Bridging Times and Spaces Papers in Ancient Near Eastern, Mediterranean and Armenian Studies Honouring Gregory E

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Bridging Times and Spaces Papers in Ancient Near Eastern, Mediterranean and Armenian Studies Honouring Gregory E. Areshian on the occasion of his sixty-fifth birthday

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Pavel S. AvetisyanOpen Yervand H. Grekyan

Archaeopress

Archaeopress Archaeology

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ISBN 978 1 78491 699 2 ISBN 978 1 78491 700 5 (e-Pdf) © Archaeopress and the authors 2017

Front cover illustration: Altar, ca. 1500-1400 BCE, KarashambAccess Cemetery, Armenia.

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Gregory E. Areshian

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Foreword �� iii Pavel S. Avetisyan and Yervand H. Grekyan

Of Pathways Taken and Not Taken: between Archaeology, History, and Interdisciplinarity �� iv An Interview with Gregory E. Areshian Conducted by Levon H. Abrahamian and Emily Uyeda Kantrim

Menhirs of Harzhis ��1 Hayk Avetisyan, Artak Gnuni, Arsen Bobokhyan and Henrik Danielyan

The Kurgans of Gegharot: A Preliminary Report on the Results of the 2013-14 Excavations of Project ArAGATS ��11 Ruben S. Badalyan and Adam T. Smith

Capacity Marks on Depata from Troy ��29 Arsen Bobokhyan

Iconology in the Light of Archaeological Reason ��49 Giorgio Buccellati Access

Doctrinal Union or Agreement to Disagree? Armenians and Syrians at the Synod of Manazkert (726 CE) ��61 S. Peter Cowe

A Note on the ‘Great King of Armenia’ ��Open 85 Touraj Daryaee

The Study of East Asian Art History in Europe: Some Observations on Its Early Stages ��89 Lothar Von Falkenhausen

The Settlement Size and Population Estimation of the Urartian Cities ��103 Yervand H. Grekyan

Achaemenids and the Southern Caucasus ��133 Michael Herles Archaeopress Quarlini – Teišebaini – Kavakert – Karmir Blur ��155 Simon Hmayakyan, Mariam Melkonyan and Armine Zohrabyan

Wine in Libation Ritual ��163 Suren Hobosyan

Two Types of Nominal Compounds in Archaic Indo-European Anatolian Names and Words in the Old Assyrian Documents from Asia Minor (XX-XVIII c. BC) ��175 Vyacheslav V. Ivanov

New Insight into the Agglomerated Houses/Agglomerated cells in Armenia: Arteni, Aragats Massif ��183 Irena Kalantaryan, Bérengère Perello and Christine Chataigner

Political Economy of Carthage: The Carthaginian Constitution as Reconstructed through Archaeology, Historical Texts, and Epigraphy ��201 Brett Kaufman

i © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Excavations of the Cave Settlement of Ani ��215 Hamazasp Khachatryan

The Emergence of Burial Mound Ritual in the Caucasus, the 5th-4th Millennia BC (Common Aspects of the Problem) ��231 Sergei N. Korenevskiy

A Note on Hittite Toponymy: the Case of Pittiyariga ��249 Aram Kosyan

Fortified Kura Arax Settlements in North-Western Iran ��253 Ernst Stephan Kroll

From Aramus to Sevaberd, on the Gegham Mountain Route ��263 Walter Kuntner, Sandra Heinsch-Kuntner and Hayk Avetisyan

Royal Capital: Gagik I Bagratuni and the Church of Gagkašēn ��285 Christina Maranci

Notes on Anatolian Loanwords in Armenian ��293 Hrach Martirosyan

Main Results of the Excavations at the Fortress of Getap in 2009-2014 ��Access 307 Husik Melkonyan, Inesa Karapetyan and Hasmik Margaryan

‘Proto-Iliad’ in the Context of Indo-European Mythology ��321 Armen Petrosyan Open

The Sale and Lease of Vineyards in Media Atropatene ��327 Daniel T. Potts

Greek and Anatolian Parallels of Palatalization ��335 Jaan Puhvel

Notes on the Representation of the Face of Cyrus the Great ��339 David Stronach

Probable Reasons for theArchaeopress Occurrence of Comparable Abstract and Figurative Designs in the Art Inventories of Different Ancient Cultures Since Prehistory ��349 Jak Yakar

The Early Bronze Age Shrine of Mets Sepasar ��369 Larisa Yeganyan

The Agriculture of Western Syunik, Armenia in the Light of Archaeological and Archaeobotanical Data (Preliminary Study on the Economy of Early Yervandid Settlements) ��385 Mkrtich H. Zardaryan and Roman Hovsepyan

ii © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Notes on the Representation of the Face of Cyrus the Great

David Stronach University of California, Berkeley

Abstract: Exactly how Cyrus the Great (559-530 BC) would have wished to represent his face in any formal context towards the end of his nearly thirty-year reign still remains a not fully resolved issue. Since Darius I (522-486 BC), the near successor of Cyrus, is known to have represented himself with a long beard, and since Darius also went to some lengths to try to portray his succession to the Persian throne as a more or less seamless process, there would seem to be a distinct possibility that Darius’ Assyrian-related, full length beard was actually inspired by a similar form of beard that had previously been introduced by Cyrus. On the other hand, Cyrus appears to have had a particular interest, especially near the time of his conquest of Babylon in 539 BC, in presenting himself as the king of the storied highland Iranian city of Anshan in order to stress -- in terms that would have been readily familiar to a Mesopotamian audience – his ‘right to rule’ over the time-honored cities of Mesopotamia. In this context, Cyrus may well have insisted on adhering to a short ‘Anshanite beard’ (presumably not unlike the short royal beard that had long been favored by the neighboring kings of Elam) – and it could have been left to his eventual successor, Darius I, to introduce the elegant, long-bearded ‘Achaemenid royal visage’ that then prevailed down to the last days of Achaemenid Persian rule in 330 BC. Keywords: Cyrus, Pasargadae, Babylon, Assurbanipal, Darius, Bisitun.

For centuries, or rather for millennia, there has been cuneiform script in ca. 519 BC),4 it is important to note no certainty as to how Cyrus the Great (559-530 BC) that the inscription,Access which reads would have wished to represent his face, even at the I, Cyrus, the King, an Achaemenid (viz. erected this height of his authority.1 The absence of any hard and building), fast evidence on this score has encouraged various was never intended to identify the singular winged commentators to conclude that the largely intact bas- genius that once stood beneath it. relief of a four-winged, anthropomorphic guardian Open genius that occurs on a doorjamb at Gate R (Pl. 1a) – the Indeed, as Carl Nylander has indicated, the rules of impressive gateway to Pasargadae, the capital of Cyrus symmetry in Achaemenid art would have dictated – could have been intended to represent the founder of that this same inscription was originally carved in the first Persian empire.2 eight separate locations within Gate R, in eight further locations in Palace S, and in at least two locations in Although aspects of the face of the four-winged genius Palace P.5 The only labeled representations of Cyrus at at Pasargadae (Pl. 1b) can be said to preserve details of Pasargadae (which are now known to have been carved importance (including elements of a Persian, not an early in the reign of Darius at a date near 510 BC)6 are Assyrian, physiognomy), Herzfeld was careful to point also of no help. While each labeled, principal figure in out, a little over a century ago, that the apotropaic the ‘mirror image’ doorway reliefs of Palace P originally genius in question (Pl. 2) lacksArchaeopress many of the customary bore third person inscriptions that read ‘Cyrus, the attributes of Achaemenid kingship including a long Great King, an Achaemenid’, the best preserved of these beard, a scepter or a bow, a lotus held in one hand, a truncated royal images is preserved to no more than royal tiara, and a standard form of pleated Persian waist height (Figure 1). robe. In addition, in keeping with the appearance of late Assyrian anthropomorphic protective beings All in all, therefore, it would seem to be necessary to (Pl. 3), the tall, carved bas-relief at Gate R is equipped explore as widely as possible in order to try to discover with wings, a strictly superhuman attribute.3 Also, at the nature of the ‘official face’ that Cyrus might have whatever precise date Darius chose to place a copy of wished to introduce within say, the last decade of his the trilingual CMa inscription on the same doorjamb reign. In this context it may be advisable, in fact, to turn as the already completed four-winged genius (Pl. 4), to evidence from (a) the Cyrus Cylinder; (b) from the (i.e. at some date after the invention of the Old Persian Assyrian-related sculptures at Pasargadae as a whole; and (c) from, the rock-cut relief of Darius I (522-486 BC) at Bisitun. 1 It is a great pleasure to be able to offer the present paper to Gregory Areshian, a friend and colleague of longstanding with whom I share many separate interests in the archaeology of the ancient Near East. 2 See, e.g., Shahbazi 1970: 19, 55, 256. 4 See, e.g., Stronach 1990. 3 Cf. Herzfeld’s remarks in Sarre and Herzfeld 1910: 159. Note also 5 Nylander 1967: 156. Cf. also Stronach 1978: 102, n. 123. Stronach 1978: 47-55; 2010: 6-9. 6 See Stronach 1978: 100.

339 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Bridging Times and Spaces

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Figure 1. Pasargadae. The extant remains of one of four matching doorway reliefs found at Palace P. The small-scale cuneiform inscriptions of ca. 510 BC that identify the dominant personage in the composition as ‘Cyrus, the Great King, an Achaemenid’ are not illustrated in the present drawing. (After Stronach 1978: Figure 47.)

Evidence from the Cyrus Cylinder Imgur-Enlil.8 As Cyrus’ partly first person account in Archaeopress the Cylinder relates, ‘I saw within it [i.e. within the Given the contrast that exists between the reputation fabric of the wall] an inscription of Assurbanipal, a king of the Assyrians for harshness and cruelty and that of who preceded me.’9 As Finkel has noted, it must have Cyrus for an unusual degree of generosity, it is quite been a moment of some gratification for Cyrus to be remarkable to note the extent to which Cyrus was able to demonstrate that, while he was a Persian from influenced by precedents that reflect the imagery beyond the eastern borders of Babylonia, ‘he knew of Assyria. But as Kawami first suggested more than how to behave like a Babylonian in matters of religion, forty years ago, Cyrus’ interest in borrowing from administration and tradition in general.’10 the Assyrian sculptural canon was almost certainly connected with his wish to be recognized as ‘the heir to More than this, however, it is worth stressing that Cyrus 7 Assyrian power.’ would appear to have gone out of his way to mention the discovery of an earlier foundation cylinder that was In the text of the Cyrus Cylinder, a document that was not connected to a prior ruler of Babylonian ancestry, drawn up soon after Cyrus took possession of Babylon but one that was owed to Assurbanipal (668-630 BC) – a in 539 BC, we learn, not least, of measures that Cyrus previous builder at Babylon who was of global stature took to renovate the inner wall of Babylon, known as

8 Line 38. Cf. Finkel 2013: 7. 9 Line 43. Cf. Finkel 2013: 7. 7 Kawami 1972: 148. 10 Finkel 2013: 11.

340 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. David Stronach: Notes on the Representation of the Face of Cyrus the Great and not, of course, of Babylonian origin. Indeed, it the cultural diversity of the lands from which they is tempting to think that this specific reference to originated. Thus, even if there are no known Assyrian- Assurbanipal stands in line with one of Cyrus’ hitherto related artifacts from within the bounds of present-day little-examined aspirations: namely a desire to have the Fars that would appear to pre-date the beginning of scale of his rule – and that of his royal line – directly the reign of Cyrus the Great, an engraved bronze bowl compared to that of Assurbanipal’s once unexcelled from a princely tomb near Arjan illustrates not a few global reach. details of local dress and local wine drinking equipment that would appear to affirm the presence of strong Assyrian-related sculptures at Pasargadae influences from Assyria in the broad vicinity of Fars at a date close to 600 BC.13 With reference to Cyrus’ innovative building program at Pasargadae, which most probably began a little after 547 In other words, the Assyrian-related protective doorway BC (i.e. following his capture of Sardis and hardly more figures that are now known to have been introduced than sixty-five years after the fall of Nineveh in 612 BC), at Pasargadae during the 540s and 530s would Cyrus took a critical decision to follow the lead of the probably not have been totally unfamiliar to the local Assyrians in placing bas-reliefs on the stone doorjambs population, let alone to others of Cyrus’ subjects from of certain of his main buildings. In keeping with this more westerly locations. And while this is not the place decision, the models for many of Cyrus’ sculptures were for a comprehensive review of this intriguing corpus apparently taken from the vivid but recently orphaned of borrowed Assyrian imagery, it is only appropriate corpus of late Assyrian protective imagery. Further, the to stress the high quality of the copies of the various models in question can be seen to have been drawn images that were selected for public display. from intact doorway reliefs that were presumably still visible in the last two major Assyrian capitals, i.e. from Visitors to Pasargadae, who had to pass through the either Dur-Sharrukin (modern Khorsabad) – the capital aforementionedAccess gatehouse, would have been initially of Sargon II (722-705 BC) – or from Nineveh, the city aware of a huge pair of bull colossi that faced outwards which Assurbanipal himself refers to, in one of his and, shortly thereafter, they would have encountered inscriptions, as the seat of his ‘lordship’. a second pair of most probably human-headed bull colossi that faced in the opposite direction, looking It may be appropriate at this point to cite a key part of towardsOpen the two inner palaces, Palace S and Palace the latter inscription, which makes prominent mention P. 14 The inspiration for such towering stone guardians of an earlier Persian ruler, and which would appear to undoubtedly came from Assyria; and, in at least one have been composed not long after Assurbanipal’s sack case that may be mentioned here, the protective powers of Susa, the capital of Elam, in 646 BC. As Assurbanipal of a human-headed bull colossus that stood guard at relates: one of the gates of the citadel of Sargon II at Khorsabad can be seen to have been further fortified by the nearby ‘Cyrus, the king of Parsumash, heard about my presence of an anthropomorphic winged genius.15 victory. He became aware of the might that I wielded with the aid of In the absence of the four bull colossi that originally Assur, Bel, and Nabu, guarded Gate R, each of which is likely to have been the great gods my lords,Archaeopress with which I leveled the dismantled in or near the 11th century AD,16 the earliest whole of Elam like a Assyrian-related reliefs that survive at Pasargadae flood. He sent Arukku, his eldest son, with his (apart from the four-winged genius itself) would appear tribute to Nineveh, the to be those that still stand – in a far from complete city of my lordship, to pay homage to me. He condition – in the northwest and southeast doorways implored my lordship.’11 of Palace S.17 As the drawing in Figure 2 indicates, the paired supernatural beings that are shown in What should also be underscored, especially in the the northwest doorway of Palace S consist of the present context, is that Arukku’s obligatory sojourn fragmentary remains of a lulal or ‘smiting god’ followed at Nineveh was far from unusual. Just as numerous by an ugallu or ‘lion-demon’. This was, in fact, a popular princes from Elam were obliged to reside as ‘guests’ at pairing in late Assyrian art in general,18 quite apart Nineveh, not a few members of the royal house of Persia from the fact that this pairing was also represented in very possibly found themselves in a like situation. And, one of the doorways of the Palace of Sennacherib at as Matt Waters has indicated, such episodes of ‘royal children and their entourages living at the Assyrian 13 Cf. Majidzadeh 1992: Figure 1. court’12 could eventually have had visible effects on 14 Herzfeld 1929-30: 5. Cf. also Stronach 1978: 44, n. 7. 15 See, conveniently, Lloyd 1978: Plate 145. 16 Stronach 2010: 9. 11 See, e.g., Waters 2014: 35. 17 Cf. Stronach 1978: 68-70; 1997: 44-45. 12 Waters 2014: 36. 18 Black and Green 1992: 165-166.

341 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Bridging Times and Spaces

Figure 2. Pasargadae. The remains of the Assyrian-related supernatural beings that appear on the best-preserved jamb of the northwest doorway of Palace S. (After Stronach 1978:Access Figure 34.)

Nineveh (Figure 3)19 as well as in one of the doorways of the North Palace of Assurbanipal at Nineveh.20 Open

With respect to the images that are found on the jambs of the southeast doorway of Palace S, the evidence that survives points to the pairing of an apkallu (a fish- cloaked genius) and a bull-man or kusharikku (Figure 4). The combination of these two eye-catching apotropaic beings would appear to have been relatively rare in Assyria itself, but it is nevertheless known to have occurred in at least one relevant context. In a letter that Hormuzd Rassam wrote to Henry Rawlinson on January 19, 1854, he reports finding a doorway relief in Assurbanipal’s North PalaceArchaeopress at Nineveh with just such a pairing of supernatural beings.21

With reference to the testimony of the finely executed Assyrian-related reliefs at Pasargadae, it is evident, in short, that Cyrus had a considerable regard for what he took to be intimations of far-reaching legitimate rule that could be found in the more pacific elements of Assurbanipal’s sculptural program. The question still Figure 3. Nineveh. Divine guardians from the palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. (After Barnett et al. 1998: 91-92 and is, of course, how this relates to the manner in which pl. 266. Cf. also Stronach 1997: Figure 19.) Cyrus chose to represent his face, either with a short beard (in keeping with that of the four-winged genius of Gate R) or with a long beard (in keeping with one markedly durable Assyrian tradition). The Face of Darius the Great at Bisitun

As Michael Roaf was the first to point out, the head 19 Barnett et al. 1998: 91-92. of Darius I as it is depicted in the latter’s relief at 20 Barnett 1976: Plate 4. Bisitun (Figure 5a) and the head of Assurbanipal as 21 Barnett 1976: 42.

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Figure 4. Pasargadae. The remains of the Assyrian-related supernatural beings that appear on the best-preserved jamb of the southeast doorway of Palace S. (AfterOpen Stronach 1978: Figure 35.)

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Figures 5 a-d: (a) the face of Darius at Bisitun; (b) a depiction of the face of Assurbanipal at Nineveh; (c) a mirror image of the face of Assurbanipal; and (d) the faces of Darius and Assurbanipal superimposed. (After Roaf 1989: Figures 10 and 11; and Roaf forthcoming).

it is depicted in reliefs from Nineveh (Figure 5b) are In other words, there are differences in the crowns of markedly similar.22 Thus, if we take the mirror image the two kings, in their earrings and in the way that of the aforementioned head of Assurbanipal (Figure 5c) their hair is arranged on the backs of their necks, but in and superimpose this version of Assurbanipal’s head on all other respects ‘the similarity is striking.’23 that of Darius (Figure 5d), the two match almost exactly.

22 Roaf 1989: 35. 23 Roaf forthcoming.

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Plate 1a. Pasargadae. Gate R seen from the northwest in 1961. The doorjamb with the relief of the four-winged genius stands at the mid-point of the structure’s long northeast wall. (Photo: D. Stronach.)

None of these statements is in dispute. What still needs to be closely examined, however, is the date at which this particular type of Assyrian-related Persian royal Archaeopress visage was introduced. Although Darius could well be the author of this specific image, it would also seem possible that it reflects Cyrus’ still earlier search for a suitable Assyrian-related facial image that could have been used to express his new-found pre-eminence from 539 BC onwards. In other words, in Darius’ search for ‘seamless continuities’ between Cyrus’ reign and his own subsequent reign, it is not by any means impossible that Darius’ representation of himself in his victory relief at Bisitun adhered as closely as possible to an Plate 1b. Pasargadae. The face of the winged genius at Gate already widely known, Assyrian-related ‘Persian royal R as it appeared in 1971. Despite the worn condition of the visage’ that had been introduced a few years earlier by relief, the photograph still captures details of not only the Cyrus. At the same time, however, such a conclusion short beard, but also other parts of the face as a whole. (After does not seem to take account of every aspect of the Stronach 1978: pl. 46b.) available evidence.

In particular, a close examination of the face of Darius in the Bisitun relief (Pl. 5a) seems to reveal a very

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OpenPlate 3. Khorsabad. A winged genius with a long square- tipped beard from the palace of Sargon II. (After Stronach 1978: pl. 188.)

Plate 2. Pasargadae. Drawing of the four-winged anthropomorphic guardian genius that stands in Gate R. (After Stronach 1978: Figure 25.) originally shared a preference for short royal beards, while the Assyrian preferred long royal beards, is but one of many reminders of the different ways in which Persian, Elamite and Assyrian predilections must have conceivable, sudden change of plan. In as much as the interacted with each other in southwestern Iran for a lower part of the long beard of Darius would appear significant part of the first half of the first millennium to have been carved on a Archaeopressrectangular stone inset, it is BC.24 In addition, the present enquiry serves to remind possible to argue that Cyrus originally favored a short us of the extent to which age-old memories of ‘the city beard; that this was the type of beard that was initially of Anshan’ probably still remained a graphic concept in copied at Bisitun; and that Darius only elected at the the minds of many of the inhabitants of southwestern last possible moment to favor a full-length beard. Iran long after this once substantial location offered no more than a pale reflection of its former renown.25 The challenges inherent in making the final, detailed changes to Darius’ complex relief at Bisitun were no doubt considerable -- and it must have been a matter 24 For illustrations of the short royal Elamite beard of mid-seventh century date, see. e.g., Barnett and Forman 1960: Plates 118-127; also of some relief to Darius’ sculptors that their intricate Roaf 1990: lower illustration on p. 190 and Root 2011: Figure 7. adjustments could be completed, not directly at ground 25 This account may perhaps neglect to stress the full extent to which level but at a distant remove, far above the course of the nothing more significant than the presence of certain floors in the rock could have dictated the various secondary procedures that main east-west trunk road as it wound its way through were introduced by Darius’ well-trained sculptors. On the other the Zagros mountains. hand, it cannot be denied that the characteristics of the royal visage that eventually took shape in Darius’ earliest rock relief (Plate 5a) definitely paved the way for a very interesting--and no doubt As to the implications of the foregoing observations, intentional-- degree of ambiguity between the divine facial features several further points of may be mentioned. In the first of Ahuramazda and the facial features of the king, the crown prince, place, the possibility that the Persians and the Elamites and the ‘royal hero’ in the fully evolved conventions of Achaemenid art.

Access Plate 5a. Bisitun. The head of Darius I, carved in approximately 520 BC. Note especially the well-defined rectangular inset on which the whole lower part of Darius’ square-tipped full-length beard was displayed. (After Open Stronach 1978: pl. 189c.)

Barnett, R. D., Bleibtreu, E. and Turner, G. 1998. Sculptures from the Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. London, British Museum Press. Black, J. and Green A. 1992. Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia. London, British Museum Press. Finkel, I. (ed.), 2013. The Cyrus Cylinder: The King of Persia’s Proclamation from Ancient Babylon, London, I.B. Tauris. Archaeopress Herzfeld, E. 1929-30. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen von Pasargadae, 1928, Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 1: 4–16. Kawami, T. S. 1972. A Possible Source for the Sculptures Plate 4. Pasargadae. Sir Robert Ker Porter’s drawing of the of the Audience Hall, Pasargadae. Iran 10: 146–148. four-winged guardian genius, drawn in 1818 when the last Lloyd, S. 1978. The Archaeology of Mesopotamia. London, of Gate R’s original eight CMa inscriptions still remained in Thames and Hudson. situ. (After Porter 1821: pl. 13.) Majidzadeh, Y. 1992. The Arjan Bowl. Iran 30: 131–144. Nylander, C. 1967. Who Wrote the Inscriptions at Bibliography Pasargadae? Orientalia Suecana 16: 135–180. Porter, R. K. 1821. Travels in Georgia, Persia, Armenia, Barnett, R. D. 1976. Sculptures from the North Palace of Ancient Babylonia, etc. etc. during the years 1817, 1818, Ashurbanipal at Nineveh (668-627 BC). London, British 1819 and 1820. London, Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Museum Publications for the Trustees of the British and Brown. Museum. Roaf, M. 1989. The Art of the Achaemenians. In R. W. Barnett, R.D. and Forman, W. 1960. Assyrian Palace Reliefs, Ferrier (ed.), The Arts of Persia: 26–47. New Haven and London. London, Yale University Press.

Roaf, M. 1990. Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East. Oxford, Facts on File. Roaf, M. forthcoming. Achaemenid Art and its Mesopotamian Forerunners. In The Second International Congress of Young Archaeologists. Tehran. Root, M. C. 2011. Elam in the Imperial Imagination: From Nineveh to Persepolis. In J. Álvarez-Mon and M. B. Garrison (eds), Elam and Persia: 419-474. Winona Lake, Indiana, Eisenbrauns. Sarre, F. and Herzfeld, E. 1910. Iranische Felsreliefs. Berlin, E. Wasmuth a.-g. Shahbazi, A.S. 1970. Cyrus the Great, Founder of the Persian Empire. Shiraz, University of Shiraz Publication, No. 19. Stronach, D. 1978. Pasargadae: A Report on the Excavations Conducted by the British Institute of Persian Studies from 1961 to 1963. Oxford, Clarendon Press. Stronach, D. 1990. On the Genesis of the Old Persian Cuneiform Script. In F. Vallet (ed.), Contribution à la histoire de l’Iran: Mélanges offerts à Jean Perrot: 195-204. Paris, Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations. Stronach, D. 1997. Anshan and Parsa: Early Achaemenid History, Art and Architecture on the Iranian Plateau. In J. Curtis (ed.),Access Mesopotamia and Iran in the Persian Period: Conquest and Imperialism 539-331 BC: 35–53. London, British Museum Press. Stronach, D. 2010. Solomon at Pasargadae: Some New Perspectives. Bulletin of the Asia Institute 24: 1–14. Waters,Open M. 2014. Ancient Persia: A Concise History of Plate 5b. Bisitun. Darius I, portrayed near the mid-point of the Achaemenid Empire, 550-330 BCE. Cambridge, his Bisitun relief. In this view it is possible to detect not only the stone inset that was apparently used to depict the whole Cambridge University Press. lower part of Darius’ beard, but a number of further stone insets that were used in this same part of the relief in order to complete the depiction of the bow held by Darius and the depiction of a further royal bow held by one of Darius’ two attendants. (After Stronach 1978: pl. 190b.)

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