between Power Concentration and Ethnic Minorities’ Mobilization in Post Soviet Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine by Stela Garaz Department of Political Science, Central European University A Doctoral Dissertation submitted to the Central European University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Date of submission: April 30, 2012 Supervisor: Dr. Zsolt Enyedi Budapest, Hungary 2012 I hereby declare that this thesis contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. I hereby declare that this thesis contains no materials previously written and/or published by any other person, except where appropriate acknowledgment is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Stela Garaz Budapest April 30, 2012. ii Abstract In political science literature, power concentration is dominantly viewed as a negative phenomenon that encourages strategies of confrontation and causes protest. The regimes with concentrated power are believed to be particularly dangerous for the states with deep ethnic cleavages. This latter concern is a question of great importance for the post-Soviet region, because since the collapse of the Soviet Union some of the multi-ethnic post-Soviet states had the experience of both ethnic conflicts and concentration of power. Consequently, the main goal of this research is to determine whether power concentration encourages the escalation of ethnic conflicts. For this, I explore three mechanisms that may link the degree of power concentration with ethnic minorities’ mobilization against the state: identity-related state policies, electoral rules, and centralization. The empirical investigation is built on the analysis of three post-Soviet cases – Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine – based on the structured focused comparison technique. -
Qatar Wins Legal Battle Over Air Blockade
www.thepeninsula.qa Wednesday 15 July 2020 Volume 25 | Number 8319 24 Dhul-Qa'da - 1441 2 Riyals BUSINESS | 14 PENMAG | 15 SPORT | 20 Profits hit as US Classifieds AFC shortlists banks set aside and Services Qatar coach billions for section Sanchez for top bad loans included award Do it online now. Get a new SIM from the Online safety of your home! Qatar wins legal battle over air blockade THE PENINSULA & AGENCIES Qatar emerged victorious at top UN court as the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled In the dispute under the Chicago yesterday that the country has the right to challenge airspace Convention, the ICJ ruled that: restrictions imposed by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt before the UN’s aviation body With respect to the blockading states’ first ground of appeal, which — the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). alleged that the ICAO Council “failed to uphold fundamental principles Since June 2017, the block- of due process,” the ICJ unanimously found that “the procedures ading countries (Saudi Arabia, followed by the Council did not prejudice in any fundamental way the the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt) have pro- requirements of a just procedure.” hibited Qatar-registered aircraft from flying to or from their air- The ICJ also rejected the blockading states’ second ground of appeal, ports and overflying their We welcome the decision by the ICJ that which claimed that the “real issue” in dispute was not their violations national airspaces, in flagrant will see the blockading countries finally of the Chicago Convention and IASTA, but their blatantly false violation of international law. -
IV. Imprisonment and Harassment of Human Rights Defenders and Lawyers
HUMAN RIGHTS TIGHTENING THE SCREWS Azerbaijan’s Crackdown on Civil Society and Dissent WATCH Tightening the Screws Azerbaijan’s Crackdown on Civil Society and Dissent Copyright © 2013 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-0473 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org SEPTEMBER 2013 978-1-62313-0473 Tightening the Screws Azerbaijan’s Crackdown on Civil Society and Dissent Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Arrest and Imprisonment ......................................................................................................... -
Statement by the Delegation of the Republic of Azerbaijan 1287 29 October 2020 Meeting of the Permanent Council, Aggression of A
AZƏRBAYCAN RESPUBLİKASININ PERMANENT MISSION ATƏT YANINDA OF THE REPUBLIC OF AZERBAIJAN DAİMİ NÜMAYƏNDƏLİYİ TO THE OSCE _____________________________________________________________________________________ Hügelgasse 2, A-1130, Wien | Tel.: + 43 (1) 403 13 22 | Fax: + 43 (1) 403 13 23 | E-mail: [email protected] Statement by the Delegation of the Republic of Azerbaijan 1287th Meeting of the Permanent Council, 29 October 2020 Aggression of Armenia against Azerbaijan and situation in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan Mr. Chairperson, The Delegation of Azerbaijan would like to update the Permanent Council on the ongoing aggression of Armenia against Azerbaijan and its consequences as well as situation in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan in the reporting period since the last meeting of the Permanent Council on 22 October. Azerbaijan once again demonstrating its goodwill and proceeding from the principles of humanism agreed to another humanitarian ceasefire starting as of 26 October, 08 am local time. The agreement was facilitated by the efforts of the United States following the separate meetings of Foreign Ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan with their US counterpart held in Washington DC on 24 October. In the released joint statement the parties reaffirmed the commitment to implement and abide by the humanitarian ceasefire agreed in Moscow on 10 October. However, the armed forces of Armenia, in gross violation of this new humanitarian ceasefire, on 26 October, at 08:05 am, subjected to artillery fire the units of Azerbaijani armed forces located in the Safiyan village of Lachin region. Later, the city of Tartar and the villages of the Tartar district came under intensive shelling. -
Rise of Illiberal Civil Society W
Executive Summary This publication examines the growing influence of illiberal, anti-Western and socially conservative civil society groups, popular movements and political forces in five post-Soviet states: Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan and Moldova. It finds that illiberal social attitudes remain prevalent across the region, particularly in relation to LGBTI rights, and that they are increasingly being used as opportunities for political mobilisation within these societies. While there have been attempts to create illiberal civil society groups that mirror pro- Western/liberal NGOs or think-tanks, they remain significantly less influential than the institutions and groups linked to the dominant religious organisations in these countries such as the Orthodox Church, or political factions with influence over state resources. What is clear, however, particularly in Ukraine and Georgia, is that there has been a significant rise in far-right and nationalist street movements, alongside smaller but active homophobic gangs. These ‘uncivil rights movements’ still lack broad public support but their political energy and rate of growth is influencing the wider politics of the region. It is clear that illiberal civil society is on the rise in these five countries but it is growing in its own way rather than simply aping its liberal counterparts. Russia has an important role in the rise of illiberal civil society across the region, in particular the way it has disseminated and promoted the concept of ‘traditional values’; however it is important to recognise that while some groups have direct or indirect contact with Russia, many do not and that the primary drivers of such activity are to be found in the local societies of the countries at hand. -
Turkey's Policies in the Southern Caucasus And
TURKEY’S POLICIES IN THE SOUTHERN CAUCASUS AND REGIONAL SECURITY MECHANISMS (TÜRKİYE’NİN GÜNEY KAFKASYA’DAKİ POLİTİAKLARI VE BÖLGESEL GÜVENLİK MEKANİZMALARI) Andrei ARESHEV Expert for the Center of Research into Central Asia, Caucasus, Urals and Volga Region, Institute of Oriental Studies under the Russian Academy of Sciences (IVRAN) Abstract: The disintegration of the USSR at first seemed to offer a vast area for the growth of Turkey’s influence not only in the Caucasia region, but also in Central Asia. Turkey enthusiastically welcomed the three newly independent countries – Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. While Turkey was able to forge a wide ranging level of cooperation with Azerbaijan and Georgia, it has been unsuccessful with regards to Armenia. The author contends that establishing ties with Armenia in the same vein as with Azerbaijan and Georgia, and also the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict will have far-reaching implications for the Caucasia region as a whole. Continuing tensions within Turkey and tensions in the wider region present both domestic and foreign policy challenges for the country, and provide impediments to its aim to become a reliable energy transit route for the whole region. Keywords: Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Caucasia, foreign policy Öz: SSCB’nin dağılması ilk başlarda Türkiye için sadece Kafkasya’da değil, aynı zamanda Orta Asya’daki nüfuzunu genişletmesi için çok büyük bir alan ortaya çıkarıyor gibi gözükmüştü. Türkiye üç yeni bağımsız ülke olan Azerbaycan, Ermenistan ve Gürcistan’ı hevesle karşılamıştı. Türkiye Azerbaycan ve Gürcistan ile geniş çağlı bir işbirliği oluşturmayı başarmış olsa da, Ermenistan’la bu konuda başarısız olmuştur. Yazara göre aynen Azerbaycan ve Gürcistan ile yapıldığı gibi Ermenistan’la da ilişkilerin kurulması ve ayrıca Dağlık Karabağ sorununun çözümlenmesi Kafkasya bölgesinin tamamı için geniş kapsamlı sonuçları olacaktır. -
Transnational Armenian Terrorism and Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict of 1988-1994) End
Karabakh Oleg KUZNETSOV, PhD in History, MCL (Moscow, Russia) First Terrorist War: A Look from Russia (Transnational Armenian Terrorism and Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict of 1988-1994) End. For the beginning, see İRS-Heritage 2 (21), 3 (22) 2015 n addition to numerous acts of terrorism and wide- spread terrorist crimes related to the organization by Iforeign nationals of illegal armed groups in the terri- tory of Armenia and their participation in the activities of such groups, representatives of the Armenian side to the conflict committed other crimes of a similar nature during the Karabakh war, facts that were recorded on the Azerbaijani side. First of all, we are talking about a Car in which journalist S. Asgarova, Lt-Col Larionov, Maj Ivanov and Sgt Goyek were shot dead by Armenian terrorists on 9 January 1991 58 www.irs-az.com 4(23), WINTER 2015 very specific terrorist crime like an armed insurgency, criminal liability for which is stipulated by Article 279 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. The main qualifying feature of this criminal act is the motiva- tion and goal-setting of participation in the crime: those guilty of committing it take action to change the constitutional system or the territorial integrity of the country. Actions of this kind were committed by soldiers of Armenian origin under the commander of the 2nd Battalion of the 336th Motorized Rifle Regiment of the 23rd Motorized Infantry Division of the 4th Army of the CIS Joint Armed Forces under the command of Major Seyran Ohanyan, who not only seized fighting equipment - infantry fighting vehicles (BMP-2) - without a military order, but also used them against Azerbaijani territorial defense units in the battle of 25 February 1992 for the town of Khojali, which subsequently led to mass deaths of civilians in this town. -
Exploring Post-Revolution State - Building in Ukraine and Armenia
CES Working Papers – Volume XII, Issue 1 Change or continuity? Exploring post-revolution state - building in Ukraine and Armenia Aram TERZYAN* Abstract The paper focuses on the post-Maidan and post-Velvet Revolution state-building in Ukraine and Armenia. Examining the cases of Ukraine and Armenia, the qualitative, comparative analysis presented in this paper uncovers some of the similarities and differences between the two post-Soviet revolutions in terms of their political and economic implications. The study suggests that, while the revolutions have given a strong impetus to political and economic reforms in oligarchy-driven and corruption-stricken Ukrainian and Armenian societies, the path to ultimate success involves overcoming the authoritarian legacy and developing democratic institutions. The analysis of the relationship between domestic change and foreign policy shows that in contrast to Ukraine, where the “choice for Europe” was the core rationale behind the Euromaidan, the domestic change in Armenia has not led to foreign policy shifts. Nevertheless, this study avoids reductionist explanations of external drivers of change. Rather, it treats the domestic actors as the key agents to transform the economic and political landscapes of the two post-Soviet countries. Keywords: Ukraine, Armenia, “Velvet Revolution”, Maidan Revolution, state-building, democracy consolidation Introduction The 2014 Maidan Revolution in Ukraine and the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia have considerably renewed scientific interest in post-soviet revolution studies, including in post-revolution state-building trajectories. This paper represents an attempt to uncover some of the similarities and differences between the two post-Soviet revolutions in terms of their domestic and foreign policy implications. -
Karabakh-Discourses-In-Armenia
Caucasus Edition Journal of Conflict Transformation POLITICAL TRANSITIONS AND CONFLICTS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS Caucasus Edition Volume 3, Issue 2 2018 In This Issue From the Editorial Team 1 PART 1 4 Engagement with the South Caucasus de facto states: A viable strategy for conflict transformation? Nina Caspersen 5 Russia and the conflicts in the South Caucasus: main approaches, problems, and prospects Sergey Markedonov 24 Two Modalities of Foreign and Domestic Policies in Turkey: From Soft Power to War Rhetoric Ömer Turan 48 PART 2 66 Nationalism and Hegemony in Post-Communist Georgia Bakar Berekashvili 67 Russia and Georgia 2008-2018 – Escapism for the Sake of Peace? Dmitry Dubrovskiy 80 Recommendations Dmitry Dubrovskiy 92 The Poverty of Militarism: The ‘Velvet Revolution’ and the Defeat of Militarist Quasi-Ideology in Armenia Mikayel Zolyan 95 Discourses of War and Peace within the Context of the Nagorno- Karabakh Conflict: The Case of Azerbaijan Lala Jumayeva 105 Recommendations Lala Jumayeva, Mikayel Zolyan 117 Perceptions in Azerbaijan of the Impact of Revolutionary Changes in Armenia on the Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Process Zaur Shiriyev 119 Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Anahit Shirinyan 140 Recommendations Anahit Shirinyan, Zaur Shiriyev 155 Authors 158 Editors 161 Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Anahit Shirinyan The question as to what changes Armenia’s Velvet Revolution may be bearing for the peace process around Nagorno-Karabakh is trending among the South Caucasus watchers. The new Armenian government is ready to discuss mutual compromises, but suggests that Azerbaijan shelf its war rhetoric first. -
Flags of Asia
Flags of Asia Item Type Book Authors McGiverin, Rolland Publisher Indiana State University Download date 27/09/2021 04:44:49 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10484/12198 FLAGS OF ASIA A Bibliography MAY 2, 2017 ROLLAND MCGIVERIN Indiana State University 1 Territory ............................................................... 10 Contents Ethnic ................................................................... 11 Afghanistan ............................................................ 1 Brunei .................................................................. 11 Country .................................................................. 1 Country ................................................................ 11 Ethnic ..................................................................... 2 Cambodia ............................................................. 12 Political .................................................................. 3 Country ................................................................ 12 Armenia .................................................................. 3 Ethnic ................................................................... 13 Country .................................................................. 3 Government ......................................................... 13 Ethnic ..................................................................... 5 China .................................................................... 13 Region ..................................................................