The Hyde Amendment and Coverage for Abortion Services
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Congressional Report Card
Congressional Report Card NOTE FROM BRIAN DIXON Senior Vice President for Media POPULATION CONNECTION and Government Relations ACTION FUND 2120 L St NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20037 ou’ll notice that this year’s (202) 332–2200 Y Congressional Report Card (800) 767–1956 has a new format. We’ve grouped [email protected] legislators together based on their popconnectaction.org scores. In recent years, it became twitter.com/popconnect apparent that nearly everyone in facebook.com/popconnectaction Congress had either a 100 percent instagram.com/popconnectaction record, or a zero. That’s what you’ll popconnectaction.org/116thCongress see here, with a tiny number of U.S. Capitol switchboard: (202) 224-3121 exceptions in each house. Calling this number will allow you to We’ve also included information connect directly to the offices of your about some of the candidates senators and representative. that we’ve endorsed in this COVER CARTOON year’s election. It’s a small sample of the truly impressive people we’re Nick Anderson editorial cartoon used with supporting. You can find the entire list at popconnectaction.org/2020- the permission of Nick Anderson, the endorsements. Washington Post Writers Group, and the Cartoonist Group. All rights reserved. One of the candidates you’ll read about is Joe Biden, whom we endorsed prior to his naming Sen. Kamala Harris his running mate. They say that BOARD OF DIRECTORS the first important decision a president makes is choosing a vice president, Donna Crane (Secretary) and in his choice of Sen. Harris, Joe Biden struck gold. Carol Ann Kell (Treasurer) Robert K. -
Congress's Power Over Appropriations: Constitutional And
Congress’s Power Over Appropriations: Constitutional and Statutory Provisions June 16, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46417 SUMMARY R46417 Congress’s Power Over Appropriations: June 16, 2020 Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Sean M. Stiff A body of constitutional and statutory provisions provides Congress with perhaps its most Legislative Attorney important legislative tool: the power to direct and control federal spending. Congress’s “power of the purse” derives from two features of the Constitution: Congress’s enumerated legislative powers, including the power to raise revenue and “pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States,” and the Appropriations Clause. This latter provision states that “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law.” Strictly speaking, the Appropriations Clause does not provide Congress a substantive legislative power but rather constrains government action. But because Article I vests the legislative power of the United States in Congress, and Congress is therefore the moving force in deciding when and on what terms to make public money available through an appropriation, the Appropriations Clause is perhaps the most important piece in the framework establishing Congress’s supremacy over public funds. The Supreme Court has interpreted and applied the Appropriations Clause in relatively few cases. Still, these cases provide important fence posts marking the extent of Congress’s -
The Senate in Transition Or How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Nuclear Option1
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NYL\19-4\NYL402.txt unknown Seq: 1 3-JAN-17 6:55 THE SENATE IN TRANSITION OR HOW I LEARNED TO STOP WORRYING AND LOVE THE NUCLEAR OPTION1 William G. Dauster* The right of United States Senators to debate without limit—and thus to filibuster—has characterized much of the Senate’s history. The Reid Pre- cedent, Majority Leader Harry Reid’s November 21, 2013, change to a sim- ple majority to confirm nominations—sometimes called the “nuclear option”—dramatically altered that right. This article considers the Senate’s right to debate, Senators’ increasing abuse of the filibuster, how Senator Reid executed his change, and possible expansions of the Reid Precedent. INTRODUCTION .............................................. 632 R I. THE NATURE OF THE SENATE ........................ 633 R II. THE FOUNDERS’ SENATE ............................. 637 R III. THE CLOTURE RULE ................................. 639 R IV. FILIBUSTER ABUSE .................................. 641 R V. THE REID PRECEDENT ............................... 645 R VI. CHANGING PROCEDURE THROUGH PRECEDENT ......... 649 R VII. THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPTION ........................ 656 R VIII. POSSIBLE REACTIONS TO THE REID PRECEDENT ........ 658 R A. Republican Reaction ............................ 659 R B. Legislation ...................................... 661 R C. Supreme Court Nominations ..................... 670 R D. Discharging Committees of Nominations ......... 672 R E. Overruling Home-State Senators ................. 674 R F. Overruling the Minority Leader .................. 677 R G. Time To Debate ................................ 680 R CONCLUSION................................................ 680 R * Former Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy for U.S. Senate Democratic Leader Harry Reid. The author has worked on U.S. Senate and White House staffs since 1986, including as Staff Director or Deputy Staff Director for the Committees on the Budget, Labor and Human Resources, and Finance. -
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania Tuesday
COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 13, 2007 SESSION OF 2007 191 ST OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY No. 84 SENATE The PRESIDENT. The Chair thanks Father Hahn, who is the guest today of Senator Brubaker. TUESDAY, November 13,2007 PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE The Senate met at 1 p.m., Eastern Standard Time. (The Pledge of Allegiance was recited by those assembled.) The PRESIDENT (Lieutenant Governor Catherine Baker Knoll) in the Chair. COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE GOVERNOR PRAYER NOMINATIONS REFERRED TO COMMITTEE The Chaplain, Reverend PETER 1. HAHN, of St. Peter's Cath The PRESIDENT laid before the Senate the following com olic Church, Columbia, offered the following prayer: munications in writing from His Excellency, the Governor of the Commonwealth, which were read as follows and referred to the Let us bow our heads in prayer. Committee on Rules and Executive Nominations: Dear God, our infinitely loving Father, the psalmist proclaims MEMBER OF THE STATE BOARD that Your law is perfect and that it refreshes the soul. We are OF FUNERAL DIRECTORS assembled this day and every day in the light of Your eternal wisdom and truth, from which that law flows. October 30,2007 Bless these men and women, the Members of the Senate of the To the Honorable, the Senate Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, our brothers and sisters whom of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania: You have chosen to serve. Give them courage and insight. Give them the grace to always act in Your love, to deliberate with In conformity with law, I have the honor hereby to nominate for the advice and consent of the Senate, Anthony Scarantino, (Public Mem civility and respect, always remembering that each is a brother ber), 1213 Zorba Drive, Apartment 6, White Hall 18052, Lehigh and sister in the Lord, a child of God of inestimable value. -
Deruglatory Riders Redux
Michigan Journal of Environmental & Administrative Law Volume 1 Issue 1 2012 Deruglatory Riders Redux Thomas O, McGarity University of Texas School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjeal Part of the Law and Politics Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation Thomas O. McGarity, Deruglatory Riders Redux, 1 MICH. J. ENVTL. & ADMIN. L. 33 (2012). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjeal/vol1/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Environmental & Administrative Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEREGULATORY RIDERS REDUX Thomas 0. McGarity* Soon after the 2010 elections placed the Republican Party in control of the House of Representatives, the House took up a number of deregulatory bills. Rec- ognizing that deregulatory legislation had little chance of passing the Senate, which remained under the control of the Democratic Party, or of being signed by President Obama, the House leadership reprised a strategy adopted by the Re- publican leaders during the 104th Congress in the 1990s. The deregulatory provisions were attached as riders to much-needed legislation in an attempt to force the Senate and the President to accept the deregulatory riders to avoid the adverse consequences offailing to pass the more important bills. This Article examines the deregulatory riders of the 104th Congress and the experience to date with deregulatory riders during the 112th Congress. -
Withdrawing from Congressional- Executive Agreements with the Advice and Consent of Congress
WITHDRAWING FROM CONGRESSIONAL- EXECUTIVE AGREEMENTS WITH THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF CONGRESS Abigail L. Sia* As President Donald J. Trump withdrew the United States from one international agreement after another, many began to question whether these withdrawals required congressional approval. The answer may depend on the type of agreement. Based on history and custom, it appears that the president may unilaterally withdraw from agreements concluded pursuant to the treaty process outlined in the U.S. Constitution. However, the United States also has a long history of concluding international agreements as congressional-executive agreements, which use a different approval process that does not appear in the Constitution. But while academics have spilled ink on Article II treaties for decades, the congressional-executive agreement has received relatively little attention. It is neither clear nor well settled whether the president has the constitutional authority to withdraw unilaterally from this type of agreement. This Note proposes applying Justice Robert H. Jackson’s tripartite framework, first articulated in a concurring opinion to Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer (Steel Seizure), to determine whether or not a president may constitutionally withdraw from a congressional-executive agreement without Congress’s consent. However, in certain dire emergency situations or when Congress is physically unable to convene and vote, the president should be permitted to eschew the framework and withdraw the United States from a congressional-executive agreement without waiting for Congress’s consent—so long as the president reasonably believes that withdrawal is in the country’s best interest. To support this approach, this Note also calls for a new reporting statute, similar in structure to the War Powers Resolution, to address the significant information asymmetries between the executive and legislative branches. -
Fostering Equitable Access to Abortion Coverage: Reversing the Hyde Amendment Madeline T
National Health Law Program March 25, 2021 Fostering Equitable Access to Abortion Coverage: Reversing the Hyde Amendment Madeline T. Morcelle The future of access to abortion services is at a crossroads.1 The Biden-Harris administration and 117th Congress could commit to dismantling the injustices of the Trump-Pence years and long-standing systems of oppression, or they could retreat and maintain the status quo that so harms low-income and underserved communities. The Trump-Pence administration spent four years relentlessly reshaping federal public policy and the federal judiciary, leaving a legacy of further-entrenched systems of oppression that obstruct health, well-being, and reproductive justice. The National Heath Law Program (NHeLP) recognizes that legacy in the COVID-19 pandemic, a historic economic recession, a deepening Black and Indigenous maternal health crisis, and state-sanctioned structural, institutional, and interpersonal white supremacist, xenophobic, sexist, transphobic, and homophobic violence. We recognize it in anti-choice lawmakers’ efforts to exploit the pandemic to justify increasing barriers to abortion services.2 The United States also grapples with longstanding reproductive injustices. For forty-five years, the Hyde Amendment has withheld federal funds from covering abortion services in nearly all circumstances. It has erected unconscionable barriers to access for low-income and underserved people who receive health coverage or care through Medicaid, the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), Medicare, the Indian Health Service (IHS), and other federal health care programs. It has pushed abortion access out of reach for millions. This constellation of reproductive injustices, new and old, has particularly harmed Black, Indigenous, and other people of color (BIPOC), lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, and gender-nonconforming (LGBTQI-GNC) people, people with disabilities, young people, and those who live and experience compounded discrimination at the intersection of multiple identities. -
US Senate Vacancies
U.S. Senate Vacancies: Contemporary Developments and Perspectives Updated April 12, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44781 Filling U.S. Senate Vacancies: Perspectives and Contemporary Developments Summary United States Senators serve a term of six years. Vacancies occur when an incumbent Senator leaves office prematurely for any reason; they may be caused by death or resignation of the incumbent, by expulsion or declination (refusal to serve), or by refusal of the Senate to seat a Senator-elect or -designate. Aside from the death or resignation of individual Senators, Senate vacancies often occur in connection with a change in presidential administrations, if an incumbent Senator is elected to executive office, or if a newly elected or reelected President nominates an incumbent Senator or Senators to serve in some executive branch position. The election of 2008 was noteworthy in that it led to four Senate vacancies as two Senators, Barack H. Obama of Illinois and Joseph R. Biden of Delaware, were elected President and Vice President, and two additional Senators, Hillary R. Clinton of New York and Ken Salazar of Colorado, were nominated for the positions of Secretaries of State and the Interior, respectively. Following the election of 2016, one vacancy was created by the nomination of Alabama Senator Jeff Sessions as Attorney General. Since that time, one additional vacancy has occurred and one has been announced, for a total of three since February 8, 2017. As noted above, Senator Jeff Sessions resigned from the Senate on February 8, 2017, to take office as Attorney General of the United States. -
Abortion: Judicial History and Legislative Response
Abortion: Judicial History and Legislative Response Updated September 20, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33467 SUMMARY RL33467 Abortion: Judicial History and September 20, 2021 Legislative Response Jon O. Shimabukuro In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court concluded in Roe v. Wade that the U.S. Constitution protects a Legislative Attorney woman’s decision to terminate her pregnancy. In a companion decision, Doe v. Bolton, the Court found that a state may not unduly burden the exercise of that fundamental right with regulations that prohibit or substantially limit access to the procedure. Rather than settle the issue, the Court’s rulings since Roe and Doe have continued to generate debate and have precipitated a variety of governmental actions at the national, state, and local levels designed either to nullify the rulings or limit their effect. These governmental regulations have, in turn, spawned further litigation in which resulting judicial refinements in the law have been no more successful in dampening the controversy. Following Roe, the right identified in that case was affected by decisions such as Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, which gave greater leeway to the states to restrict abortion, and Rust v. Sullivan, which narrowed the scope of permissible abortion-related activities that are linked to federal funding. The Court’s decision in Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, which established the “undue burden” standard for determining whether abortion restrictions are permissible, gave Congress additional impetus to move on statutory responses to the abortion issue, such as the Freedom of Choice Act. Legislation to prohibit a specific abortion procedure, the so-called “partial-birth” abortion procedure, was passed in the 108th Congress. -
The Meaning of the Seventeenth Amendment and a Century of State Defiance
Copyright 2013 by Northwestern University School of Law Printed in U.S.A. Northwestern University Law Review Vol. 107, No. 3 THE MEANING OF THE SEVENTEENTH AMENDMENT AND A CENTURY OF STATE DEFIANCE Zachary D. Clopton & Steven E. Art ABSTRACT—Nearly a century ago, the Seventeenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution worked a substantial change in American government, dictating that the people should elect their senators by popular vote. Despite its significance, there has been little written about what the Amendment means or how it works. This Article provides a comprehensive interpretation of the Seventeenth Amendment based on the text of the Amendment and a variety of other sources: historical and textual antecedents, relevant Supreme Court decisions, the complete debates in Congress, and the social and political factors that led to this new constitutional provision. Among other things, this analysis reveals that the Amendment requires states to fill Senate vacancies by holding elections, whether or not they first fill those vacancies by making temporary appointments. In so doing, the Seventeenth Amendment guarantees that the people’s right to vote for senators is protected in all circumstances. Using this interpretation as a baseline, this Article reviews state practice with respect to the filling of vacancies under the Seventeenth Amendment. Since the Amendment was adopted in 1913, there have been 244 vacancies in the U.S. Senate. In one-sixth of these cases, the states have directly violated the Seventeenth Amendment’s core requirement that senators be elected by popular vote by failing to hold any election. In addition, in many more cases the states have significantly delayed the required elections. -
The Continued Rise of the Reproductive Justice Lawyer
Chapman Law Review Volume 23 Issue 2 Symposium: 1920–2020: The Effects of Women’s Suffrage 100 Years After the Article 2 Ratification of the 19th Amendment Spring 6-15-2020 The Continued Rise of the Reproductive Justice Lawyer Leigh Creighton Bond [email protected] Monika Taliaferro [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/chapman-law-review Recommended Citation Leigh C. Bond & Monika Taliaferro, The Continued Rise of the Reproductive Justice Lawyer, 23 CHAP. L. REV. 299 (2020). Available at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/chapman-law-review/vol23/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Fowler School of Law at Chapman University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chapman Law Review by an authorized editor of Chapman University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHAPMAN LAW REVIEW Citation: Leigh Creighton Bond & Monika Taliaferro, The Continued Rise of the Reproductive Justice Lawyer, 23 CHAP. L. REV. 299 (2020). --For copyright information, please contact [email protected]. CHAPMAN UNIVERSITY | FOWLER SCHOOL OF LAW | ONE UNIVERSITY DRIVE | ORANGE, CALIFORNIA 92866 WWW.CHAPMANLAWREVIEW.COM Do Not Delete5/14/20 5:51 PM The Continued Rise of the Reproductive Justice Lawyer Leigh Creighton Bond & Monika Taliaferro* I. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................... 299 II. A BRIEF HISTORY OF REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE LAWYERING .. 303 A. Before Roe ................................................................. 305 B. After Roe and the Coining of Reproductive Justice ....................................................................... 310 III. IMPORTANCE OF WOMEN VOTERS AND VOTER SUPPRESSION ................................................................... 312 A. How Women Voted: The 1920 Presidential Election .................................................................... -
Brief for Petitioners ______Caroline Brown Paul D
No. 18-1028 In the Supreme Court of the United States ______________________ MODA HEALTH PLAN, INC., Petitioner, v. UNITED STATES, Respondent. _____________________ BLUE CROSS AND BLUE SHIELD OF NORTH CAROLINA, Petitioner, v. UNITED STATES, Respondent. ______________________ On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit ______________________ BRIEF FOR PETITIONERS ______________________ CAROLINE BROWN PAUL D. CLEMENT BROWN & PEISCH PLLC Counsel of Record 1233 20th Street, NW ERIN E. MURPHY Suite 505 C. HARKER RHODES IV Washington, DC 20036 MICHAEL A. FRANCUS Counsel for Moda KIRKLAND & ELLIS LLP Health Plan, Inc. 1301 Pennsylvania Ave., NW Washington, DC 20004 (202) 389-5000 [email protected] Counsel for Petitioners August 30, 2019 QUESTION PRESENTED To encourage health insurers to offer insurance on newly created health benefit exchanges, and to keep premiums low, the federal government made an unambiguous statutory commitment: If the costs of claims under these new health insurance policies exceeded the premiums charged in the first three years, the government would reimburse insurers a specified percentage of the difference. Numerous health insurers, including petitioners, relied on that promise, joined the exchanges, set their premiums, and incurred significant losses in providing health coverage. Congress later enacted a series of appropriations riders restricting the sources of funds available to the Department of Health and Human Services (“HHS”) to pay insurers what was owed, but never amended the underlying statute. A divided Federal Circuit panel agreed that the government’s initial statutory commitment was unambiguous, but relied on legislative history to hold that the appropriations riders had repealed the statutory guarantee.