No. 12/82

No. 12/82 NOTES UM6tI'$&a% April 1912 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INVASION OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF ANGOLA Report of the International Mission of Jurists (I - 9 October 1981) /-Note: An International Mission of Jurists representing the International Commission of Inquiry into the Crimes of the Racist and A-ap heid RAimes in Southern Africa visited the People's Republic of Angola from 1 to 9 October 1981. It was composed of Mr. Reg Austin, Professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of London and Mrs. Paulette Pierson-Mathy, Lecturer at the Faculty of law of the Uniwersity of Brussels and Secretary General of the International Commission of Inquiry. The report of the International Mission of Jurists is published at the request of the Special Committee against Apartheid. The views expressed are those of the author .7 * All material in these notes and documents may be freely reprinted. Acknowledgement. together with a copy of the publication containing the reprint, would be appreciated. 82-10321

-3- CONTENTS Page IsTRODUCTION ...... 5 PART ONE: OBSERVATIONS OF THE MISSION ...... 8 A. Lubango, capital of Huila province ...... 8 B. Visit to Cunene province ...... 10 1. Cahama ...... 11 The town of Cahama destroyed by the South African Air Force and left deserted ...... *...... I The effects of the continual attacks on the lives of the population .. 13 Cahama: virtually a permanent target for the South African army ..... 14 2. Civilian hospital run by Irish nuns of the "Medical Missionaries of Mary" of Tchiulo ...... 16 The difficulties of the journey ...... 17 An isolated civilian hospital in a province dislocated by the war .... 17 Harassment of the hospital by South African troops ...... 18 A hospital forced to suspend normal medical care because of the influx of war casualties ...... 19 The Angolan wounded seen by the mission ...... 20 The new ailment ...... 22 The complete disruption of life in the province ...... 22 The paralysis of hospital services in Cunene province ...... 23 C. The Angolan refugee camp at Chiange (Huila) ...... 25 PART TWOs STATEMENTS AND TESTIMONY ...o ...... 28 A. Interviews with Angolan, Namibian and South African officials ...... 28 l. Angola: Statement by Henrique de Carvalho Santos, Secretary of the Central Committee of the MPLA-PT for the Department of Legal Studies . 28 2. Namibia: Interview with Sam Nujoma, President of SWAPO ...... 29 o.

CONTENTS (continued) ?ag4 3. South Africas Interview with Mr. Edward Dilinka, member of the Executive Committee of AN ...... 32 B. Interviews with the representatives of the United Nations relief agencies in Angola ...... o..*. ... o ...... 34 1. UNHCRs Mr. Mendiluce Pereiro ...... 34 2. UNICEF: Mr. Albein im Bezzera do Mello ...... 36 3. UNDPs Mr. Gunnar Asplund ...... 37 Co Conclusions ...... 41 D. Recommendations ...... 45 Map of Angola ,...... o...... , ...... o . 47 ..

INTRODUCT ION Following the latest South African invasion of the People's Republic of mqola, the International oission of Inquiry into the Crimes of the Racist and Apartheid Migimes in Southern Africa, which had held its second session in the ftople's Republic of Angola in January and February 1981, _V despatched an international mission of jurists to Angola to gather as much information as possible about the extent, impact and objectives of the invasion, the most serious suffered by Angola since the first invasion from October 1975 to March 1976 and the most extensive conventional military operation in the history of southern Africa. The mission, composed of Mr. Reg Austin, Professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of london and Mrs. P. Pierson-Kathy, Lecturer at the Faculty of Law of the University of Brussels and General Secretary of the International Commission of Inquiry, visited Angola from I to 8 October 1981. a/ The mission stayed in Luanda and then travelled to Huila and Cunene provinces. Oinene province is one of the three provinces which border on Namibia and the site of the latest South African invasion and occupation. In Imanda, the mission talked to Mr. Henrique de Carvalho Santos, Secretary of the Central Committee of the MPLA Workers' Party for the Department of Legal Affairs, and his principal colleagues including Ms. T. Lopes, Director of the Department, as well as mr. F. Oliveira, Director of the Legal Office of the Minister of &stice and Mr. Oelho da Cruz, President of the League for Friendship and Solidarity with Peoples. The mission was also received by Mr. 4m Nujoma, President of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) , the Liberation Movement of Namibia, Mr. Z. Dilinga, a member of the National Executive Committee of the African National Congress (ANC), the South African liberation movement, and Mr. Uriak Mokeba, the AMC's main representative in Angola. In its concern to obtain as much information as possible about the consequences for Angola's civilian population of the latest South African invasion and the joint activities of the UNITAR group, the mission also talked to the representatives in Angola of United Nations bodies specialized in assisting civilian populations and refugees. Such conversations took place on _V Comissao internacional de inquirito sobre os crimes dos racistas na Africa austral, 2a Sessao, Documentos, Lmanda, 30 Jan.-4 Feb. 1981, Ed. DLI, MLA- PT, Luanda, 1981. English and French translations of this document are in the process of publication. 2/ A preliminary report on this mission, prepared by the Commission Secretariat, was distributed at press conferences held on 19 October in Brussels and 26 October in Dublin. I. ..

2 and 3 October in Luanda with Mr. Gunnar Asplund. Resident Representative of the United Nations Development Programme and co-ordinator of the United Nations emergency prqgramme in Angola#*k, Almsirim Bezzer& d* i33UUNICEF representative, and Mr. JosO'endiluce Pereiro, representative of the Office of the United Nations High Oinissioner for Refugees. On 5 October, the mission travelled by scheduled flight to Lubango, the capital of Ibila province and a constant target of reconnaissance flights by outh African military aircraft and of several bombings and helioopter-borne attacks by South African troops.._/ From Lubango the mission, which had been joined by Mr. Achille Lollo, a correspondent for the Jornal de Angola and the magazine Afri ue-Asie, travelled to Oinene province. During its visit to this province, the mission was accompanied by Captain Mario Sylla of the Department of Reconnaissance and Information of the General Staff* of FAPLA (obrgas Armadas Populares de Libertapmo de Angola-Popular Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola) and Lieutenant Gouvela from the same department of the General Staff of the Fifth Region. In Cunene province the mission travelled by car, at night only and without any lights. It stayed at Cahana, the first town bombed and destroyed by the South African Air Force at the start of the South African invasion and near to which heavy fighting took place. Cahama is 200 kilometres from the Namibian border. lhe mission then vent to Tlhiul0 where the hospital run by Irish nuns of the "Medical Missionaries of Nary* Is located. this hospital was occupied by the South African Armed Forces from 24 tO 30 August 1981. As a result of renewed attacks by South African troops in the lmediate environs of Tchiulo from 5 October onwards, for reasons of safety the mission was unable to travel to the banks of the Cunene river near the very long Xangongo bridge which the South African Army had again blown up during its latest invasion. 2/ Returning to Lubango, the mission visited the Chiange refugee camp in Huila province, before returning to Luanda via lubango. A detailed report on the mission's observations, a summary of its conversations with the officials it met in Iuanda, and its legal conclusions are reproduced below. I/ See the report of -the Internatonal Mission of Inquiry -into-ets-ofaggression perpetrated by South Africa against the People's Republic of Angola, 6-13 August 1980, United Nations Centre against Apartheid, Notes and Documents, No. 2/81, January 1981. _/ A delegation of the International Commission of Inquiry meeting in session in Luanda had visited Cunene province and Xangongo on 1 February 1981 where it had crossed the 800 metre long bridge which the South African Army had first destroyed in March 1976 and the reconstruction of which, lasting from 1978 to 1980, had been Completed only a few weeks previously.

1ie members of the mission wish to express their war thanks to the Angolan authorities, in particular the Legal Department of the NPLA Workers' Party and the Dpartment of Reconnaissance and Information of the VAPLA Opneral Staff, for having afforded them all the necessary facilitles to carry out their task and having assured their safety in Qanene pcovince,ohich has been reduced to a war sone by the belligerent terrorist activities carried on there in virtual serecy by the South African invasion forces and Air Ibes Say also wish to thank the Angolan League for Vrindship and Solidarity with Peoples for the welcome extended to them in the lople's 1public of Angola. ..

PART ONE: OBSERVATIONS OF THE MISSION A. Lubano, capital of Huila province The mission stayed briefly at Lubango (formerly Sa da Bandeira), the capital of Huila province and about 150 kilometres from the Namibian border as the crow flies. I/ With Cuando-Cubango and Cunene, this is one of the three provinces of southern Angola which the Angolan authorities declared a disaster area on 28 August 1981. 2/ South African land forces did not manage to get as far as Huila but the province is experiencing an influx of refugees from the border province of Cunene and its hospitals and dispensaries are under very difficult conditions, caring for the wounded who have managed to leave the war zones in Cunene province where, with only one exception, at the time of our visit no civilian hospital or dispensary was operating, as a result of either the South African invasion or the insecurity which repeated bombing by South African aircraft has long since made a part of daily life in the province. A large part of the international relief sent to Angola is shipped to Lubango from where it is distributed, mostly by the Angolan Red Cross, to hospitals and refugee camps. At the time of our visit, two representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the International League of the Red Cross were staying in Lubango from where in co-operation with the Angolan Red Cross, they were assisting the population displaced as a result of the invasion and housed in the camps at Chiange and Chibie, two localities in Huila province. Lubango is also the operational centre for the storage and distribution of relief supplied as part of the United Nations emergency programme to Angolans who fled the latest invasion. The number of people displaced as a result of the latest invasion is estimated at 130,000. 2/ The influx of refugees, only some of whom are living in camps, is also affecting living conditions in the villages which have given them shelter and which in turn require material assistance. The latest invasion has thus seriously affected living conditions in this province, which is the rear guard of the border provinces which repeated aggression by the South African Army has turned into virtually permanent war zones. j./ About 450 by road. 2_/ Communiqui of the Council of Ministers of the People's Republic of Angola, Jornal de Angola, 29 August 1981. 3_/ See part two.

In addition, reconnaisanceflights by South African military aircraft have increased in the last few months, creating an atmosphere of insecurity among the population. The South African military threat against Huila province is a reality, the tragic consequences of which the civilian population, both Angolan and refugee, has had to suffer on several occasions. We should recall in this connexion that, already hard hit by the first South African invasion from October 1975 to the end of March 1976, this province was the target of several massive armed attacks after South African troops had withdrawn at the end of the first invasion. We should recall inter alia: The 4 May 1978 massacre at Cassinga in which South African air craft and helicopter-borne commandos killed over 600 Namibian refugees, completely destroyed their camp and captured more than 150 of them, a criminal aggression which was condemned by the Security Council (resolution 428 (1978)) and denounced in a joint report by the World Health Organization and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees for its "extreme savagery and spirit of extermination and destruction used against a population of refugees", a civilian population; / The 26 September 1979 bombing of the city of Lubango by the South African Air Force, in which 26 people were killed and 34 others seriously wounded; 2/ The 28 October 1979 attack by a South African helicopter-borne commando on the Mogamedes-Lubango road in the Leba mountains, in which several bridges along this mountain road were blown up and 20 civilians were killed, including several Angolan women and children whom the South African commando killed in cold blood. The destruction on the same day in the same region of part of the Lubango-Cuvango railway line and the blowing up of a railway tunnel on the Mogamedes line. These attacks were condemned by the Security Council (resolution 454 (1979)). The 7 June 1980 bombing by six Mirage aircraft of a Namibian refugee camp 16 kilometres from Lubango, in which the medical post was destroyed, three refugees were wounded and three Mirages were shot down; Y The 13 February 1981 destruction by a South African helicopter-borne commando of a bridge between the port of Mopamedes and Lubango, approximately 250 kilometres from the Namibian border; 4/ 1/ Document S/13473, annex V. 2/ See the aforementioned report of the International Mission of Inquiry, document 2/81 of the Centre against Apartheid. See above-mentioned report of the International Mission of Inquiry. 4 Le Monde, 24 February 1981. I...

-10- On 17 March 1981, five Mirage aircraft flew over the city of Lubango and bombed an agricultural area between Lubango and Humpata wounding three children and two women; / The 18 March 1981 bombing of a SWAPO refugee camp near Lubangol 2/ The 23 and 28 August 1981 bombings of Tchibemba, a township between Cahama and Lubango approximately 300 kilometres by road from the Namibian border; 2/ After several hours of preparation at Lubango, a city deeply affected by South Africa's war of attrition against this independent country, the mission headed for Cunene province. B. Visit to Cunene province The journey from Lubango to Cahama, a township in Cunene province on the Lubango-Xangongo road, was made at night, driving without any lights, once the mission was some distance from Lubango. Driving along this road is therefore dangerous. The main concern is to avoid being spotted by the South African Air Force who machine-gun or bomb any vehicle, civilian or otherwise, they see travelling on roads in this province. We should recall in this connexion that on 5 September, on the same road some 8 kilometres north of Cahama, a South African Impala plane launched a rocket attack on a group of Angolan and foreign journalists who were travelling to Cahama. This aerial attack seriously wounded two of the Angolan journalists and slightly wounded Mr. Wooldridge, the BBC correspondent. / I/ Communiqui from the Angolan Ministry of Defence, 19 March 1981. 2/ The Times, 19 March 1981. The Guardian, 19 March 1981. 3/ Communiqu6s from the Angolan Ministry of Defence, 24 and 29 August 1981. See the account by Marga Holmes who accompanied the group of journalists. The War, Angola Fights Back, Newsletter, No. 2, October 1981, London, SWAMP, and the article in The Guardian. This is not the first occasion on which the South African army has sought to block information on the war which it is waging in Angola. On 10 April 1981, the South African Air Force had attacked the Angolan troops providing protection to a group of foreign journalists in the commune of MUPA (Cunene). One civilian was killed and two others wounded. Communiqu6 from the Angolan Ministry of Defence, 17 April 1981. I...

-11- Being unable to use their lights, the drivers are obliged to travel rather slowly in order to avoid accidents which may be caused by bomb holes, abandoned cars or dead animals and, above all, head-on collisions, which are not uncommonj a few hours after we had passed that way, three young Angolan press and television journalists and camera men, who were attempting to meet up with our mission, were involved in just such a collision. Of these three young men from the ANGOP Press Agency and Angolan television, Mr. Ribas, Mr. Costa and Mr. Nesquits, one received serious injury to his spinal column, another is suffering from multiple fractures to a lower leg and femur and internal contusions, and the third, less seriously hurt, has a broken arm. The two more seriously injured journalists will be unable to work at their profession for several months and will have to go abroad when they are fit to travel in order to receive the treatment they require. On the return journey we -saw at the side of a road the ANGOP Land Rover, damaged beyond repair, and the heavy truck which was temporarily put out of action by the collison. Accidents like this one , which occurred during the night of 5 to 6 October illustrate the indirect but costly effects, both in human and material terms, of this quasi-clandestine war which South Africa continues to wage in southern Angola. Our little group arrived without mishap at Cahama, a destroyed town deserted by its inhabitants, where we spent the night in the open for reasons of security. At that point three Angolan women passengers who had joined us in Lubango left the group. These were the mothers of three young Angolan officers stationed in Cunene province. These mothers, who had come from Luanda, had no news of their sons. Faced with their persistence, and In order to pacify them, military headquarters in Lubango had finally given permission for these three mothers to travel with us to Cahama where, most happily, they were reunited with their sons. This is how these three courageous Angolan women were! unofficially added to our party. During the journey, we could not fail to be struck by the attitude, at once respectful and affectionate, of the young Angolan fighters who were protecting us towards these mothers, one of whom had lost two of her sons in that interminable war. These mothers of families appeared to us as a symbol of the sacrifices borne by the Angolan people and of the courage with which it is preserving its independence, hard-won through bloodshed, which it is forced to defend by armed struggle against the South African aggressors. How could we fail to observe, at the same time, that their presence among us also bore witness to the popular character of the young Angolan army and its struggle against the invaders? 1. Cahama The town of Cahama, destroyed by the South African Air Force and left deserted Cahama is a community of some 14,000 inhabitants. The centre, formed by a main street running between scattered buildings used for administration and peoples organizations and also containing shops, a food depot, a school, a small hospital and a dispensary, together with dwellings; was completely destroyed on I...

-12- 23 August 1981 by the bombing carried out 24 hours before the start of operation "Protea", the most crucial stage of this South African invasion. I/ We observed that, of the 40 buildings lying on either side of the main street - which is also the road linking Lubango to N'Giva and to Namibia - all except four of the structures had been destroyed or seriously damaged by the South African aerial attacks. We inspected the most important of the destroyed buildings and dwellings individually and took a large number of photographs, including some of the hospital and the dispensary, where all the stocks of drugs, dressings and medical instruments were found in indescribable confusion, mixed with the debris of glass, bricks, metal sheeting and wood and the shells of smashed cupboards. Nowhere did we find any evidence that military installations belonging to SWAPO might have been involved, the pretext generally used by South African spokesmen to "justify" the war which the apartheid rigime is carrying on in the southern part of Angolan territory. The intention of the South African Air Force, which used Mirage Fl and Buccaneer aircraft during the bombing of 23 August - a siatilar attack was launched the same day against the municipality of Tchibemba, which lies some 70 kilometres further north on the Lubango road - was not merely to destroy the radar installations and defensive anti-aircraft batteries of the Angolan armed forces, as was claimed by Colonel 0. Holmes of the South African Air FOrce, in command of this war sector, at a press conference held on 28 August in his headquarters. 3/ Apart from the fact that such an operation of destruction mounted against an independent State which has never threatened or used force against South Africa is in itself an unlawful use of force, an act of war against that State, the indiscriminate bombing carried out by the South African Air Force, the results of which we were able to observe, was clearly designed to render the settlement uninhabitable by the Angolan population, to terrorize that population and to eliminate it. As the region of Cahama had already been severely affected before the bombing by South African military operations directed with renewed intensity against Cunene province with renewed intensity since the beginning of the year, part of the population had already abandoned the centre of the settlement. Flor that reason, the number of people killed during the bombardment of 23 August was fives three men, one woman, and one child. / On 31 August, eight aircraft of the Impala type bombed Cahama for a second time, and on 1 September, two aircraft once again dropped bombs on the settlement. Communiqu6s of the Angolan Ministry of Defence, 3 and 7 September 1981. 2/ Windhoek Advertiser, 31 August 1981. I...

-13- The effects of the continued attacks on the lives of the population Although the number of casualties is fortunately fairly low by comparison with the scale of the destruction and the methods used, it was clear to us in October that the terrorizing and destructive effects of this bombardment and the war operations which the South African army is continuing to pursue in the region had made a return to normal life in Cahama impossible. Although our visit to the locality took place more than six weeks after the bombing and in daylight, the centre of Cahama was still completely deserted. Some of the inhabitants had fled into the surrounding bush where living conditions are very difficult owing, among other things, to the drought, while others had taken refuge in the more northerly provinces. At the time of our visit to Cahama, only a few herds of animals were wandering around the deserted buildings. Because of low rainfall and the very arid soil of the province and the region, the ii habitants have always engaged in stock rearing, often associated with a nomadic way of life. The South African army operating in the south of Angola also attacks the livestock, either by seizing the better animals and transporting them into Namibia or by killing the herds or causing them to scatter in-fear. In Cahama, where most of the population similarly lives by stock-rearing, we were able to see the remains of a few herds wandering in search of water and food through that shattered town abandoned by its inhabitants. In Cahama we met Municipal Commissioner Jo&o de Brito, who has been in office since 1976. He described to us the disastrous effects on the life of the settlement of the bombing of 23 August, showed us the napalm bomb holes / and discussed at length with us the devastating consequences in economic, social and health terms for the life of the population of the bombing, the ground fighting in the region and the constant threat of renewed South African attacks. Before the start.of the South African Air Force's campaign of harassment in the Cahama region, the population, mostly herders but including some party officials and civil servants, was able, with the Government's help, to live without international assistance. The greatest problem was that .of water. Work to pipe water into the centre of the settlement was under way, but the Angolan construction men were frightened off by the South African Air Force's attacks and fled to Lubango, leaving the work site abandoned. We saw the conduits which were being built, partially destroyed, in front of the main esplanade. J/ First Lieutenant Gouveia, in charge of security for our mission, referred to the possibility that the South Africans had used a toxic substance during the bombing of Cahama. The soldiers who were present in the region experienced drowsiness after the bombing, and he himself, who had visited Cahama shortly after the event, showed us his hands covered in small brown patches which had appeared, he reported, after his visit. Other people present in Cahama at that time apparently noticed similar abnormal patches on the parts of the skin exposed to the air. I...

-14- Also, even before the major bombing attack of 23 August, there had already been food supply problems, owing to the fact that for several months - six at least - the South African Air Force had been making machine gun or rocket attacks on vehicles moving through the region, thereby hampering the distribution of food supplies. Furthermore, the South African Air Force had destroyed many civilian vehicles and in recent times it was the Angolan armed forces who delivered food supplies to the municioality. The Commissioner also spoke of the traumatic psychological effects on a population made up in part of nomads and herders, of the terror caused by the war operations and principally by the air attacks or the South African army's low altitude reconnaissance flights. In spite of the threats to the security of a settlement like Cahama inherent in the continued presence of South African troops on Angolan territory, the authorities, at the time of our visit, were contemplating rebuilding the main buildings which housed the administrative organization of the community. However, priority was being given, both by the armed forces to whom the population regularly turned, as we saw, for-protection and help, and by the party and Government agencies to reorganizing food supplies for the population scattered across the surrounding plain, sheltering in the bush withered by the drought, and to organizing reception facilities for the refugees who continued to pass through Cahama from regions further to the south. However, how can one fail to question what real prospects there can be for reconstruction and a return to normal life in Cahama while the South African army continues to occupy Namibia and is able to use that position as a base for invading and attacking Angola, almost with impunity? Cahamas virtually a permanent target for the South African army It should be recalled that during the August offensive the South African army tried on several occasions to capture the settlement and that there was very fierce ground fighting in the region. On 15 August, for example even before the beginning of operation "Protea", a South African expeditionary force skirted the town of Xangongo, which was still defended by the Angolan armed forces and took the Lubango road in the direction of Cahama. Along that road, more than 100 kilometres into Angolan territory, it met resistance from Angolan troops and was forced to withdraw after fierce fighting. 7hree Angolan civilians lost their lives in this fighting. I A bigger offensive started on 29 August, considerable South African troop and weapons reinforcements having penetrated into Angola as part of operation OProtea". Fighting continued for several days, at a point some 12 kilometres from Cahama. I/ Communique from the Angolan Ministry of Defence, 17 August 1981.

-15- On 5 September, at the time when the first group of journalists, several of them British, was visiting Cahama and being attacked by the South African Air Force, fighting was still going on approximately 7 to 10 miles from Cahama between South African troops with air support and Anqolan forces. I/ At the beginning of October, the South African army was active in Cunene province and the South African Air Force still had control of the air space of a large part of southern Angola. As a result, reconnaissance flights, machine gun attacks, rocket attacks and various forms of harassment were perpetrated in the Cahama region, as in the rest of the province. lbe attacks on Cahama became more intense after our delegation's visit. Air borne South African troops were landed on 26 October, 2 kilometres from the centre of the town. The landing of these troops, transported by helicopter, was preceded by bombing of the FAPLA positions in the vicinity of Cahama. Heavy fighting took place on 27 October. The Angolan forces apparently shot down two Impala MK 2 aircraft and a Puma helicopter. 2/ Again, on 5 November, six aircraft of the South African Air Force once more launched a rocket attack on the positions of the Angolan armed forces in Cahama, killing one person, wounding two others and destroying three vehicles and 30 tons of lubricating oil. 2/ There are grounds for fearing that these continued armed attacks - carried out on the pretext of destroying SWAPO's home bases - had particularly marked effects on the lives of Angolan inhabitants who had already suffered a great deal, first and foremost those who were struggling to survive in the bush around Cahama with the little livestock that they had been able to save, but also the refugees, for whom the fighting made it impossible to contemplate returning to the region. Once again, the South African military authorities, seeking to disguise the real objective of their action against Angola, claimed that they were attacking SWRPO bases. Although Cahama is, certainly, visibly defended by Angolan troops, during the three days and two nights which we spent in the region we did not see a single SVSPO representative, refugee or combatant in the town, situated 200 kilometres by road from Namibia, or any hint of their possible presence. The British journalists who were there before us had come to the same conclusion and had been particularly indignant in their repudiation of the mendacious arguments put forward by the South African military leaders, who had attempted to justify the bombing of the column of I/ International Herald Tribune, 31 August 1981; The Times, 31 August 1981; Windhoek Observer, 5 September 1981. / International Herald Tribune, 29 October 1981. This fresh offensive coincided with the arrival in Luanda of the representatives of the Contact Group on Namibia. Jornal de Angola, 28 October 1981. I/ Communiqu6 of the Angolan Ministry of Defence, 8 November 1981.

-16- journalists on the cynical pretext that they were aware of the risks that they were taking and that "those who associate with SWAPO must be ready to Buffer the consequences". I/ 2. Civilian hospital run by the Irish nuns of the Medical Missionaries of Mary at Tchiulo On 6 October, the mission went, again at night, to the hospital run by nuns of the Irish order of the Medical Missionaries of Mary, situated at Tchiulo, 70 kilometres south of Cahama. This hospital, which has 200 beds, is run by seven Irish nuns, two of whom are doctors, Dr. Ida Lynch, director of the hospital, and Dr. Vera Fitzgerald. There is a nursing school attached, under the direction of the same nuns, but the school was unable to reopen in September because of the unsafe conditions created by the war. We had earlier heard speak of this mission hospital which continued to function despite the war conditions that prevailed in the province of Cunene. A delegation of the International Commission of Inquiry 2/ which had gone to the Cuamato region and to Xangongo on 1 February 1981 had been informed, while it was Xangongo, that one of the mission vehicles, driven by a nun, had been machine gunned by South African aircraft as it was crossing a bridge over the Cunene river, about 20 kilometres from Xangongo. The two nuns in the car had not been wounded. We had been told specifically that their vehicle bore clearly painted red crosses. The delegation had tried at _/ Statement by a spokesman of the Pretoria Ministry of Defence. Quoted in The Times, 7 September 1981; Le Soir, 6 to 7 September 1981, the refutation by journalist Nick Davis appearing in The Guardian, 8 September 1981. 2 This delegation was composed of eight members of the Commission: Mr. A. Bentoumi (Algeria), former Minister of Justice, former batonnier and a lawyerl Mr. Ramsay Clark (United States of America) , former Attorney-General and a lawyer; Air Force General (Retd.) Sergio Poblete (Chile)I Robert Charvin (France), Orlando de Carvalho (Portugal) , and Paulette Pierson-Mathy (Belgium) , professors of international lawl and Mr. Hans Goran Franck (Sweden) and Mr. Lederer (Federal Republic of Germany) , lawyers. A report on this visit to the province of Cunene was submitted to the second meeting of the Commission in Luanda on 31 January 1981 by Mr. Ramsay Clark. I...

-17- the time to obtain the testimony of these nuns, but telephone communications with the mission could not be established and it had had to give up the attempt. I/ After we arrived in Luanda, in October 1981, we were to learn that Tchiulo, the mission village, had been occupied at the time of the last invasion by South African troops and that the hospital was continuing to function despite the insecurity prevailing in the region. It seemed to us important from the outset to meet these exceptional witnesses. 1he difficulties of the journey The journey by car between Cahama and Tchiulo took place under the same conditions as during the preceding trip, although this time we drove by moonlight which, even though there were heavy clouds, made the danger of a collision less of a threat. A storm, with lightning flashes in the distance, none the less added a dramatic touch to a situation that required constant vigilance on the part of our Angolan guides because of the ever-present threat of possible air attacks by the South African invasion forces operating not far from there or a possible encounter with one of the enemy reconnaisance teams which sometimes operated at night beyond the Cunene river as far as Catequero, a settlement situated four kilometres from Tchiulo, our destination point. ?It was therefore with a sense of relief that we began to distinguish in the distance on that vast, pitch-black plain a huge patch of light piercing the desolate night in that Angolan province where for security reasons no fires nor any light betrayed a human presence. As the nuns were to explain to us, the purpose of the strong illumination was to guide any of the population seeking refuge there towards the exact location of what seemed to us, as we'were approaching it, a haven of peace. This extremely bright light shining out from the extensive hospital buildings also serves to remind the South African aircraft, which often fire on civilian objectives, that this is a forbidden target. An isolated civilian hospital in a province dislocated by the war The delegation was welcomed with open arms by the nuns at the hospital, who were both surprised and happy, given the extremely difficult and precarious I/ The nuns confirmed the authenticity of this incident and gave us some specifics on the place of the attack, 4 kilometres from the bridge. 1hey told us that they could show us a tree which had been severely damaged by projectiles from the South African aircraft as their car passed and confirmed the fact that the car had been painted with several red crosses. After that attack, they added, we painted seven red crosses on our cars. 2/ See the account by Achille Lollo in the Jornal de Angola, 15 October 1981. _/ The Angolan authorities have therefore consented for humanitarian reasons, to allow this conspicuous illumination even though such lighting could benefit the enemy by facilitating their military operations. I. ..

-18- circumstances in which they lived and continued to keep the hospital running, to welcome foreign visitors whose intentions were peaceful, the first foreign visitors, they told us, in more than two months, i.e., since the departure of the South African troops from Tchiulo, visitors who had at last come to shatter their isolation from the outside world. During the few very late night hours that we spent at the mission, Drs. Lynch and Fitzgerald were anxious to have us visit the hospital installations and the wards where they pointed out the most striking cases among the hospitalized Angolan civilians who had been wounded in the bombings and strafingsaby South African aircraft. They wished especially to give testimony on the last South African invasion which had struck the hospital as well and on the serious short- and long- term effects on the lives of the people of the province of this war of attrition which ib not only killing innocent civilians and terrorizing the survivors but disrupting all activity in a province with which the nuns were very familiar, since they had lived and worked there for seven and three years respectively. I/ Harassment of the hospital by.South African troops On 24 August, the very day on which operation "Protea" began, the South African troops already entrenched in the region encircled the hospital with tanks and armoured cars while aircraft flew overhead. Brutally bursting into the wards which housed many civilian victims of the bombings, strafings and other attacks by the South African army, the detachment searched the hospital, ordering the wounded and the sick - men, women and children who were able to walk to leave their beds. They reassembled them at gunpoint in the huge courtyard. The families of the wounded and the population who had taken refuge within the confines of the hospital were also given notice that anyone who tried to escape would be shot. %ben a young 13- or 14-year-old boy ran off without heeding the injunction, the South African soldiers, who numbered about 25 and were led by officers including a Major, did not hesitate to shoot in cold blood and without warning and to kill him on the spot. The boy, the nuns told us, had been mentally retarded. This military operation intended to intimidate the Irish nuns, doctors and nurses and to terrorize the Angolan wounded who were victims of the self-same South African army, was repeated daily from 24 to 30 August in that civilian hospital, the only one of the size still functioning at that time in the province. All the soldiers who took part in that operation were white, and some of them spoke Portuguese. The stated objective of the South African troops was to search for members of SWAPO among the wounded. 7he South Africans harassed the nuns in that regard, / One of the nuns attached to the hospital with whom we also spent some time speaking had lived in Angola for 17 years. I....

-19- insisting repeatedly that they knew that the hospital was "the main SWPO hospital in the region". Challenged by the Major, Dr. Lynch responded courageously and indignantly that members of SMPO had indeed been treated at the hospital as would be, she added, any other person - including the Major himself - who might need treatment, but that at the time the South African troops had arrived the hospital was no longer treating any member of SWAPO. The daily search and encirclement of the hospital by tanks and armoured cars lasted from one to one and one half hours and every ward was inspected. However, the racist soldiers quickly withdrew from the advanced tuberculosis ward. The nuns could not help but laugh in recalling for us the group hysteria over possible contagion that had seized the soldiers of the apartheid r6gime when they entered the room occupied by tubercular Angolans. Eight Angolan soldiers wounded in war were being treated at the hospital at the time the South African troops arrived. The nuns had to intercede with the South African soldiers to convince them not to drag them away by force and make them understand that wounded human beings were involved, and that the fact that wounded and sick soldiers were hospitalized did not affect a civilian hospital's right to respect and protection. The nuns did not, however, succeed in preventing the South African troops from carrying off against their will with them, as they retreated from Tchiulo on 30 August, an Angolan woman from Xangongo and her child who had taken refuge in the mission hospital. Despite the insistence of the nuns and the refusal of the woman, she and her child were abducted by the South African military column. The nuns told us that they had often heard the people report abductions of Angolan civilians by the South African armed forces. Their destination was Naibia. 2_/ A hospital forced to suspend normal medical care because of the influx of war casualties For several months, the hospital has been treating only Angolan civilians wounded by the South African army. The nuns told us that they had been obliged, for lack of the necessary space, staff and time and because of the general insecurity, to stop performing the surgery which they had normally done until then. At the time of our visit, the operation of the hospital was still severely disrupted by-te consequences of thv latest South African invasion still going-on New arrivals were daily added to those already hospitalized as war casualties, some _V Some 200 Namibians, women and children among them, were abducted from Cassinga in May 1978. They are held under inhuman conditions in the Hardap Dam camp located near Mariental, south of Windhoek. A list of 130 names was published ii-980 after a very long silence on the fate of these persons. Cf. the United Nations Bulletin on Namibia, August 1980, No. 2/80, annex III. ..

-20- of them still there after many months. In the surgery ward, for instance, 75 per cent of the patients were victims of the latest invasion. 7he nuns made a point of stressing the fact that this change in the hospital's role from that of hospital centre dispensing normal medical care to the local population to that of civilian hospital treating virtually none but war casualties, had taken place before the last invasion. For two years in fact the. hospital had been regularly taking in Angolan civilians, at the rate of 7 to 8 wounded per week, who were victims of bombings, strafings and attacks carried out by the South African army on Angolan territory. Sometimes the number was much higher, as on 16 January 1981 when the hospital had to take in 37 Angolans wounded in a South African bombing in the region. The Angolan wounded seen by the mission Among the wounded were a number of survivors of the deliberate bombing by two South African aircraft on 17 August of the regular bus between Lubango and Tchiulo. _/ This bus, the nuns told us, had had to discontinue service on that line several months earlier because of the unsafe conditions created by the South African Air Force. It was the first time that it was in service after that long interruption. It was carrying, on the return trip to Lubango, several persons who because of the state of their health had to be treated at the hospital at Lubango rather than at the mission. Barely 500 metres from the civilian hospital, with no military objectives in the vicinity, two South African planes, on 17 August at 1 p.m., dived on the bus. The frightened passengers rushed off the bus and the planes dropped their bombs on them, killing 12 persons and wounding 27. Dr. Lynch witnessed that bombing and she herself with her colleagues helped bring the wounded, all of them Angolans living in the area, to the mission hospital. Dr. Lynch did not hesitate, at the time of the incursions by the South African army on the hospital, to question the South African Major as to the reasons for such an attack against innocent Angolan civilians. The Major's answer was as laconic and cynical as it was dishonest: "If we bombed the bus it was because it was filled with SWIPO members". Among these victims, we met a very young woman who was still hospitalized and who had lost her little three-year old girl who had been killed in her arms during that bombing. Nine months pregnant at the time, the young woman herself had been seriously wounded in the leg and the hip. Dr. Lynch had performed a caesarian! to no avail, for the child was already dead. _V This bombing was reported in the western press, cf. The Guardian of 27 August 1981. I. ..

-21- Apart from the survivors of the bombing' of the bus, most of wounded with whom we spoke had been injured during attempts to flee the areas occupied by the South Africans. The South African army had blown up" the main bridge at Xangongo on the Cunene River and had put the ferry out of service. Angolans trying to flee the combat zones or the areas directly threatened by South African troops crossed the river at a place called Yaya. South Africans often suddenly appear at that spot to machine-gun or fire rockets at those attempting to flee the war zones. So it was, a young 18-year old woman wounded at Yaya told us, that she herself and her family, while trying to cross the Cunen River by car, had been attacked by the SoUth African army even though the car was carrying a white flag in compliance with tte instructions of the South African armed forces. Her eight-year old brother had been killed and she herself wounded. On 30 September one of the victims of the Yaya bombing had reached the mission on foot, announcing that others would be arriving later. Another victim had taken six days to reach the hospital which was about 40 kilometres away. TWo casualties whose condition was quite serious had been brought by the South Africans at the end of August. A 10-year-old child whose home at Xangongo had been bombed by South African aircraft and who was apparently the sole survivor was brought "in three days after the bombings his untreated wounds were very infected. His condition had none the less. improved.theaaks to the treatment given at the hospital. An adult named Alfredo, still appearing very weak, had been brought in by the South Africans. He had been wounded in his own home in Xangongo when the South African army had burst in and machine-gunned its occupants. One person had died and four had been wounded. Alfredo had suffered various bullet wounds and had remained without treatment for several days. Although it was now October and his wounds dated from the end of August, the nuns still considered him to be in serious condition. The commonest wounds among the casualties who kept arriving day and night are bone fractures, and perforations of the abdomen and intestines. Miscarriages are also frequent, brought on by wounds, by the terror tactics of the South African armed forces, and also by the malnutrition from which most of the people are suffering. The nuns stressed that since the invasion very few of the wounded were able to reach-the hospital. Means of transport no longer exist or if they do, it is dangerous to use them. Casualties must get to the hospital as best they can, most often on foot and by keeping of f the main roads. Doctors Lynch and Fitzgerald told us they were convinced that some of the wounded, although their number cannot be reckoned, never reach the hospital and die on route because of their condition and the difficulty they have in obtaining food in the drought-stricken province. ...

-22- The new ailment Certain beds were occupied by victims of what the nuns call the "new ailment", an ailment they have been treating since last year. These were women, men and children who had sustained injuries to the head caused by their having jumped hurriedly from trucks and transport vehicles during overflights or attacks by South African aircraft. Such is the panic among the population that a suspicious noise or even some large birds flying over head can provoke these sometimes fatal falls, the nuns told us. .Doctors Lynch and Fitzgerald described to us, not without feeling, the recent death of the driver of the Lubango-Tchiulo bus who, on 17 August, had managed to escape the South African bombs. A fortnight before our visit, he had come to the hospital to pick up a friend of his, an amputee, whom he was to accompany in the direction of Lubango. Overtaken by South African aircraft along the route, he had hurled himself from the vehicle in which he was riding and had killed himself by fracturing his skull. The nuns as well as the soldiers reported that South African aircraft now attack even by night. Previously, night attacks took place only during periods of moonlight, but since the beginning of 1981 the South African Air Force is likely to operate under any night conditions. The complete disruption of life in the province Doctors Lynch and Fitzgerald made a point of telling us of their extreme concern over the complete disruption of life in the province. This period of disruption ranged from several years to several months depending on the distance from the frontier; and its effects, aggravated by the systematic bombings that had preceded the invasion and the combats that accompanied it, were now making themselves felt more and more profoundly throughout the province. The nuns, who are very attached to the people of the region, confirmed for us what is immediately apparent to any observer: that the people, throughout the province, are the first victims of the repeated attacks by the South African army and of the last invasion. They had abandoned the fields in recent months, had lost their herds and were now in a state of dependency. The doctors feared that there would be a long-term impact on the nutritional condition of the population from this war of terror being pursued by the South African army against a poor country and in a region where living conditions are difficult enough in normal times. The nuns were particularly concerned, at the time of our visit, of the fate of the Angolan population remaining'in N'Giva (formerly Pereira d'Eca), the capital of the province and one of the main objectives of the South African troops. According to a message received by the nuns, the population which had remained in the town from which South African troops had been driven out, although they still occupied the surrounding area, thus cutting off access to the town - had not received food in six weeks and the only remaining supplies were milk and biscuits. No transport could reach N'Giva because it would be bombed. I...*

-23- 7he paralysis of hospital services in Cunene province At a time when the South African attacks, which strike first at the Angolan civilian population, make the functioning of hospital facilities more necessary than ever, these facilities have in large part been paralysed as a result of offensive actions by the South African army. The Order of the Medical Missionaries of Mary, for instance, runs another hospital in the vicinity of Cuamato farther south. I/ This hospital has been out of operation since October 1979 because of South African military activities. The mining of the roads and the bombing of any traffic on the roads in the southern part of the province of Cunene, even when the vehicles are marked with the distinguishing emblem of the Red Cross, have forced the nuns to give up practising there. Only one Angolan nurse, who had been working there for 10 years, was continuing up until the last invasion to provide some assistance to the population. But at the time of our visit, the nuns had just been informed that the hospital had been bombed and the facilities damaged. Furthermore, the church adjoining the mission had been pillaged. Mercenaries, the nuns told us without being able to give more specifics, had apparently entered the church and smashed the windows and statues. Whereas in Cuamato the hospital stopped operating two years ago and its facilities are now destroyed, in N'Giva, the capital, the information available to the nuns indicated that only one rather elderly doctor remained and he treated only war casualties. On the very day of our visit to Tchiulo, unknown to the nuns as well as to our delegation, the capital had just been bombed by the South African Air Force, causing civilian casualties of 21 dead and 11 others wounded. This bombing was part of the new offensive launched by the South African troops to reoccupy the population centres of Xangongo, Mongua and N'Giva, the capital. In the course of the attack against NeGiva on 6 October, the South African Air Pbrce apparently strafed the hospital. The only doctor who was still working there had had to flee in the direction of Cuvelai. 2/ There was also, the nuns explained to us, a little clinic at the Finnish mission at Changalala situated 15 kilometres south of Xangongo, but there too the reign of terror by the South African army in the province had paralysed operations. All the Europeans had left the clinic. _/ This hospital is a subsidiary of the hospital centre of Tchiulo and the same nuns practise there as doctors. V./ The Angolan military authorities confirmed this bombing in a communiqui from the Angolan Ministry of Defence on 16 October 1981. See also the report by Achille Lollo in the Jornal de Angola of 16 October 1981. ...

-24- After the bombing of Mongua and its occupation at the end of August by the South African troops, Dr. Lynch, not having news of the Dutch mission established in that town, set off for Mongua in mid-September once the occupation troops had retreated. Despite the distance of 74 kilometres separating'Tchiulo from Mongua, situated more to the south-east, Dr. Lynch preferred, for reasons of security, to make the trip by bicycle rather than to use one of the cars or ambulances of the mission. Dressed visibly in a white uniform and a white veil, the nun made the trip without being attacked. In Mongua she found a settlement destroyed and abandoned by the majority of its inhabitants. The Dutch mission had remained intact. The South African troops had appeared there, too, demanding that "SWRPO members" be handed over to them, but faced with the denial of the missionaries, the occupiers had not harassed them. At the time of our visit to Tchiulo, Dr. Lynch and her colleagues were unaware, as we were, that Mongua had just been reoccupied by South African troops. It should be recalled that the mission at Tchiulo was also responsible for training Angolan health personnel. The nursing school, however, which had 25 male and female students, had been unable to reopen in September and the seriousness of the situation in October made it impossible to predict when it might reopen. The nuns, aware of the crying need for health personnel, deplored the situation. During our tour of the hospital we learned that, because South African commandos had landed by helicopter in the region, we could no longer, for security reasons, stay at the mission or go farther south in the direction of the Cunene river. Therefore, with some sadness, we left this hospital, taking with us the Angolan army wounded who had been threatened during the first incursion of South African troops and who, being now able to travel, could be transported to safer spots. Knowing the vulnerability of this "island of peace", it was with some regret that we left the other Angolan casualties and the population gathered outside in the immediate vicinity of the hospital buildings, who in their wanderings had come to seek shelter, comfort and protection within its confines. We also felt moved when we took leave of our hosts, those admirable and courageous women who, under conditions of almost complete uncertainty, are continuing to fulfill an irreplaceable role by providing medical assistance to the people of the region. Their determination to remain at their posts despite the risk they are running and the pressure exerted upon them by the South African army testifies beyond a doubt to the striength of their attachment to the people of the region and to their high sense of duty towards a population in distress whom they know to be the first and foremost victims of the criminal policy of the apartheid regime and its army's brutality in war. I...

-25- We left, however, heartened by their message that we could use their testimony to publicize, especially in the West, this war of terror and attrition being pursued by the South African army in Angola. Four days after we had gone to Tchiulo, the South African troops mounted a terror campaign in the vicinity of the hospital. On 10 October, a commando unit of special troops landed by two Alouette III's destroyed two IFA trucks parked 600 metres from the hospital with rocket and machine-gun fire. Although the trucks had already been disabled, the South Africans apparently fired continuously for 22 minutes on the two vehicles. This operation apparently produced the effect feared by the nuns: its aim was "to terrorize the sick" and make them flee the hospital, and cause the word to be spread among the people trying to flee Cunene that the hospital could no longer be considered as a rest stop or a treatment centre along the exodus road. i_/ Despite these provocations, the hospital is none the less still in operation. Two days earlier, the South Africans had bombed the municipality of Nehome and the mission of Kafima where a health station was run by an Angolan Catholic priest, Father Miguel Manico. This attack, which took place during the day, killed eight persons, among them a nine-month old child, and wounded 11. In the course of a second attack on the same day, the aircraft bombed the mission and Father Manico's hut. He was in the midst of repairing the car he used to transport the wounded. He was killed on the spot, leaving the health station with no one to run it. 2C. The Angolan refugee camp at Chiange (Huila) Chiange is a small settlement in Huila province south-west of Lubango in a crop-producing and livestock-farming region where we spent a few hours before going to Lubango. Although the South African Air Force has made several low-level reconnaisance flights there, in particular when it bombed the neighbouring town of Tchibemba at the end of August 1981, the settlement, which is not on a major line of comunication has not been bombed. However, a low-level fly-past removed the roof of -a food store, and the town Commissioner told us that the local people wereterrified every time they heard the sound of an aircraft engine. / Military communiqu6 from the Angolan Ministry of Defense, 16 October 1981. 2/ As reported by Achille lollo in the Jornal de Angola of 16 October 1981. ...

-26- At Chiange, we visited a reception camp for Angolan families displaced as a result of the last invasion. This camp is organized by the Angolan authorities and the Angolan Red Cross. A representative of the ICRC was in Chiange when we were there. The camp has been set up outdoors in a large area covered with thorn bushes a few kilometres from the centre of the settlement. The over-all impression is one of order and great tidiness in spite of the destitution. Families have built shelters which are scattered among the groups of thorn bushes. They have been supplied with blankets, linen and basic kitchen utensils. Most of these shelters were, however, totally inadequate to provide protection against the rain. Although there had as yet been no rain, its arrival was imminent. Tents intended for the people had not yet arrived from Lubango owing to transport difficulties. Those in charge of the camp told us that the situation was satisfactory as far as food and clothing were concerned. Indeed, the people were decently clothed and we saw stocks of food, which were, however, unprotected and could be wiped out by a sudden downpour. Almost all the residents, some 220 people, including many women and young children, came from Qiroca, a settlement in the west of Cunene province and had left en masse on 26 August. Although it is in a region which is often attacked from the air, Curoca was not occupied during the last invasiqn. The evacuation had been decided upon as a precaution because of Curoca's isolated position in a province under siege. Food was soon going to run short, and the situation would have been unbearable since transport was impossible in the surrounding areas. A few days before the invasion, the town Commissioner had been killed by a South African mine. The people in the camp included a number of militants and officials from the Party and the administration along with their families. As such, they felt themselves to be under a direct threat and preferred to leave the settlement before the South African troops arrived, since the latter are often accompanied by elements from UNITA. Several of the people we spoke to had had personal experience of the first South African invasion of 1975-1976 when UNITA was already openly operating alongside South African troops. Then, UNITA had hunted MPLA officials who, once arrested, were tortured for information before being killed, more often than not by knifing. A certain Joab BaptistI, who had lived through these events, gave us a description of UNITA's brutal behaviour. He also confirmed that elements from UNITA still accompanied the South African army when it captured a settlement. They were the ones who terrorized the local inhabitants, pillaged shops belonging to the people and continued to hunt Party and administration officials. He also maintained that, as far as the population of Cunene was concerned, the South African claim that South African troops attacked only SWRPO was simply a grotesque lie. The people knew that even during the colonial war, the South Africans collaborated with the Portuguese army in Angola to repress MPLA. He told us that

-27- South Africans flew the helicopters. The present operations are a continuation of a war which started a long time ago. "The South AfricarSdespise the Angolans, they want to destroy us." It emerged from the accounts of various people with whom we were able to speak that most of those not in the group from Curoca had come to the camp mainly on foot, often in spite of injuries sustained during bombing raids. one such case was Maria Angelina from N'Giva, which she had left with her family on 27 August. After being wounded at Xangongo during a South African bombing raid which killed two people including one child, she had made her way on foot to Tchiulo where she had been put in hospital. As soon as she could walk, she had gone to Chiange in the interests of safety. Young Maria Angelina still bore the scars of her wounds and appeared very disturbed by her experience. Three other young people, one of whom had an arm injury, had come on foot in stages, stopping over at Tchiulo. At night they slept under trees. At Chiange, they felt safe, since they were afraid of being killed by the South Africans. The morale of those in the group from Curoca seemed to us to be high despite the fact that they had had to leave their home and that, among the men, a few who had worked for the municipality of Curoca had no news of their families, one of whom had remained at Tchiulo and the other at NeGiva or Xangongo. The group gave us a warm welcome, asking us to tell people abroad of the tragic circumstances of their province and its population, and appealed to a spirit of international solidaritk to make the South African racists put an end to their continual aggression, whose main victim is the Angolan people, that is poor peasants for tne most part and simple employees and militants, as could be seenivividly from this group. A little to one side, and not taking part in the meeting, were two families of nomads belonging to the Mueumbais tribes who h*4 a1so b m drifm by *he vaer fr from their livestock, which had been decimated by the South African Air Porce. Their reticence and anguish seemed to epitomise the criminal mutilation of the lives of these people, living a little apart from society, crushed by the highly sophisticated war machine used by the racist r4gime to clear the south of Angola of its indigenous population and to transform the province into an operational area and a shooting range. I...

-28- PART 7WOt STATEMNTS AND TESTIONY A. Interviews with Angolan, Namibian and South African Officials While in Luanda before visiting the war zone, the mission met Mr. Henrique de Carvalho Santos, Secretary of the the Central Committee of the MPLA-PT for the Department of Legal Studies, Mr. Sam Nujoma, President of SWRPO of Namibia and Mr. Edouard Dilinka, member of the Executive Committee of the African National Congress. The following are extracts from their statements, highlighting the effects of the aggression on the respective struggles of their people. 1. Angolas Statement by Henricue de Carvalho Santos, Secretary of the Central Committee of the MPLA-PT for the Department of Legal Studies South Africa's aggression is related to the over-all international context and the political and economic situation in our country. The invasion took place at a time when the United Nations was about to discuss the question of Namibia. It hit us at a time when oil and coffee prices have dropped. The enemy is well aware of this, just as it knows that the sale of these products is our main source of foreign exchange. We are, however, better of f than other African countries. Our enemies are surprised at the way we managed to stand up to a military attack of this type without leaving the country in a state of chaos. However, the situation is getting worse owing to the seriousness of the destruction. One entire province, Cunene, has been destroyed. The capital city, the towns and villages are in ruins and the first target is any place housing party organs and mass organizationsi everywhere such buildings hove been systematically destroyed. The province itself has been torn apart. Cahama, for example, is completely destroyed. Other districts have been emptied of most of their inhabitants. Thus, at Curoca, a district on the border between the provinces of Qmnene and Huila, 50 families out of a population of some thousand people fled the town before the advancing South African troops and reassembled at Chiange. It is difficult to recapture and rebuild the province) communications have been cut since the SouthAfricans have once again destroyed the Xangongo bridge over the Qmnene river, which the Soviets had helped us to rebuild. The lines of communication with N'Giva, the capital, pass over the river. With the South Africans continuing to make incursions around Xangongo, we are obliged to cross it at night to bring assistance to people in the area. Currently, the South Africans are not occupying N'Giva but are preventing normal communication. The enemy, contrary to its propaganda has not left Angolas it continues to occupy part of the country. They have decided to clear away everything along the border. They steal livestocks all foreign breeds of livestock have been taken by the South African army. They have used large helicopters for this. They have also ...

-29- taken equipment such as Toyota jeeps. Livestock is stolen each time a South African incursion takes place. Cunene is the major province for cattle breeding. The Angolan Government's appeal for the denunciation of the South African aggressor and for international assistance has achieved good results, which are helping to compensate for our country's suffering. We have received clear and categorical replies from a large number of organizations. This widely expressed solidarity constitutes a major diplomatic victory. Progress has also been made in the search for a solution to the Namibian problem. The price is high but progress has been made. That is the only good to emerge from the whole tragedy. Thus, it was good to see the firm position taken by France before the Contact Group meeting at New York. It was also good to hear the statements from the Belgium and Netherlands Embassies there announcing their Governments' support for our country. We have begun to receive aid from many countries, the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic, and Sweden, which sent a special plane carrying a field hospital and 400 tentsi Portugal and Hungary have also given us material assistance and the Cape Verdian community in our country has collected funds. There are many other gestures of solidarity which could also be mentioned. The Reagan Administration, as the main prop of the racist rigime, is isolated, but its support encourages South Africa to act with a great deal of arrogance. [hus, for the first time, the South Africans have, since the beginning of operation lProtea transmitted pictures of their aggression to Europe. They openly showed the deployment of their military personnel in Angola by showing pictures taken at Xangongo and N'Giva. We picked up these pictures in Angola. As you will be able to see for yourself when you visit Cunene province, there is considerable structural damage. The South African army respects no civilian target. We hope that your account of what you see will help inform public opinion of the true criminal nature of this war, its objectives and the ways in which South Africa is being aided and abetted. 2. Namibia: Interview with Sam Nuioma, President of the South West Africa People's Organization (S~klPO) The situation in Namibia is very tense The occupying forces are following a policy aimed at strengthening the puppets in Namibia. They are also attempting to bribe the population in the north of the country. The puppets have many resources and use gift-giving as a policy. Simultaneously, the occupying rigime is in the process of exterminating the people who sympathize with S~kPO. The country's entire population is relatively small. The rigime's objective is to reduce the number of those who support SWAPO. I...

-30- Martial law is in force. Extermination methods are used in widely differing ways. In the north of the country, they systematically wipe out the population. Mines have been planted in schools, churches have been destroyed and commandos organized as execution parties are murdering individuals, just as the Selous scouts did in Zimbabwe. The parents of the Secretary of the SWAPO Women's Council, Pendukeni Kaulinga, were assassinated in their home by one of these commandos. Nevertheless, reports reaching us from our country through the front are encouraging. There was recently a large rally at Windhoek where the population denounced the aggression against Angola. This meeting was broken up by the police, but the people's morale remains high. The South African invasion against the Angolan people also affects SbhPO. This time, the attack was directed mainly against the population of the Republic of Angola. Naturally, SWRPO is affected by this attack. We have lost many vehicles. Food and medicine reserves have been destroyed. It is difficult to assess the size of the losses. Refugees in transit in southern Angola are affected by the invasion. We are currently regrouping them. We are not yet able to say how many among them are dead or missing. This time, as before, the South Africans abducted members of the population and forced them to follow them into Namibia, pretending that they were refugees who were fleeing. The Reagan Administration openly supports South Africa We are obviously very concerned over the occupation of southern Angola, especially since the Reagan Administration openly supports South Africa under the pretext of combating "communism". The aggression and occupation have been followed by a resumption of the activities of the Western Contact Group, of which the United States is a member. Its members intend to send a delegation to Angola, Namibia and South Africa very soon, although southern Angola is still occupied. The objective of South Africa and the Reagan Administration is to involve UNITA in the negotiations and to weaken SWAPO politically. UNITA equipment and troops are concentrated in northern Namibia. Some forces are already in Angola and are operating with the South African army. American Secretary of State Haig stated early this week that United States foreign policy is in favour of the independence of Namibia. We do not know what he means by that, since the United States recently used its veto in the Security Council to protect South Africa from any condemnation. ..,

-31- The United States wishes to inject the East-West conflict into our independent struggle. 1hey describe SWAPO as communist. It is important to restate the nature of our liberation struggle. It has nothing to do with "communist infiltration in Africa". It is a liberation struggle for independence. However, Reagan is convinced that we are terrorists, communists. Reagan stated in a press conference that American foreign policy would seek to combat communism and terrorism in Namibia and El Salvador. His European allies do not follow his lead on this point. At the emergency special session of, the General Assembly on the question of Namibia, Lord Carrington made a statement on behalf of the Ten which deviates from the American position. The current situation is dangerous The situation of Namibia is different from that of Zimbabwe, where Smith was forced to relinquish his Administration and where the British reassumed their position of colonial Power. South Africa is not the colonial Power in Namibia. It It is an illegal occupier. The United Nations is responsible for governing the country, but it has seen its position undermined. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) called for the organization of elections by the South African Administration, but under United Nations control. It was a compromise which SWAPO risked accepting, even though South Africa was to maintain a military force of some 1,500 men in the territory, as well as its police, which was armed and responsible for ensuring order and security. It is scandalous that the Western countries have not kept their word. Negotiations began in 1977, and the Western proposals-accepted by the United Nations and by our organization were already the result of negotiations with South Africa. The visit of the Contact Group is planned even though the occupation continues. It could serve as a cover for the military operations still being carried out against Angola. We demand that the Security Council's decisions, and particularly resolution 435 (1978) , be applied. We fear that the Americans will help South Africa impose its policy of bantustanization in Namibia. The Western Group is currently hiding its intentions behind the argument of respect for human rights. -SWNPO -ill -support human rights and will protect the minority. We are fighting for the recognition of the rights of our people. This is the nature of our combat. In fact, by wishing to incorporate such measures into our Constitution, the Western countries, under the pretext of respect for human rights, are seeking mainly to protect their investments in South Africa and the other foreign companies operating in Namibia. I. ..

-32- 3. South Africa: Interview with pjwArA Dilinka, member of the Executive Committee of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) To what extent is ANC affected by the South African invasion of the People's Republic of Angola? ANC is not affected directly by the South African invasion, because AiC has no refugee camps in the south of that country. However, the invasion affects us indirectly in so far as Angola is a host country for us, and if the enemy succeeds in destabilizing Angola, it will affect our struggle. If economic problems intensify in Angola, this will also affect our struggle. In more general terms, Angola is an important factor in the political development of southern Africa. Angola has become the symbol of what an independent State can actually be if given a chance to develop. The recent invasion and the negotiations on Namibia's future The reasons for the recent invasion of Angola seem clear. The attack must have been planned by the South Africans and the Reagan Administration. At first, the ,Reagan Administration tried to claim that there had been no invasion and no occupation. It later attempted to justify them. 7hey must at least have discussed the invasion. The Reagan r4gime and the imperialist camp wish to modify Security Council resolution 435 (1978). This objective might have been the factor which led to the invasion. Angola has always had a very strong position on the question of Namibia. The attack is thus being used as a means of swaying the attitude of Angola and SWAPO toward the negotiations. The South Africans and their allies wish to introduce a minority rights protection clause. This is a racist proposal, since it is only when they contemplate Africans in power that they speak in terms of minority protection. ?tbat is intended under this pretext is the protection of the economic rights of the imperialists. One cannot help but notice a similarity to the situation in Zimbabwe before independence, at the time of the Lancaster House Conference. The recent invasion of Angola took place just before the Commonwealth Conference. One recalls that Mozambique and Zambia were also attacked viciously before the Lancaster House Conference so that they would exert pressure on the Patriotic Front and the latter would agree to negotiate. his is what South Africa and its allies are currently doing with Angola. The recent invasion is also linked to the situation in South Africa itself The question of Namibia cannot be detached from that of South Africa itself. I... -33- The invasion and occupation of southern Angola should serve as an example for other countries. 'The message of the invaders is: "If you admit the fighters of the liberation movement into your country, we will occupy it and destroy you". tiis strategy is aimed at creating dissension between the liberation movement and the southern African States. It is important that Africa take an active interest in this situation and even involve itself militarily in order to teach South Africa a lesson. If Africa was involved, this would become an African and not merely an Angolan problem. Angola, a sovereign State, has the right to appeal for the assistance of its friends, but since South Africa is using the East-West conflict to justify its invasion, the African countries should see this problem as one of defence of their own sovereignty. 7he situation in South Africa The racist r6gime is not as well off as it wishes to appear. A r6gime with internal problems often resorts to this tactic, designed to divert attention from real problems. The apartheid r6gime wishes to concentrate the attention of the white minority on the defence of its and Western interests against "communism" in order to distract it from internal problems. Throughout the year, the Government has faced numerous difficulties. On the political level, it has encountered the development of resistance on all fronts not only from the workers and students, but even within the churches. This is an important front, because the leading group in South Africa has always stressed the regime's status as a Christian State. From now on, however, this group will be forced to harass members of the churches. It has even begun to find itself in conflict with the churches regarding the "threat of a communist massacre". This year, the Government invited the population to celebrate the Republic's twentieth birthday. ANC, on the contrary, appealed to the white population to reject that celebration. This was a test, and I think we can say the result was that the population mainly followed ANC. Not only the blacks, but also white students burned the Republican flag and raised the banner of AC. The activities of our armed branch have been significant recently and have reinforced the people's struggle. Our army carried out numerous operations throughout a vast stretch of the territory, including a rocket attack in August 1981 on the racist army's general quarters in Pretoria. The repression has intensified, as attested by the arrests of worker and trade union leaders and other militants in recent months. The overtly fascist attitude of South Africa is also evident in its brutal application of the legislation on forced removals, as in Nyanga, near Cape Town, where the population was pushed back forcibly towards the Transkei. We can state that in general, the intensification of ANC's activities has been felt throughout the country. It is obvious that if ANC had the opportunity and the means to intensify the struggle in our country, SWAPO would be in a better position to negotiate. ... -34- B. Interviews with the representatives of the United Nations relief agencies in Angola The interviews with high-ranking international officials who live in Angola and represent United Nations international assistance organizations in that country dealt essentially with the effects of the continuous aggression of South Africa against Angola and the United Nations Emergency Programme in Angola. The interviews were held on 2 and 3 October before we visited the province of Cunene. They consist of statements made by independent international officials who have lived in the country for several years and are very well acquainted with the concrete situation in Angola caused by the continuous war which South Africa has been waging against that country. We are particularly grateful to Mr, GwMar Asplund, Mr. Almairim Bezzera de Mello and Mr. JosS M. Mondilue. Por*iro for authorizing us to place on record the main points of their statements. 1. UNHCR 1/: Mr. Mendiluce Pereiro Continuous aggression by South Africa Angola is subject to continuous aggression carried out by South Africa. This aggression is either direct or designed to provide cover for the activities of UNITA. In addition to the large-scale invasions, such as the recent invasion of the province of Qunene, South African troops conduct on a continuous basis swift raids against the People's Republic of Angola, either with the direct support of UNITA, or in order to destroy economically vital targets. South Africa's goal is to prevent the resumption of normal economic life in southern Angola and on the central plateau. The military activities undertaken jointly by South Africa and UNITA have driven a large part of the population from the centre and the southern region of the country towards the towns and villages of the province of Huambo and Bie where they feel safer. To the displaced population, which has been estimated at 450,000 persons, one must add the people who, although they have not left their customary surroundings and homes must bear the burden of thousands of displaced persons who have settled in their villages and towns. This has had far-reaching consequences for the food supply, health situation and the infrastructure. It is impossible to measure these consequences accurately. The total number of the population which has been displaced and otherwise affected could be estimated at 800.000 to 900,000 persons. I/ UNHCR only provides assistance to refugees from abroad, not to the displaced Angolan population. Since the majority of the refugees are Namibians, SVAPO, which is recognized by the United Nations as the authentic representative of the Namibian people, is the official partner of UNHCR in Angola. UNHCR conducts supervision and surveillance missions with regard to the use of assistance, but has no permanent representation in the refugee camps. ...

-35- The recent invasion caused a new exodus of the population from the province of oinene. Approximately 130,000 people were forced to flee this province. During the invasion, attacks were also carried out against the SVi&PO refugee camps and particularly affected the civilian population. A large amouht of equipment was destroyed, including equipment donated to SVAPO by the Office of the United Nations High ommissioner for Refugees: for example, ambulances and trucks for the transportation of the population of the refugee camps. These attacks forced the SwAPO refugees to move toward the north and toward safer camps, but it is not known how long they will remain there. 7e brutal and inhuman armed operations of UNITA The present situation is extremely serious from the humanitarian point of view. UNITA carries out armed operations in an extremely brutal and inhuman manner. The political advantage of resorting to such inhuman methods is incomprehensible. Children are massacred by UNITA, which is attempting to create a climate of terror in order to prevent the population from engaging in any normal activity or re-establishing normal living conditions. This goal has been partially achieved because the population of these areas, which represents nearly 1 million people, has been forced to abandon the means of production. This situation has been further aggravated by sabotage operations. UNITA mines roads, bridges, railroads, and even certain airports. This does not require many troops. Blowing up a road or railroad in two or three spots is sufficient. The attacks create a situation of chaos. For example, it is almost impossible to send assistance to certain areas in the centre of the country. Ihis has brought about a critical situation. According to our information, 30 to 40 people die of hunger daily as a result of this policy of terrorism. The February-March harvest was totally inadequate to meet requirements. Since there is only one yearly harvest in this area, the situation is critical. UNITA is better armed, better equipped and better trained each day. Their troops have been able to advance in the country because the aerial control facilities in the province of Cunene were destroyed during the last invasion. It is feared that UNITA will increase its operations in the coming months in the province of Bie. The South African offensive, has served, in particular, to provide UNITA with sophisticated and heavy equipment. The fact that UNITA conducts operations does not mean that it controls any part of the country. With only a small number of troops and a small amount of force they are able to cause panic and terror and paralyse the economic activities of a region. In any event, it is certain that UNITA does not have the support of the population. It is a puppet group. Its sole support comes from those who did not take part in the anti-colonial struggle and from the privileged groups of the former r6gime; furthermore, this support is not for UNITA itself but for the policy of destabilization qonducted jointly by South Africa and UNITA. At pcccnt there is no natural or ethnic base of support for UNITA. UNITA was set up in the Ovimbundu area. Yet, UNITA brutally attacks the civilian population ..

-36- of this ethnic group. Ibis organization has abandoned any efforts to gain the support of the population. They are seeking another way to come to power or to share the power. The goals of this policy of destabilization are: To undermine Angola's unconditional support for SWAPO, To reverse public opinion in Angola and turn it against SWKPO. A deal could thus be proposed to Angola: You put an end to SWNPO's military activities, and we will stop supporting UNITA. 2. UNICEF: Mr. Almirim Bezzera d 3Io Mr. Bezzera de Mfllo who has represented UNICEF in the People's Republic of Angola since 1976, stressed that the South African army had deliberately attacked civilian targets in Angola both during previous acts of aggression and during the current invasion. Cassinga, May 1978 A United Nations mission which included the UNICEF representative had visited the camp before the massacre. It had found that there were mainly children and adolescents living in the camp. The mission had drawn up a list of the camp's needs, particularly with regard to school equipment. The South Africans attacked the camp claiming that it was a military camp and that the aim of their operation was to pursue SWAPO "terrorists" in Angola. This was only a pretext just as the arguments to support previous invasions and acts of aggression had only been pretexts. South Africa attacks Angola because Angola supports the struggle waged by SWAPO and because South Africa does not like the rigime chosen by Angola. A Namibian refugee camp near Lubanqo bombed by the South African Air Force The UNICEF representative had personally visited one of the SWRPO camps located near Lubango. There were only mothers and infants and approximately a thousand children-of school age in the camp. This type of camp is certainly defended militarily, but the population of the camp is civilian. Yet such a camp was bombed by the South Africans. All the camps which the UNICEF mission visited are refugee camps, to which UNICEF has been providing continual assistance for a long time. Some of the camps located near Luanda and in the province of Kwanza Sul were built to protect the population by shifting it away from the border with Namibia and the attacks carried out by the South African army.

-37- The effects of the last invasion on the population of Cunene In early September a United Nations mission arrived in Angola. This mission visited the camp in Chibia, south of Lubango. There the mission found approximately 200 refugees from the vicinity of N'Giva. The refugees, who had been caught offguard by the South African attack, reported that some civilians had been killed when they attempted to cross the Cunene river. After a 10-day journey on foot the refugees arrived in Chibia, which is located 40 to 50 kilometres south of Lubango. Contrary to the statements made by South Africa, the refugees confirmed that N'Giva was still occupied. All of southern Angola is controlled by the South African Air Force. It is impossible to reach N'Giva by motor vehicle. One has to ask the local population which route should be taken. The situation in the centre of the country The situation here is very difficult and unstable. There are times when everything is peaceful and one can move around, and there are other times when there is no safety anywhere. Generally speaking, this is a murderous war which has a profound effect on the population. Those who come out of the bush and seek refuge with the authorities are in an advanced state of exhaustion. UNITA conducts itself in a barbarous manner. If the Party (MPLA) sets up only a store in a village, UNITA takes reprisals on the population and commits barbarous massacres. Many children die. At least 200 children were found abandoned. / The nutritional state of many of them is poor and in general the nutrition of a large part of the population in the central area has been affected by the war. A food programme has been set up for the population and 75 new villages are inhabited by these people. 2/ The aim of South African aggression The aim of the South Africans is to bleed the country, to force Angola to undertake a military effort which would paralyse the development of all other sectors. For example, all the doctors who have graduated from medical school this year in Angola, 35 persons, have been recruited by the army. 3. UNDP: Mr. Gunnar Asplund Angola requests United Nations assistance for displaced persons on 29 July 1981 the Ministry for Social Affairs of the People's Republic of Angola submitted to the United Nations a request for assistance for displaced persons. I/ Most of these children are now living with Angolan families, for the most part in Luanda. 2/ See below the statement made by Mr. Gunnar Asplund. ...

-38- On 8 August the Ango-an Deputy Minister for External Relations, during a meeting with representatives of the organizations of the United Nations and the specialized agencies, requested the representatives of these organizations to bring to the attention of the Secretary-General and, through him, of the officials of UNDP, UNICEF, WHO, FAO, UNESCO and others, the increased acts of hostility carried out by South Africa since June in the border provinces of Cunene and Kuando-Kubango. The massive concentration by South Africa of 40,000 troops supported by the air force and artillery along the border with Namibia and the frequent attacks against development projects and the innocent Angolan population, which is defenceless, has forced the people of the People's Republic of Angola to divert their attention from the task of national reconstruction to fight a war which has been imposed on the country. The Deputy Minister stressed that the present situation, which is characterized I South African occupation of certain parts of Angola, constitutes a danger to international peace. The People's Republic of Angola will do everything possible to protect its sovereignty and seek a negotiated settlement. The Minister emphasized that Angola would continue to assist SWAPO in its struggle for the independence of Namibia and the liberation of its people. Maintaining that the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) is hot just a possible basis but the only basis in sight for settling the question of Namibia, Angola has requested greater efforts and support from the Secretary-General and the organizations of the United Nations family in using their good offices to find an acceptable international solution. This second request was submitted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to the United Nations Secretary-General who decided, on 17 August, to ask the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator (UNDRO) to take the necessary steps. UNDRO sent an interagency miLaion to Angola, led by a former assistant to the Secretary-General. The United Nations exploratory mission visits Angola (30 August to 12 September 1981) This mission stayed in Angola from 30 August to 12 September. It was composed of representatives of the following organizations and agencies: World Food Programme (WFP), World Health Organization (WHO), International Labour Organisation (ILO), UNDRO and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The arrival of the mission in fact coincided with the South African invasion of the province of Cunene. The Angolan authorities thus singled out the group of some 130,000 persons directly affected by that latest invasion, and immediate aid was planned for them. ...

-39- isit of the reception camp at Chibia (Province of Hula) The mission visited Lubango and Quibia situated some 40 kilometres from the :apitil of Huila. It set about studying individual cases among those who had come o the reception centre. The mission in which Mr. Gunnar Asplund participated interviewed about 300 eople in one of the reception centres and ascertained that they had received ;othing, food and cooking utensils which the mission identified as having been rovided by United Nations organizations. The reception centre was well organized :o take in those coming from the war zones. A report has been made on the ituation. I/ Istimating the needs in Angola The exploratory mission by the agencies and institutions of the United Nations 'amily estimated that, in order to meet the needs of the displaced or affected ?opulation in the centre of the country, aid amounting to $16 million would have to )e furnished to Angola for a period of 12 months. a/ Taking into account, however, the new emergency situation created by the :ecent invasion of southern Angola, a short-term aid programme of six months :overing the period from October 1981 to March 1982 requires additional resources istimated at $12 million. These two aid allocations are in addition to multilateral and bilateral programmes currently in progress in Angola, reckoned at ibout $8 million. In order to cover all facets of the current conditions of distress, including the effects of the drought, aid must cover a broad range of sectors: food, agricultural tools andequipment, cooking utensils, clothing, seed, construction uterials, transport vehicles and drugs. 3/ Aid supplies earmarked for southern Angola and transported by boat will be shipped to the port of Mogamedes and from there sent by train to Lubango, the operational headquarters for the south. Supplies shipped by air will be sent ] / Situation report No. 5, 25 September 1981. . With regard to the causes of displacement, the reports of the United Nations mission refer to persons affected by the drought. In their statements, 10wever, the resident representatives of the United Nations bodies told us of their Donviction that the drought was only a partial cause of the displacement. Most of those displaced became so for reasons linked to the activities of the UNITA armed bands which are terrorizing the population. This assessment was confirmed for us by the Angolan authorities. Y Situation report No. 4, 15 September 1981. I...

-40- directly to Lubango. / Supplies intended for the displaced and affected populqtion in the centre of the country will be sent to the port of Lobito and from there overland to Huambo and Bie. A transport expert will be sent to Angola. UNDRO was assigned the principal responsibility for implementing this emergency programme. The Angolan Government is the aid co-ordinator, and the role of the United Nations agencies is to assist it. The Government is putting the aid allocated to it to good use. We know of nocase of diverted aid. The Angolan Government had set up, before the latest invasion, a displaced persons aid commission presided over by the Minister of Provincial Co- ordination, but it is now the Minister of Finance who has taken over the direction of this commission. An encouraging international response The Secretary-General launched an appeal to all potential donors to give urgent and sympathetic attention to the humanitarian needs arising from this situation and asked all organizations within the United Nations system to review their programmes so as to put greater stress if possible on the situation in southern Angola. In the course of a meeting of representatives of permanent missions, agencies of the United Nations system and intergovernmental and non-govermental organizations, which was held in Luanda from 24 to 25 September 1981, a series of contributions were pledged by the following Governments: Australia, Bulgaria, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom also financed the emergency transport provided by British non- governmental organizations. The representatives of Canada, Denmark, France, the Federal Republic of Germany and Spain also announced their Governments' intention to make contributions, as did the Church of Denmark, Caritas of the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German Red Cross. In response to an appeal by the League of Red Cross Societies, the national societies of Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland and Sweden also announced contributions. The general total of assistance pledged amounted to $4,113,465. The co-ordinators of this programme said, at the beginning of October that they were satisfied with the responses from governments and were in a position to announce new pledges and contributions by the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany and by the national Red Cross Societies of the Federal Republic of Germany and Sweden. In addition, Caritas Italiana, Secours Catholique of France, Paix et D4veloppement of Canada and Catholic Fund for Overseas Development (CAFOD) of Great Britain were also among the donors. 2/ L/ Situation report No. 5, 25 September 1981. ?_ Situation report No. 6, 1 October 1981. ...

-41- The supervision of local distribution of this over-all aid in the affected regions has been assigned to Mr. Gunnar Apslund in his capacity as representative of UNDRO in Angola, with the Angolan Government continuing to act as aid co- ordinator. C. Conclusions Results of the mission The meetings which the mission held with leaders of the MPLA-PT, SWIPO and ANC, its contacts with representatives of governmental international assistance organizations in the People's Republic of Angola, the visit made by the mission to the province of Huila, which was directly affected by South African aggression and its stay in the war zone that the province of Cunene has become, enabled the mission to draw the following conclusions, which confirm and complete those of the first mission sent into the People's Republic of Angola in August 1980 and those of the second session of the Commission held in Luanda from 31 January to 2 February 1981. Outline of the facts The invasion of the province of Cunene by the South African army as part of operation "Protea* which was begun on 23 August 1981 on an unprecedented scale and with military means never before used, was still going on on 8 October at the time the aissi6n left that province. Contrary to the repeated assertions of the highest South African military officials, therefore, the South African army was continuing Its campaign of destruction in that province and there were no. indications of the likelihood of a troop withdrawal or a cessation of the air reconnaissance operations and attacks carried out by the South African Air Force. This invasion, on a larger scale in its use of troops and military power than the war waged from October 1975 to March 1976 by South Africa against Angola, and as such the largest conventional operation ever waged in southern Africa, had been long in the making. All the testimony gathered by the mission confirmed that for several months systematic bombings and strafings of all the means of transport within the province had taken place almost daily, as had the laying of mines along the communication and supply routes, the dynamiting of roads and bridges, and the concentration of troops at the frontier between Namibia and Angola. As of mid-July, South African ground troops were already operating in the province of Cunene and had occupied several population centres from which they launched attacks on the communication routes under cover of the South African Air Force which at that point controlled the air space of the province. I. ..

-42- Thus, the. visit by our mission at the beginning of October took place at a time when South African ground troops, supported by the air force, had already been operating uninterruptedly deep in that province for close t6 three months. Operation "Protea" was merely an escalation of an invasion that had been going on since mid-July 1981 and was still continuing at the end of 1981. The mission assembled incontrovertible proof that this South African invasion involves a daily system of air attacks and ground operations that are terrorizing the population and destroying the economy and infrastructure of the province. The mission noted that the main target is the land and people of Angola. The South African military operations are concentrated on the Angolan population and A civilian objectives (administrative buildings, small shops, civilian means of transport, schools, peasant huts, fields and herds) and the operations are. carried out without regard for the lives of the population and their means of subsistence. The effect of such a war policy is to bring about the forced displacement of most of the population, uprooted from their homes and occupations, and to provoke the collapse of the economy and the disruption of governmental and administrative services. It has resulted in establishing an area of total insecurity and uncertainty in an enormous part of the province of Cunene where the South African. army is operating. The mission, one of whose memoers had taken part in a previous mission of inquiry in Cunene In January 1981, noted that the situation in the province, had become much worse because of South Africa's deliberate policy of terror and destruction in Angola. This added a new and dangerous dimension to the virtually permanent aggression against the country by South Africa. As far as the mission is concerned, the situation prevailing in the province. of Cunene is without a doubt a dramatic, flagrant and criminal example 'of open warfare, albeit undeclared, being waged by the Republic of South Africa against an independent and sovereign State, the People's Republic of Angola. The mission therefore condemns the mendacity of the South African Government when it claims that, in invading the territory of Angola, it does not wish to attack Angolan objectives and instead justifies its invasion with the excuse that it is pursuing SWAPO combatants on Angolan territory and engaging in Opreventive destructionO of the bases of this liberation movement. The objective of such a war involves the question of Namibia and the very future of the apartheid rdgime. The escalation of the invasion is intended to bring about the political and economic destabilization of the People's Republic of Angola by compelling it to make an ever-greater war effort, at the expense of its development, and to invite military intervention by its allies in order to defend its national territory. The escalation of aggression is also intended to create among the people a mood of discontent, which, combined with the above-mentioned factors would force Angola to discontinue its unswerving support for Security Council decisions concerning the future of Namibia and to sever its bonds of solidarity with SHIO.

The transformation of the Cunene province into a vast no man's land or ree-fire zone where the apartheid r~gime would install UNITA in certain districts, kfter ridding the province of most of its inhabitants, and the use of the invasion to supply to UNITA (operating in the pay of the apartheid rdgime) heavy and 3ophisticated armaments with which to step up its acts of destruction and terror are also (in this period of diplomatic manoeuvring on the question of the future of iamibia encouraged by the Reagan Administrati6n) the immediate objectives of this terrorist occupation by South Africa of part of the territory of the People's Republic of Angola. The international legal context The mission notes that South Africa's new invasion of the People's Republic of mngola is part of a settled policy of aggression and destabilization pursued by the apartheid rdgime against the front-line States. In the case of Angola, this policy of hostility and aggression began even before the country attained independence. Thus, the first major South African invasion of the People's Republic of Angola, carried out between October 1975 and March 1976 with the support of the CIA and the Ford Administration, was intended to prevent IFLA from coming to power and to install FNLA and UNITA in Luanda. no sooner had its troops left Angolan territory (end of March 1976) than South Africa resumed hostilities against Angola. Because of the recurrent nature and the extent of these acts of aggression, the Security Council has on five occasions condemnedi *the racist r6gime of South Africa for its premeditated, persistent and sustained armed invasions of the People's Republic of Angola, which constitute a flagrant.violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country as well as a serious threat to international peace and security" (resolutions 387 (1976), 428 (1978), 447 (1979), 454 (1979) and 475 (1980)). The Security Council has also reaffirmed *the inherent and lawful right of every State, in the exercise of its sovereignty, to request assistance from any other State or group of States". Because of opposition from three Western States members of the Security Council, none of these Council resolutions called for sanctions against the aggressor State. Thus encouraqed, South Africa not only has failed to compensate Angola, but, on the contrary, has stepped up its aggression; Such being the case, the mission is particularly alarmed at the fact that the latest South African invasion was not even condemned by the Security Council. Despite the escalation in aggression which that invasion represents, the Reagan Mmtinistration did not hesitate to display open complicity with the apartheid rdgime by vetoing condemnation by the Security Council of what constitutes a breach of the peace, an act of aggression and a crime against peace. ...

-44- The mission notes that, according to the Definition of Aggression adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations (resolution 3314 (XXIX)) , "no consideration of whatever nature, whether political, economic, military or otherwise, may serve as a justification for aggression". Thus, South Africa and its allies have absolutely no grounds for invoking either the assistance given by Angola to SWAPO (for such assistance is legitimate) or the presence of missile bases or Cuban troops in Angola (for this country is a sovereign State which organizes its defence as it sees fit), in an attempt to justify South Africa's invasion of Angola or the refusal to condemn the invasion and take necessary steps to end it. Furthermore, South Africa, whose frontiers are thousands of miles from Angola, has never been the victim of armed attack or armed provocation on the part of the People's Republic of Angola or its allies. The mission therefore takes the view that the persistent attitude of support by the Reagan Administration for the aggressor rigime, which is continuing its military occupation of part of Angolan territory and is deliberately proceeding with its armed attacks in that territory, is against the law and directly encourages South Africa in its escalation. The mission wishes to recall that aggression is a crime against international peace and gives rise to international responsibility. The mission is particularly concerned at evidence that the South African armed forces are constantly and flagrantly using methods of war which constitute blatant violations of the rules and customs derived from the laws of war. The South African armed forces are completely disregarding the fundamental rule that the choice of meand of combat is not unlimited. Specifically, there should not be repeated attacks on civilians in totally civilian environments. The destruction and annihilation of civilian installations, towns and villages (actions totally uncalled for from the military standpoint), the ill-treatment, and the harassment of humanitarian services, as in the case of the hospital at the Tchiulo mission, represent deliberate attempts to cause needless suffering. They reflect a policy of terrorism that is clearly unlawful. In the opinion of the mission, the extent and persistence of these methods make them not only war crimes (i.e., atrocities or offences against persons or property in violation of the rules and customs of war) , but also crimes against mankind (murder and other inhuman acts perpetrated on the civilian population) committed by the South African "occupation" forces. These acts involve not only the responsibility of South Africa, a State which is violating international law, but also the responsibility of the individual perpetrators. In this connexion, the mission recalls that *crimes against international law are committed by individuals not by abstract entities". The mission also denounces as incompatible with the Reagan Administration's international obligations, the policy of open support for UNITA, which, in alliance with the racist army of South Africa since its first war against Angola, is today considered to be a back-up force for that army in the same way as other mercenary forces that are maintained and used by South Africa for its attacks against Angola in an attempt to disguise this international conflict as a civil war. /.00

-45- D. Recommendations The mission welcomes the condemnation by the other Western States, particularly the "Ten", of South Africa's invasion; it also welcomes the granting of humanitarian assistance to the People's Republic of Angola as a way of helping the people who have been displaced by the war. However, in the light of this ongoing situation of calculated aggression, deliberate terrorism and persistent violation of international law, a situation created by South Africa in Angola, the mission believes that it is indispensable for the "TenO, which still maintain close economic links with South Africa, and particularly those of them which have a diplomatic role in the settlement of the maibian problem, (i.e., the States of the Contact Group) , to adopt a firmer political attitude towards the aggressor r6gime. To that end, these States must resolutely commit themselves to the strategy of international sanctions supported by the majority of States Members of the United Nations, by the non-aligned countries, by OAU and by a growing and representative cross-section of public opinion in those very States, as the only means of mpelling the apartheid rigime to renounce the policy of warfare - fatal to the peoples of southern Africa and dangerous to world peace - to which South Africa, which flouts all the norms of international law and morality, is increasingly comitted, camouflaging its crimes under the slogan of the anti- communist and anti-terrorist campaign. To that end, the mission urges those States and all those which are maintaining economic and financial links with the apartheid rdgime: To condemn, in no uncertain terms, the continuation of South Africa's invasion of Angola as an act of aggression and an international crime against peace; To condemn unequivocally as war crimes the methods of war used by South Africa in Angolas To denounce the South African army's constant use, for purposes of aggression, of the international Territory of Namibia, to demand, with respect to that international Territory, prompt compliance by South Africa with the Security Council decisions relating to the organization of free elections under, the supervision of the United Nations; To adopt, as a matter of urgency and in order to isolate South Africa, which is guilty of aggression in Angola and is threatening the other front-line States, international sanctions against the apartheid regime, including an oil embargo, the only way to'bake it impossible for its army to continue its criminal war against the peoples of Namibia and Angolal To increase their political and material support for Angola and for the front-line States most threatened by South Africa's acts of aggression. /...

After so many years of "tolerance* shown by the estern States towards the apartheid r~gime, which has been in power since 1948, years which have meant for the peoples of southern Africa sufferih, pOverty* death, humiliation and torture unoer the domination, occupation 'and acts of aggression on the part of the racist rdgime, the mission considers that it is legally unacceptable and morally reprehensible to continue remaining "neutrar or passive with regard to a r4gime which is committing the crime of apartheid, 'shamelessly violating the recognized rights of the Namibian people and repeatedly attacking the front-line States, thus creating in southern Africa a war situation that poses a threat to world peace.. I. ..

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