Narratives of Famine – Somalia 2011
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January 2016 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice NARRATIVES OF FAMI N E Somalia 2011 Nisar Majid, Guhad Adan, Khalif Abdirahman, Jeeyon Janet Kim, Daniel Maxwell Cover Image by Nisar Majid. Acknowledgements: We gratefully acknowledge the support of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the USAID Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance for the research on which this paper is based and support from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the analysis and compilation of the narratives. We would like to thank Dyan Mazurana for her insightful review of this paper and Joyce Maxwell for editing and formatting the report. ©2016 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 114 Curtis Street Somerville, MA 02144 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Contents Acronyms 4 Terminology 4 Executive Summary 5 Introduction 5 Social structures, hierarchies and networks in Somalia 6 Methodology 7 Structure of the report 8 Narratives of the famine 10 Central Regions – First affected, locally contained? 10 Diversification and social networks 12 Bay, Bakool and the refugee camps – The epicentre of famine 13 Local variations at the epicentre 16 Crossing national borders 17 The refugee camps – Displacement, death and mobility 21 Lower Shabelle – A drying river 22 The drying river 27 The Juba valley – From Jamame to Luuq 27 Diversity of responses 32 Luuq, North Gedo 32 Away from the epicentre 38 Businesses, diaspora and the Nairobi mosques 38 Resource mobilisation across society 41 Discussion 42 Annex I. Interviewees 45 Notes 47 References 49 Acronyms ACF Action Contre le Faim ICU Islamic Courts Union IDP Internally Displaced Person NGO Non-governmental Organisation Terminology Gu the main rainy season Jilaal the long dry season Deyr the short rainy season Hagaa the short dry season stronger than in many other contexts. Reflecting Executive Summary this point, each of the narratives is referenced ac- The Somalia famine of 2011 was an enormous cording to its clan identity and these identities are human catastrophe and significant historical event discussed at various points in the report. for the Horn of Africa and for humanitarian action The social networks and identities referred to here, more broadly. This report is primarily designed that serve to protect certain groups, are also evident to present, with relatively little accompanying in the level of exploitation and discrimination analysis, extended first-person narratives of this that takes place between groups or clans, and it experience from the perspectives of those that is most evident from the IDP and refugee camps, lived through it. This is an attempt to bring out where many of our informants were residing or had a Somali ‘voice’ where the distance between local passed through. Furthermore, humanitarian actors populations and humanitarian actors is increasing; are commonly not aware of how their own organi- inaccessibility and remote management has become sation is part of these dynamics. the new norm in Somalia and many other humani- tarian contexts. These narratives offer an important The narratives below also illuminate the presence opportunity to learn about certain characteristics and role of Al-Shabaab in the lead up to and dur- of Somali society and livelihoods (in the broad- ing the famine period. Al-Shabaab was a critical est sense of the word) that are difficult to access actor, not just in terms of its antagonism towards today and that are pertinent both to the everyday international aid (which was highly politicised by as well as extreme times. This report is intended all parties), but for its influence – or attempts to as the background to (and effectively the database influence – many areas of the local response to the for) a more analytical report, also published by the crisis, including by clan-based groups, the diaspora Feinstein Center.1 and the Somali private sector. While there is much to criticise in terms of the politicisation of aid and The major analytical insights that these narratives the (Western) humanitarian response in Somalia, offer concern the role that flexibility, diversifica- Al-Shabaab’s influence was pervasive and insidious. tion and social connectedness play in the ability of people to manage (or not manage) extreme condi- The perspectives revealed here and their implica- tions. The connectedness and networks that link tions for policy and practice are not a notable part individuals and households across occupational and of vulnerability or resilience-related discussions livelihood-related resource bases – and between for Somalia. There are indeed sensitivities as well rural and urban, and national and international lo- as challenges around incorporating these socio- cations – is a critical aspect of Somali society. This political dimensions. However, given the history of diversification reflects very different risk contexts. humanitarian action as well as analytical develop- In simple terms, a family with a rural livelihood ments in early warning and programming that have base may be significantly protected from a natural taken place in Somalia over the last twenty years, it or other calamity if they have relatives with a foot is remiss to neglect them. in the business sector and/or in the diaspora (the two are often related). And vice versa: those that do not have this livelihood AND risk diversification Introduction within their social networks are likely much more The Somalia famine of 2011–12 marks a major vulnerable to certain shocks. Much of the standard historical moment in the Somali imagination and household and livelihood group-based analysis that for global humanitarianism. With nearly 260,000 is currently undertaken in Somalia under-appre- deaths, this was the largest famine of the twenty- ciates the extent to which wider ‘community’ or first century and was prominent in global and ‘clan’-based identity and social networks determine Somalia-specific media at the time. A number of vulnerability and resilience. In the case of Somalia, factors combined to cause this human catastrophe, the social solidarity within these networks may be including a severe drought, global and local market Narratives of Famine – Somalia 2011 5 shocks, and a complex political-security context in 2011, and that these networks have a socio-po- where the militant Islamist group, Al-Shabaab, litical – or ‘clan’ – identity as well as both national controlled much of South-Central Somalia and and transnational dimensions.5 Similarly, changed therefore where counter-terrorism and humanitar- agricultural patterns and investment strategies that ian aims were in competition and served to delay a are evident in the epicentre of the famine appear to larger-scale humanitarian response.2 be significant factors in the evolution of the famine but are still poorly understood as ongoing processes Initial analyses of the famine focused on external in rural areas in Somalia.6 The following narratives responses and perspectives, that is, of and by the therefore not only provide an ‘emic’ description of (Western) international community. These reflect the context of 2011 but also provide insights into the way in which Somalia and Somalis are por- processes not well captured elsewhere. trayed and understood by external agencies and individuals, as well as the specific issues and con- straints faced by these humanitarian actors. These Social structures, hierarchies and perspectives, while important, tend to blur or miss networks in Somalia other internal factors that are equally or even more important in understanding Somali society, the Given the emphasis on socio-political identity and evolution of the famine and, in particular, who social networks in this report, a brief overview of survived, who did not, and why. Globally, this the Somali clan system and social structure fol- ‘external bias’, articulated through remotely man- lows. Somalia has five main clan families: the aged humanitarian engagement, has been increas- Rahanweyn, Dir, Darod, Hawiye and Isaaq. The ingly criticized for its intellectual, emotional, and latter four embody a nomadic or pastoral identity, psychological distance from local populations.3 culture and livelihood, although this pastoral, rural livelihood has significantly evolved over many This report presents narratives that capture a wide decades to include urban and transnational dimen- range of experiences from people that lived through sions. These ‘nomadic’ clans are especially associ- the extreme conditions of 2011. These narratives ated with northern and central regions of Somalia. capture multiple dimensions of the famine period At a very general level, these clan-based identity of 2011 and convey the very human experiences of groups benefited most from the resources of the the time, as well as the complexity – and resilience state, such as through education and state