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`` Une Voix Et Un Écho '': Analyse Des Interactions Entre Le Tea Party Et Le
“ Une voix et un écho ” : Analyse des interactions entre le Tea Party et le système politique américain (2009-2013) Eric Rouby To cite this version: Eric Rouby. “ Une voix et un écho ” : Analyse des interactions entre le Tea Party et le système politique américain (2009-2013). Science politique. Université de Bordeaux, 2018. Français. NNT : 2018BORD0043. tel-01896475 HAL Id: tel-01896475 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01896475 Submitted on 16 Oct 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THÈSE PRÉSENTÉE POUR OBTENIR LE GRADE DE DOCTEUR DE L’UNIVERSITÉ DE BORDEAUX ÉCOLE DOCTORALE DE DROIT (E.D. 41) SPÉCIALITÉ SCIENCE POLITIQUE Par Eric ROUBY « Une voix et un écho » Analyse des interactions entre le Tea Party et le système politique américain (2009-2013) Sous la direction de : Patrick TROUDE-CHASTENET Soutenue le 27 mars 2018 Membres du jury : M. BATTISTELLA Dario, Professeur à Science Po Bordeaux, examinateur M. GAGNON Frédérick, Professeur à l’Université du Québec à Montréal, rapporteur M. SINTOMER Yves, Professeur à l’Université de Paris 8 , rapporteur M. TROUDE-CHASTENET Patrick, Professeur à l’Université de Bordeaux , directeur de thèse M. -
THE TAX COMPLIANCE IMPLICATIONS of the TEA PARTY MOVEMENT Richard Lavoie*
The University of Akron IdeaExchange@UAkron Akron Law Publications The chooS l of Law October 2011 Patriotism and Taxation: The aT x Compliance Implications of the Tea Party Movement Richard L. Lavoie University of Akron Law School, [email protected] Please take a moment to share how this work helps you through this survey. Your feedback will be important as we plan further development of our repository. Follow this and additional works at: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/ua_law_publications Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Lavoie, Richard L., "Patriotism and Taxation: The aT x Compliance Implications of the Tea Party Movement" (2011). Akron Law Publications. 131. http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/ua_law_publications/131 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The chooS l of Law at IdeaExchange@UAkron, the institutional repository of The nivU ersity of Akron in Akron, Ohio, USA. It has been accepted for inclusion in Akron Law Publications by an authorized administrator of IdeaExchange@UAkron. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. PATRIOTISM AND TAXATION: THE TAX COMPLIANCE IMPLICATIONS OF THE TEA PARTY MOVEMENT Richard Lavoie* Given the rise of the tea party movement, which draws strength from the historical linkage between patriotism and tax protests in the United States, the role of patriotism as a general tax compliance factor is examined in light of the extant empirical evidence. The existing research suggests that patriotism may be a weaker tax compliance factor in the United States than it is elsewhere. In light of this possibility, the tea party movement has the potential to weaken this compliance factor even more. -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
The Tea Party and American Populism Today: Between Protest, Patriotism and Paranoia
The American State – symposium Michael Minkenberg The Tea Party and American Populism Today: Between Protest, Patriotism and Paranoia Abstract This article takes a closer look at the Tea Party by adding a transatlantic perspective. Its aim is to show that the Tea Party is a genuine right-wing movement with strong affinities to the Republican Party which revives par- ticular American traditions of conservatism and the radical right. Its support base is not ‘the mainstream’ but a particular cross section of the white middle classes. In this, it is the American mirror image of many European parties and movements of the populist radical right which share the Tea Party’s anti-establishment message, its ultra-patriotism and ethnocentrism. It also shares some of its characteristics with the Christian Right with which it competes and cooperates when aiming at influencing the Republican Party and Washington while marking the merger of the Christian Right with Southern conservatism. Key words: Populism, American conservatism, radical right, Christian Right, Republican Party 1. Introduction “Keep your government hands off my Medicare!” (at a town hall meeting in South Carolina, quoted in Zernike 2011a, p. 135) After more than one and a half years of its existence and unmistakable presence in American politics, and of its accompanying scrutiny, the Tea Party movement remains a deeply ambivalent phenomenon. Ambivalent in terms of its independence as a movement or and its relationship to the Republican party, conservative business elites, or right-wing media; ambivalent in terms of its message, the kind of change it advocates in explicit de- marcation from the change its adherents attribute to President Obama; ambivalent about its social base as a true grass-roots or an elite-driven network of organizations and activ- ists, a middle class or cross-class movement (see Rahe 2011; Rasmussen/Schoen 2010; Williamson et al. -
The Tea Party Movement and Popular Constitutionalism
Copyright 2011 by Northwestern University School of Law Vol. 105 Northwestern University Law Review Colloquy THE TEA PARTY MOVEMENT AND POPULAR CONSTITUTIONALISM Ilya Somin* INTRODUCTION The rise of the Tea Party movement followed a period during which many academic students of constitutional law focused on ―popular constitu- tionalism‖: the involvement of public opinion and popular movements in influencing constitutional interpretation.1 Many of these scholars argue that popular constitutional movements have a beneficial impact on constitution- al law,2 and some even contend that popular constitutionalism should sup- plant judicial review entirely.3 At the very least, the last generation of constitutional scholarship has established that public opinion influences and significantly constrains judicial interpretation of the Constitution.4 Most of the previous scholarship on popular constitutionalism focuses on movements identified with the political left, such as the civil rights *Associate Professor of Law, George Mason University School of Law. For helpful suggestions and comments, I would like to thank Jonathan Adler, Jared Goldstein, participants in the 2011 AALS panel on the Tea Party and the Constitution, and the editors of the Northwestern University Law Review Col- loquy. I would also like to thank Eva Choi and Eric Facer for helpful research assistance. 1 See, e.g., LARRY D. KRAMER, THE PEOPLE THEMSELVES: POPULAR CONSTITUTIONALISM AND JUDICIAL REVIEW (2004); MARK TUSHNET, TAKING THE CONSTITUTION AWAY FROM THE COURTS (1999); JEREMY WALDRON, LAW AND DISAGREEMENT (1999); Matthew D. Adler, Popular Constitutio- nalism and the Rule of Recognition: Whose Practices Ground U.S. Law?, 100 NW. U. L. REV. 719 (2006) (link); Larry Alexander & Lawrence B. -
1 a Kingdom Divided: New Media, the Fragmentation of Evangelical
A Kingdom Divided: New Media, the Fragmentation of Evangelical Cultural Values, and U.S. Politics Christopher W. Boerl A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Politics and International Relations) Royal Holloway College, University of London 2011 Supervisor: Professor Andrew Chadwick 1 I declare that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Christopher W. Boerl September 10, 2011 2 ABSTRACT OF THESIS A Kingdom Divided: New Media, the Fragmentation of Evangelical Cultural Values, and U.S. Politics Religious movements are a powerful force in politics, but there is no research that analyzes the relationship between new communication technologies and Christian political mobilization in the United States. In addressing this deficit, this thesis has three interrelated aims. First, beginning from an analysis of social capital, civic engagement and mobilization, it provides a historical overview of the U.S. evangelical community and its rise as a dominant cultural and political force. It argues that changing social norms provided the conditions for a strong reactionary religious movement to take root, while the social effects of broadcast media helped to concentrate evangelical energies on issues such as abortion, homosexuality, and school prayer. Second, this thesis develops an understanding of the impact of the Internet upon evangelical organizations based on original research and fieldwork. It demonstrates that in contrast to the effects of broadcast media, which served largely to unify evangelical cultural attitudes, the Internet is instead a source of significant theological fragmentation and political pluralization. By serving as a conduit through which dissident religious elements are better able to connect, organize, and mobilize, the Internet is revealed to be a powerful tool for movements such as ―creation care‖ and the ―emerging church,‖ which in years past have been unable to gather significant cultural strength due to the limitations of prevailing communication infrastructures. -
The Last White Election?
mike davis THE LAST WHITE ELECTION? ast september, while Bill Clinton was delighting the 2012 Democratic Convention in Charlotte with his folksy jibe at Mitt Romney for wanting to ‘double up on the trickle down’, a fanatical adherent of Ludwig von Mises, wearing a villainous Lblack cowboy hat and accompanied by a gun-toting bodyguard, captured the national headquarters of the Tea Party movement in Washington, dc. The Jack Palance double in the Stetson was Dick Armey. As House Majority Leader in 1997 he had participated in a botched plot, instigated by Republican Whip Tom DeLay and an obscure Ohio Congressman named John Boehner, to topple House Speaker Newt Gingrich. Now Armey was attempting to wrest total control of FreedomWorks, the organization most responsible for repackaging rank-and-file Republican rage as the ‘Tea Party rebellion’ as well as training and coordinating its activists.1 Tea Party Patriots—a national network with several hundred affiliates—is one of its direct offshoots. As FreedomWorks’ chairperson, Armey symbolized an ideological continuity between the Republican con- gressional landslides of 1994 and 2010, the old ‘Contract with America’ and the new ‘Contract from America’. No one was better credentialed to inflict mortal damage on the myth of conservative solidarity. Only in December did the lurid details of the coup leak to the press. According to the Washington Post, ‘the gun-wielding assistant escorted FreedomWorks’ top two employees off the premises, while Armey sus- pended several others who broke down in sobs at the news.’2 The chief target was Matt Kibbe, the organization’s president and co-author with Armey of the best-selling Give Us Liberty: A Tea Party Manifesto. -
The Tea Party and the Constitution
Chicago-Kent College of Law Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 3-2011 The Tea Party and the Constitution Christopher W. Schmidt IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/fac_schol Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Christopher W. Schmidt, The Tea Party and the Constitution, (2011). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/fac_schol/546 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. 3.18.11 THE TEA PARTY AND THE CONSTITUTION Christopher W. Schmidt * ABSTRACT This Article considers the Tea Party as a constitutional movement. I explore the Tea Party’s ambitious effort to transform the role of the Constitution in American life, examining both the substance of the Tea Party’s constitutional claims and the tactics movement leaders have embraced for advancing these claims. No major social movement in modern American history has so explicitly tied its reform agenda to the Constitution. From the time when the Tea Party burst onto the American political scene in early 2009, its supporters claimed in no uncertain terms that much recent federal government action overstepped constitutionally defined limitations. A belief that the Constitution establishes clear boundaries on federal power is at the core of the Tea Party’s constitutional vision. -
1 ALAN BJERGA: (Sounds Gavel.) Good Afternoon, and Welcome to the National Press Club. My Name Is Alan Bjerga. I'm a Reporter Fo
NATIONAL PRESS CLUB LUNCHEON WITH DICK ARMEY SUBJECT: THE FUTURE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND THE NEED TO RETURN TO ITS ROOTS IN FISCAL CONSERVATISM MODERATOR: ALAN BJERGA, PRESIDENT, NATIONAL PRESS CLUB LOCATION: NATIONAL PRESS CLUB BALLROOM, WASHINGTON, D.C. TIME: 12:30 P.M. EDT DATE: MONDAY, MARCH 15, 2010 (C) COPYRIGHT 2008, NATIONAL PRESS CLUB, 529 14TH STREET, WASHINGTON, DC - 20045, USA. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. ANY REPRODUCTION, REDISTRIBUTION OR RETRANSMISSION IS EXPRESSLY PROHIBITED. UNAUTHORIZED REPRODUCTION, REDISTRIBUTION OR RETRANSMISSION CONSTITUTES A MISAPPROPRIATION UNDER APPLICABLE UNFAIR COMPETITION LAW, AND THE NATIONAL PRESS CLUB RESERVES THE RIGHT TO PURSUE ALL REMEDIES AVAILABLE TO IT IN RESPECT TO SUCH MISAPPROPRIATION. FOR INFORMATION ON BECOMING A MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL PRESS CLUB, PLEASE CALL 202-662-7505. ALAN BJERGA: (Sounds gavel.) Good afternoon, and welcome to the National Press Club. My name is Alan Bjerga. I'm a reporter for Bloomberg News and the President of the National Press Club. We're the world’s leading professional organization for journalists and are committed to our profession’s future through our programming and by fostering a free press worldwide. For more information about the Press Club, please visit our website at www.press.org. To donate to our programs, please visit www.press.org/library. On behalf of our members worldwide, I'd like to welcome our speaker and attendees at today’s event, which includes guests of our speaker, as well as working journalists. I'd also like to welcome our C-SPAN and Public Radio audiences. After the speech concludes, I will ask as many audience questions as time permits. -
Popular Constitutionalism on the Right: Lessons from the Tea Party
POPULAR CONSTITUTIONALISM ON THE RIGHT: LESSONS FROM THE TEA PARTY † CHRISTOPHER W. SCHMIDT INTRODUCTION Within the legal academy over the past decade or so, popular consti- tutionalism has emerged as an important and often quite controversial theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of constitutional development.1 In its strongest and most provocative form, popular consti- tutionalism demands that the American people play a central role in in- terpreting the meaning of the Constitution, and that the courts should, to one degree or another, defer to the legitimate constitutional claims of the people and their elected representatives. The Supreme Court is not (or should not be) the final arbiter of constitutional meaning.2 Ordinary citi- zens should regularly engage with their Constitution, and they should do so not just in some abstract sense, but in an immediate and active way.3 Popular constitutionalism, in short, is based on the belief that responsibil- ity for shaping the meaning of the Constitution is not just the province of the courts; it is also a basic duty of the people themselves. History provides a rich canvas for exploring the record and potential of popular constitutionalism. Much of the work produced by scholars of popular constitutionalism has been efforts to excavate past moments of popular mobilization around constitutional claims. They have examined episodes of U.S. history, identifying ways in which popular demands made upon constitutional text and principles resulted in shifts in general † Assistant Professor, Chicago-Kent College of Law; Faculty Fellow, American Bar Foun- dation. For helpful comments, criticisms, and discussions, I thank Kathy Baker, Chris Buccafusco, Sarah Harding, Mark Rosen, as well as participants in the University of Colorado Law School’s Rothgerber Conference, and the Chicago-Kent Faculty Workshop. -
'To Quarterback Behind the Scenes, Third-Party Efforts': the Tobacco Industry and the Tea Party
Research paper Tob Control: first published as 10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815 on 8 February 2013. Downloaded from ‘To quarterback behind the scenes, third-party efforts’: the tobacco industry and the Tea Party Amanda Fallin, Rachel Grana, Stanton A Glantz ▸ Additional material is ABSTRACT Tea Party tax protests in April 2009,10 the town hall published online only. To view Background The Tea Party, which gained prominence protests about the proposed healthcare reform in please visit the journal online in the USA in 2009, advocates limited government and August 20091 and the Taxpayers’ March on (http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ 11 tobaccocontrol-2012-050815). low taxes. Tea Party organisations, particularly Washington the following September 2009. They Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks, oppose continued to facilitate and support many of the Department of Medicine, University of California smoke-free laws and tobacco taxes. local chapters and leaders that arose from the early 5 San Francisco, Center for Methods We used the Legacy Tobacco Documents events in 2009. AFP and FreedomWorks continued Tobacco Control Research and Library, the Wayback Machine, Google, LexisNexis, the to facilitate local Tea Party activities by Education, San Francisco, Center for Media and Democracy and the Center for co-sponsoring rallies,11213creating talking points California, USA Responsive Politics (opensecrets.org) to examine the and organisational tips for supporters,14 15 supply- 16 Correspondence to tobacco companies’ connections to the Tea Party. ing literature for local Tea Party groups and pro- Stanton A Glantz, Department Results Starting in the 1980s, tobacco companies viding training sessions.1317FreedomWorks was a of Medicine, University of worked to create the appearance of broad opposition to founding partner of the 2010 Contract from California San Francisco, tobacco control policies by attempting to create a America (recalling the Republican Party’s 1994 Center for Tobacco Control ’ 18 Research and Education, Room grassroots smokers rights movement. -
The Tea Party Movement
The Tea Party Movement: Grassroots Advocacy at its Finest, or Highly-Disguised Astroturfing? by Kassandra Zukowski A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts Approved November 2011 by the Graduate Supervisory Committee: Majia Holmer Nadesan Lindsey Mean Ramsey Eric Ramsey ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY December 2011 ABSTRACT Using models identified by communications scholars Herbert W. Simons and Charles J. Stewart, a rhetorical analysis was conducted on contemporary Tea Party Movement (TPM) artifacts in an attempt to gauge the movement's authenticity as it relates to grassroots advocacy versus astroturfing. The models provided a theoretical framework in which the functions of social movement leaders were analyzed, as well as the rhetorical phases of a movement. Additionally, the notions of advocacy and astroturfing were defined and the concepts compared and contrasted. Used in conjunction with one another the models provided a framework in which TPM artifacts could be analyzed. Analysis was conducted on the websites for the Tea Party Patriots and Tea Party Express, a one-month sample of Sarah Palin FaceBook posts, two speeches delivered by Michelle Bachmann, and finally one speech given by Palin. Examples for each of the necessary rhetorical components identified were found within TPM sources, thus leading to the conclusion that the TPM operates primarily as a grassroots advocacy movement. i TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER Page 1 INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................